To Antonino Forte CONTENTS Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... IX Introduction ....................................................................................................................... XI Abbreviations .................................................................................................................... XXII CHAPTER ONE: State of Field Joerg PLASSEN: Huayan Studies in the West: Some Remarks Focusing on Works Concerning the Early History of the Tradition ................................................................................ KIMURA Kiyotaka: Huayan/Kegon Studies in Japan ................................................................................... Bibliography of Japanese Studies on Huayan Buddhism in the Past Ten Years .......... ZHU Qingzhi: Brief Introduction to the Past 25 Years of Huayan Studies in Mainland China ........... CHOE Yeonshik: Huayan Studies in Korea .............................................................................................. 1 19 24 47 69 CHAPTER TWO: The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra ŌTAKE Susumu: On the Origin and Early Development of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra ....................... 87 Jan NATTIER: Indian Antecedents of Huayan Thought: New Light from Chinese Sources ................ 109 Imre HAMAR: The History of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra: Shorter and Larger Texts ....................... 139 CONTENTS VIII CHAPTER THREE: Huayan in China ARAMAKI Noritoshi: The Huayan Tradition in Its Earliest Period ................................................................. WEI Daoru: A Fundamental Feature of the Huayan Philosophy ...................................................... Imre HAMAR: A Huayan Paradigm for the Classification of Mahāyāna Teachings: The Origin and Meaning of Faxingzong and Faxiangzong ............................................................ KIMURA Kiyotaka: Huayan and Chan ......................................................................................................... Jana BENICKÁ: (Huayan-like) Notions of Inseparability (or Unity) of Essence and its Function (or Principle and Phenomena) in some Commentaries on “Five Positions” of Chan Master Dongshan Liangjie .............................................................................. HUANG Yi-hsun: Huayan Thought in Yanshou’s Guanxin Xuanshu: Six Characteristics and Ten Profound Gates ...................................................................................................... 169 189 195 221 221 241 CHAPTER FOUR: Hwaŏm/Kegon in Korea and Japan Joerg PLASSEN: Some Remarks on the Authorship of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo ........................................... Charles MULLER: Wŏnhyo’s Reliance on Huiyuan in his Exposition of the Two Hindrances .................. Bernard FAURE: Kegon and Dragons: A Mythological Approach to Huayan Doctrine .......................... Frédéric GIRARD: Some aspects of the Kegon Doctrines at the Beginning of the Kamakura Period ........ ISHII Kōsei: Kegon Philosophy and Nationalism in Modern Japan .................................................. 261 281 297 309 325 CHAPTER FIVE: Huayan/Hwaŏm/Kegon Art Dorothy WONG: The Huayan/Kegon/Hwaŏm Paintings in East Asia ..................................................... 337 Contributors ........................................................................................................................ 385 Index ................................................................................................................................... 387 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This volume grew out of the Huayan conference hosted by Eötvös Loránd University (Budapest) in May 2004. We would like to express our gratitude to the main supporter of the conference and the book, the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation, and the following organizations that also provided funds: Tōdaiji, Komatsu Chikō Foundation (Budapest), Taipei Representative Office (Budapest), the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Sun Microsystems Kft. Those scholars whose papers are not included in this book, or who served as discussants, contributed to the improvement of the original papers presented at the conference: Robert M. Gimello, John McRae, Antonino Forte, KOBAYASHI Enshō, Imre Galambos. We would like to thank them for their invaluable comments and their participation in the inspiring discussion. I would like to thank my colleagues YAMAJI Masanori, Huba Bartos, Szonja Buslig, Gergely Salát, Mariann Varga and Csaba Oláh for providing assistance in organizing the conference and manuscript preparation. Last but not least, I would like to thank Erzsébet Tóth for her hard work as technical editor of this book. INTRODUCTION 武 法藏 The third patriarch of the Huayan tradition, Fazang (643–712), is said to have built a Mirror Hall for Empress Wu (r. 684–705) as a pedagogical device to illustrate the cardinal tenets of Huayan philosophy, the mutual interdependence and mutual interpenetration. According to later descriptions eight mirrors were placed in the four cardinal directions and four secondary directions, and one on the top, and one on the bottom. In the middle of the ten mirrors facing to one another, a Buddha statue was installed, along with a lamp or a candle to illuminate it. This setting produced an infinite number of Buddha reflections in the mirrors. When I visited the Huayan monastery on Zhongnanshan in the outskirt of Xi’an a few years ago, I was disappointed to see that the temple which collapsed sometime during the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) consists of only a small building, and only the abbot with his disciple live there. However, the recounstructed stūpas of Huayan patriarchs, Du Shun (557–640) and Chengguan (738–839), can be seen in the yard of the monastery, preserving some glories of the past. The enthusiastic abbot showed me his reconstruction of Mirror Hall, a small building housing ten metal plates (as substitutes for mirrors) and a Buddha image in the center. Lighting up the the candle, infinite Buddha images became reflected on the metal plates. In this volume Huayan Buddhism is in the center, and the articles arranged around this topic reflect it from different aspects providing various perspectives for the viewers to discern it, hence the title Reflecting Mirrors: Perspectives on Huayan Buddhism. The reader can get an insight into the development of Huayan Buddhism from the compilation of its base text, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra through the establishment of Huayan tradition as a special form of East Asian Buddhism to its visual representations. The book consists of five chapters: 1. State of Field 2. The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra 3. Huayan in China 4. Hwaŏm/Kegon in Korea and Japan and 5. Huayan/Hwaŏm/Kegon Art. The first chapter gives a summary of the main results of research in the field of Huayan Buddhism in the West, Japan and China. Although the first publication on Huayan in the West, Garma C. C. Chang’s book titled The Buddhist Teaching of Totality (1971) is rather unreliable, several studies have appeared which shed light on various aspects of Huayan Buddhism. Joerg Plassen in his article shows the main trends of the research focusing on the early history of the tradition. Robert Gimello’s 杜順 澄觀 XIII INTRODUCTION unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Chih-yen (1976) has remained the best study on the early history of Huayan and the religious and philosophical background of the formation of Huayan. Francis D. Cook and LIU Ming-wood contributed to our knowledge of the thought of Fazang who is said to have systematized Huayan philosophy. Fazang’s historical role in Tang society is clarified by the works of Antonino Forte and Chen Jinhua. Peter Gregory’s book, Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism (1991) is certainly a milestone in Huayan studies in the West. It provides a very deatiled survey on the Huayan system of classification of teachings (panjiao), Huayan practice based on the cosmological implication of Dasheng qixin lun, and Huayan’s relationship to other Chinese philosophies. Recently, Imre Hamar has published several works related to Chengguan’s life and philosophy, to whom Zongmi is greatly indebted. Scientific investigation of Huayan Buddhism started very early in the last quarter of 19th century in Japan, thus a huge amount of Huayan studies have been accumulated. It is no wonder that Western scholars primarly look for Japanese secondary sources, once they decide to explore one aspect of Huayan Buddhism. Given the great number of related articles and books on this topic, KIMURA Kiyotaka had to confine himself to introducing the major publications of some excellent scholars from different periods. First, he discusses the works of YUSUGI Ryōei, KAMETANI Seikei, SUZUKI Sōchū, TAKAMINE Ryōshū, KAMEKAWA Kyōshin who lived between the last quarter of 19th century and the first half of twentieth century. After 1950’s Huayan research enters upon a new phase with such eminent scholars like SAKAMOTO Yukio, ISHII Kyōdō, KAMATA Shigeo and KIMURA Kiyotaka. Finally, he mentions scholars of next generation who worked under his guidance, including ITŌ Zuiei, NAKAMURA Kaoru, YOSHIZU Yoshihide and ISHII Kōsei. All these works Kimura listed in his article became the classics of Huayan studies, which are now indispensable handbooks for studies of any kind in this field. Kimura’s article is supplemented by an appendix of the bibliography of Japanese articles on Huayan Buddhism in the past fifteen years. The abundance of publications clearly shows that the Japanese intensive interest in this form of Buddhism has not weakened. Even though Japanese publications are quite numerous, the most important results are well-known, as they receive wide scholarly attention by referring to them. However, we know much less about Huayan studies in China, as they are seldom quoted in Western publications. ZHU Qingzhi’s article, no doubt, fills in this gap by introducing studies of China in the past 25 years. Given the economic reforms in late 1970’s, along with economy religious studies became very prosperous in Mainland China. However, up to the beginning of 1990’s scholars of older generation, like REN Jiyu or FANG Litian focused on writing general histories of Chinese philosophy and Buddhism, and Huayan could be only a chapter of these comprehensive books. With the arrival of new generation of scholars specialized works started to appear. WEI Daoru wrote a comprehensive history of Huayan Buddhism in China which discusses the compilation of Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, the works of Huayan masters, and the impact of Huayan Buddhism on other schools and the literati. ZHU briefly introduces the works, mainly articles, of recent scholarship on various aspects of Huayan INTRODUCTION XIII Buddhism, i.e. Huayan theory, philosophy of Huayan masters, Huayan influence on other Buddhist schools, Neo-Confucianism and literature. Zhu also mentiones a few Ph.D. dissertations written on Huayan Buddhism. CHOE Yeonshik introduces the main trends of Huayan studies in Korea. His article is also a very important contribution to this volume, as even Huayan scholars do not use Korean secondary sources unless they are Koreanists, thus the results of Korean research are not well-known. Although the Hwaŏm school as an independent school has not survived in Korea, it has become an important part of not only the monastic education but the Korean intellectual tradition, too. When the modern investigation of Huayan Buddhism began in the 60s, scholars tended to apply foreign methods in research, and focused on the philosophical writings of patriarchs instead of studying the Huayan jing and its commentaries. The Korean research on Huayan Buddhism can be divided into two parts: 1. study on the theoretical system of the Chinese Huayan tradition 2. study on the Korean Hwaŏm tradition. Choe lists the main publications related to these two areas. As it is widely known, the Huayan tradition of East Asian Buddhism received its name from the Chinese translation of Mahāvaipulya Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, Dafangguang fo huayan jing . This is one of the most voluminous Mahāyāna sūtra, Thomas Cleary’s English translation covers more than 1500 pages. This sūtra, which is thought to be preached right after Buddha’s experience of enlightenment under the bodhi tree, is regarded as the highest teaching according to the classification of teachings by the Huayan tradition. Being the literary product of the relatively unknown Mahāyāna movement, this work is of uncertain provenance. As the original Sanskrit manuscripts of two Chinese translations are said to have been brought from Khotan, some scholars suspect that this sūtra was compiled here or somewhere in Central Asia. In Chapter Two, which includes three articles on this huge Mahāyāna sūtra, ŌTAKE Susumu in his article titled On the Origin and Early Development of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra puts forward that Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra was actually known in India, thus he seems to argue for the Indian origin. He shows that Sanskrit equivalent for the Chinese term “Huayan” is not “Gaṇḍavyūha,” as long surmised, but “Avataṃsaka”. He provides a very clear explanation of the term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” which is the key element in the title of this Mahāyāna sūtra. According to the Sarvāstivāda tradition Buddhāvataṃsaka is a miracle that only Buddha can perform. In this miracle a large number of Buddhas seated on lotus blossom become manifested, and each of these Buddhas in turn manifest a large number of Buddhas seated on lotus blossoms. This multiplicity of Buddhas reach as far as the Akaniṣṭha heaven. Ōtake succeeded in finding some passages describing this kind of miracle in the Bhadraśrī, a chapter of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. In his article, he also demonstrates that the title Buddhāvataṃsaka was used before the compilation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. He finds four sūtras bearing this title and regards them as the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group. He adds three other sūtras to this group, because he finds some similarities among these works. The most important is that all these seven sūtras were preached at the meeting held 大方廣佛華嚴經 XIVI INTRODUCTION in the Hall of Brightness, which is not a historical but a mythical place. The author suggests that this original Buddhāvataṃsaka group played an important role in the formation of large Buddhāvataṃsaka, as most of them were incorporated into this huge sūtra. Nonetheless, he calls attention to the fact that even though this group formed the nucleus of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, this is not necessarily its oldest strata. All these works refer to the ten stages, thus the Daśabhūmika-sūtra must have predated them. Jan Nattier in her article titled New Light on the Early History of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra: Evidence from Chinese Sources also looks for the origin of this Mahāyāna sūtra and finds some texts that could be called the “Proto-Buddhāvataṃsaka.” First, she shows very convincingly that the oldest text in the Chinese translation of the Buddhāvataṃsaka texts, Dousha jing , produced by Lokakṣema in the latter part of the second century CE, can be matched with two other translations, the Zhu pusa qiu fo benye jing and the Pusa shizhu xingdao pin . Consequently, these tree texts used to be one text translated by Lokakṣema, but during its transmission they became separated and were given different titles. The usage of terminology and the style of the translation substantiate this claim. Next, she finds that this reconstructed text is very similar to the Pusa benye jing , translated by Zhi Qian in the early to mid-third century, thus this must be a different recension of the same text. She regards this text, that we have two recensions of, a possible candidate for the title “Proto-Buddhāvataṃsaka,” or, at least, a scripture whose content resembled that of the “ProtoBuddhāvataṃsaka.” The larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra seems to be an expansion of this “original” sūtra by inserting other materials into the text without changing the sequence of the teachings. In addition, Nattier studies the content of this early sūtra, carefully comparing the two recensions and the related “pieces” in the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, in order to shed some light on the possible authors of the text and their practices. She points out that the bodhisattva, whose practice is depicted in this sūtra, is a male belonging to the wealthy and privileged class. A bodhisattva must wish the well-being of all living beings during his every-day activitiy, even while entering his harem. The sūtra does not reject but incorporates the non-Mahāyāna practices, nontheless it emphasizes the Mahāyāna teachings, the attaiment of Buddhahood through ten stages. This scripture, like the larger Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra, is a highly visual text. The bodhisattvas are told to see the Buddhas in meditation, and the new revelations are transmitted through bodhisattvas emerging from samādhi. After discussing the origin of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra by Jan Nattier and ŌTAKE Susumu, Imre Hamar’s article titled The History of the Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra: Shorter and Larger Texts gives a survey of the texts related to this scripture. If Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra is mentioned, usually one has three texts in mind: Buddhabhadra’s first Chinese translation titled Dafangguang fo huayan jing in 420, Śikṣānanda’s second Chinese translation under the same title in 699, and the Tibetan translation titled Sangs-rgyas phal-po-che zhes bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa 支婁迦識 菩薩十住行道品 菩薩本業經 經 兜沙經 諸菩薩求佛本業經 支謙 大方廣佛華嚴 XV INTRODUCTION chen-po’i mdo by Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi, and Ye-shes-sde in the first quarter on 9th century. We are tempted to call these texts the “complete” Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra, however the comparative study of these texts reveals that they are different in many aspects. The number and sometimes the titles of the chapters are at variance, moreover in the Tibetan text we find two chapters that are missing from both Chinese texts, and there is one chapter which is missing from the earlier Chinese translation made by Buddhabhadra but the the other Chinese version and the Tibetan text include it. Thus it seems to be more appropriate to say that today we have three recensions of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, which could be called the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtras. Although the Sanskrit text has not survived, we have some knowledge of its existence through the report of Chinese Huayan exegets. Zhiyan recorded the title of the chapters of the Sanskrit manuscript he had seen. This could be called the fourth recension. Before and after the appearance of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra chapters were translated as freestanding works, and many of them are preserved in the Buddhist Canon. Hamar’s article ends with a comparative chart which relates the chapters of the four recension of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra to the extant freestanding translations. There are many Mahāyāna sūtras, but only few of them became very prominent in forming the characterics of East Asian Buddhism. The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra is undoubtedly one of them. It would be interesting to study the reason why this scripture was so influential. Is it due to the fact that it is said to be preached right after Buddha’s enlightenment depicting the ultimate truth, or its emphasis on the bodhisattva path, or its highly visual and imaginative nature? This way or that way, it gave rise to a special East Asian form of Buddhism which is called Huayan in Chinese, Hwaŏm in Korean, and Kegon in Japanese. It would be an exaggeration to regard it a “school” as it had no institutional background, thus “tradition” or “lineage” seem to be more appropriate terms. This lineage is usually described by five patriarchs: Du Shun (557–640), Zhiyan (602–668), Fazang (643–712), Chengguan (738–839), and Zongmi (780–841). In addition to Zhiyan, Fazang and Chengguan, the lay hermit of Wutaishan Li Tongxuan (635?–730) and Fazang’s heretic disciple Huiyuan (673–743) wrote commentaries to the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. These exegetical works became the main sources of understanding this huge scripture in East Asia. Chapter Three discusses some aspects of Chinese Huayan Buddhism. ARAMAKI Noritoshi in his article titled The Huayan Tradition in Its Earliest Period has attempted to reconstruct the beginning of Huayan tradition before the so-called first patriarch right after Buddhabhadra’s translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Buddhabhadra is said to teach meditation to Xuangao (402–444), a monk who later played important role in the Buddhist development of Northern Wei Dynasty (386–534), but finally fell prey to the anti-Buddhist movement. Aramaki suspects that Buddhabhadra took his translation of Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra with him to the North, and transmitted it to Xuangao, along with the huayan samādhi. Xuangao established a religious community with Daorong , who is regarded as the first 澄觀 杜順 智嚴 宗密 慧苑 法藏 李通玄 玄高 道融 XVII INTRODUCTION transmitter of the bodhisattva śīla sūtra, the Fanwang jing 梵網經, at the Binglingsi 炳靈寺 cave. Aramaki calls attention to the parallel development of the Vairocana Buddha images accompanied by the “one thousand Buddha images” and Huayan Buddhism. In terms of Huayan philosophy, Du Shun’s important contribution was the paradigmatic change of the concepts form/emptiness for phenomenon/principle. Zhiyan wan an innovative thinker who advocated several key Huayan tenets, like the dharmadhātu dependent arising, nature-origination, classification of teachings, etc. Fazang was the person who formulated the system of Huayan philosophy, while Chengguan and Zongmi tried first to bring closer and later to harmonize this Buddhist philosophy with other Buddhist schools and Chinese thought. WEI Daoru in his article titled A Fundemental Feature of the Huayan Philosophy, discusses one very important Huayan concept called perfect interfusion (yuanrong ). Huayan masters tried to understand the world with the help of this concept, and this was the goal that a practitioner is supposed to attain through Buddhist practice. Wei explains this concept from the perspectives of 1. substance and function as well as of essence and phenomena, 2. non-duality of the opposite sides in entity, 3. mutual inclusiveness and penetration of things or phenomena, 4. general relationship among things and phenomena, 5. practice. Perfect interfusion of nature (xing ) and characteristics (xiang ) also played an important role in establishing two important terms, faxiangzong and faxingzong . Imre Hamar in his article titled A Huayan Paradigm for the Classification of Mahāyāna teachings: The Origin and Meaning of Faxiangzong and Faxingzong challenges the widespread view that faxingzong refers to the Huayan tradition. Fazang criticized Xuanzang’s (600–664) Yogācāra by using the pejorative term, faxiangzong implying that this school only investigates the characteristics of the dharmas. However, the invention and frequent application of the term faxingzong must be attributed to Chengguan. He is the first to use this term for Madhyamaka in the classification of Buddhist teaching that Dīvākara is said to relate to Fazang. The term xing, as Fazang used, can be connected with both Madhyamaka and Tathāgatagarbha philosophies, as it can denote the emptiness of self-nature or the Buddha-nature. Chengguan seems to elaborate this meaning in his explanation of ten differences between faxiangzong and faxingzong. Under the rubric of faxiangzong he propounds the tenets of Yogācāra, while faxingzong includes not only the Madhyamaka teachings but also the Tathāgatagarbha ones. One of the most important difference is that faxiangzong claims that the Absolute is immovable, thus it does not have anything to do with the phenomenal world, while according to the faxingzong the outer world evolves out of the Absolute mind. In examining the scriptures that are quoted to substantiate these stances we find that some scriptures belong to both faxiangzong and faxingzong. Thus we can conclude that this pattern is used as a transscriptural hermeneutical device for classifying various Buddhist teachings. In addition, faxingzong cannot be identified with Huayan tradition, as it represents only the advanced teaching of Mahāyāna, while Huayan is the perfect teaching. 圓融 法性宗 性 玄奘 相 法相宗 INTRODUCTION XVII Although Chengguan tried to restore Huayan orthodoxy founded by Fazang, he made several concessions to the indigenous Chinese philosophies and other Buddhist schools. He often referred to Chinese classics in his commentaries to the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, but he often added that he borrowed only the words and not the meaning in order to explain Buddhist philosophy to his audience, mainly elit literati. He studied under several Chan masters of different schools, and the influence of Chan Buddhism in his works is undoubted. He explains the sudden enlightenment in great details, and his disciple, Zongmi who was also the patriarch of Chan school, elaborated further this discussion. Zongmi claims the unity of Chan and doctrine, advocating the importance of sudden enlightenment followed by gradual practice. KIMURA Kiyotaka in his article titled Huayan and Chan gives a very clear summary of the relationship between Huayan and Chan. First of all, as is mentioned above Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra is a higly visional text depicting the world of Buddha’s enlightenment. One of the Buddha’s characteristics in this scripture is “moving without leaving”, that is to say the Buddha goes to other places without leaving his original location under the bodhi tree in order to preach. However, in fact, he mainly remains silent, and other bodhisattvas deliver his teachings. Thus the sūtra itself can be regarded a sort of dhyāna sūtra. In addition, the scripture explicitly state the existence of a special kind of meditative state, the ocean-seal samādhi. Huayan exegets defined this state as Buddha’s great meditation that makes the truth appear the same way how the calm ocean reflects images. Among the works of Huayan masters Contemplation of the Realm of Reality (Fajie guanmen ) and The Ending of Delusion and Return to the Source (Wangjin huanyuan ) are the major works which discuss meditation. The lay hermit, Li Tongxuan is famous for his theory on the contemplation of Buddha-light which shows how to unify the self with the light. Huayan philosophy made great impact on Chan school, several Chan masters were well versed in this literature. Yuanwu Keqin (1063–1135), the compiler of Biyan lu , seems to comprehend this abstruse philosophy through his own religious experience. Bearing in mind the Chan slogan of not relying on scriptures, it can be perplexing to read Jana Benická’s article titled (Huayan-like) Notions of Inseparability (or Unity) of Essence and its Function (or Principle and Phenomena) in some Commentaries on “Five Positions” of Chan Master Dongshan Liangjie, which shows how deeply some Chan masters were immersed in sophisticated philosophical issues under the influence of Huayan Buddhism. She discusses how two Chan masters, Caoshan Benji (804–901) – a direct disciple of Dongshan Liangjie – and Yongjue Yuanxian (1578–1657) interpreted the “five positions” (wu wei ) of Dongshan Liangjie” (807–869), a founder of the Caodong school. These five positions are: 1. the biased within the right; 2. the right within the biased, 3. coming from within the right, 4. arriving at within together [the right and the biased], 5. going within together [the right and the biased]. These five positions were regarded a Chan version of the well-known Huayan tenet, the four dharmadhātus, as the right/biased paradigm can be replaced by the Huayan principle/phenomena para- 法界觀門 妄盡還源 圜悟克勤 碧巖録 曹山本寂 永覺元賢 洞山良價 五位 曹洞 XVIIII INTRODUCTION digm. In their explanations both masters emphasize the Huayan concept of inseparability of principle and phenomena. Another example of Huayan influence on other schools of Chinese Buddhism is introduced by HUANG Yi-hsun in her article titled Huayan Thought in Yanshou’s Guanxin xuanshu: Six Characteristics and Ten Profound Gates. Yongming Yanshou (904–975) is known to have established the syncretism of Chan and Pure Land schools. His major work is the Records of the Tenet-Mirror (Zongjing lu ) which is a large Buddhist encyclopedia that covers more than five hundred Taishō pages. His own thought is better reflected in his shorter works, thus Huang chose the work Profound Pivot of the Contemplation of Mind (Guanxin xuanshu ) to show Yanshou’s indebtedness to Huayan philosophy. Yanshou underlines the importance of contemplation of mind for common people, and states that any activity helping others to attain enlightenment can be qualified as Buddha deed. In his elucidation of contemplation of mind and Buddha deeds he had recourse to two basic Huayan concepts, the six characteristics and the ten profound gates. However, he reinterpreted these tenets in order to comply with his predilection for mindonly philosophy. Fazang used the six characteristics to describe the relationship between the dharmadhātu and phenomena dependently arisen from dharmadhātu, while Yanshou replaced the dharmadhātu with one-mind in order to give an account of the relationship between one-mind and various aspects of mind. The same way, Yanshou explains the ten profound gates in terms of the relationship between onemind and the deluded aspects of mind. In the new set of ten profound gates Fazang deleted the gate “creation through the transformation of the mind-only”, but Yanshou reintroduced this, and listed as the last gate implying its fundamental importance. Huayan Buddhism was spread into Korea and Japan, where it is called Hwaŏm and Kegon, respectively. Some apsects of the Korean and Japanese development is discussed in Chapter Four. Ŭisang (625–702) was Fazang’s fellow-student under Zhiyan, and he transmitted Huayan teachings to Korea. Traditionally he is regarded as the author of the work titled Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo , which is a diagram formed by 30 verses. Joerg Plassen in his article titled Some remarks on the authorship of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo summarizes the main points of the recent debate over the authorship of this short nonetheless very influential text, and provides his view based on his reading some Korean texts. The dispute was caused by the discovery of the introductory lines and the seal at Yangshan (70 km Southwest of Peking) in 1996. This introduction credits a Huayan master with the composition of this work. YAO Changshou concludes that this Huayan master is non other than Zhiyan, thus he is the author of Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo , and not Ŭisang. This assumption, of course, provoked Korean scholars to defend Ŭisang’s authorship. Plassen traces the sources that could substantiate Ŭisang’s authorship, and finds that this attribution is not very firm. The quotations from the earliest extant explanations of Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo seem to support Zhiyan’s authorship of the verses, and Ŭisang supposedly arranged the verses in a diagram and added a vermillion line to the seal. His invention gave a 永明延壽 錄 宗鏡 觀 心玄樞 義湘 一乘法界圖 一乘法界圖 XIX INTRODUCTION new dimension of the original text that now could be used in Huayan meditation which aimed at realizing ocean-seal samādhi. Another important figure of Hwaŏm tradition was Wŏnhyo (617–686). Charles Muller in his article titled Wŏnhyo’s Reliance on Huiyuan in his Exposition of the Two Hindrances focuses on one important Yogācāra doctrine, the two hindrances to show Wŏnhyo’s contribution to the East Asian understanding of Yogācāra philosophy and his indebtedness to Huiyuan (523–592). The first of the two hindrances is the afflictive hindrances, which include various type of emotional imbalances, such as anger, jealousy, etc. These hindrances are closely connected to the cognitive hindrances, which are due to the misconception of reality and recognizing the existence of “self”. The śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas are concerned with the removal of the first type of the hindrances, while bodhisattvas also wish to get rid of the second type of hindrances in order to be able to develope the wisdom of expedient means necessary to teach other beings. One of the most influential work in East Asian Buddhism, the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith, however, has a different definition of the two hindrances. The afflictive hindrances are explained as the first movement of mind, called “intrinsic ignorance” or non-enlightenment, while the cognitive hindrances are regarded as the inability to perceive suchness. Wŏnhyo as a hermeneutic solves the contradiction by designating the Yogācāra stance as exoteric and the view of Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith as esoteric. This exoteric/esoteric distinction must have been inspired by Huiyuan who in his commentary on Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith elaborates the two hindrances very extensively, and explaines them on three levels in terms of the five entrenchments found in Tathāgatagarbha works. Bernard Faure in his article titled Kegon and Dragons: A Mythological Approach to Huayan Doctrine argues that mythological elements also must be taken into consideration in explaining the Huayan impact on East Asian culture. He regards Ŭisang’s Diagram as being rather a Tantric maṇḍala with four assemblies than a Chinese seal, and emphasizes its possible ritual function like other similar diagrams. In addition, Sudhana’s pilgrimage depicted in Gaṇḍavyūha is the root-metaphor of the Diagram, as it starts and ends with the character Dharma, just like Sudhana who returns to his starting point. Ŭisang and Wŏnhyo became very popular figures in Japanese Buddhism. They are described as persons of opposite characters: Ŭisang went to China to study, kept strictly his monastic vows, while Wŏnhyo returned before arriving to China, and frequented taverns and brothels. Their relation with dragons and dragon-palaces also played an important role in their influence on Japanese Buddhism. As the legend has it, a young girl Shanmiao fell in love with Ŭisang, but the monk converted her. Shanmiao became a magnificient dragon, and carried Ŭisang’s boat on her back. This story is depicted in the Japanese illustrated scroll known as Kegon engi emaki . This legend eventually influenced the Japanese Kegon monk Myōe who had a dream of a young woman with snake-body. He made Shanmiao (J. Zenmyō) the central figure of worship in Zenmyōji, a subtemple of his temple, Kōzanji. Huayan Buddhism was transmitted to Japan through Korea, and Kegon became one of the six schools of Nara. Emperor Shōmu (r. 724–749) regarded Kegon as a 元曉 慧遠 善妙 縁起絵巻 華嚴 XXI INTRODUCTION state ideology, and started to construct the Great Buddha, representing Mahāvairocana, the Buddha of Kegon in Tōdaiji in 747. Frédéric Girard showed in his article titled Some aspects of the Kegon doctrines at the beginning of the Kamakura Period that even if Kegon Buddhism declined after the Nara period, it yielded certain influence on Buddhism of Heian and Kamakura periods. In Kūkai’s (774–835) explanation of the realization of Buddhahood in one’s own body the influence of Kegon is very obvious, as he states the unity and nonobstruction of thought, Buddha and sentient beings. Kegon served as a theoretical foundation for the Yūzū nenbutsu sect established by Ryōnin (1072–1132). This school advocated the Buddha Amida invocation in a fusional interpenetrating way. One person’s invocation is fused with other persons’ invocation, thus it includes all the merits accumulated through the invocations, and this will lead to the birth of all people in the Paradise of Amida. The outstanding Kegon monk of Kamakura period, Myōe (1173–1232), who is famous for his dream diary, was a creative thinker. He boldly drew upon various tenets current at this time in order to accommodate his words to his audience. We can also detect some indirect influence of Kegon on the Zen monk, Dōgen (1200–1253) who seems to accept Kegon as the foundation of his worldview, however he disputed its doctrinal system. The arising of nationalism in Japan before the Japan–US war gave a new impetus to the application of Kegon philosophy by leading intellectuels. ISHII Kōsei in his article titled Kegon Philosophy and Nationalism in Modern Japan introduces the main figures of this movement and their understanding of Kegon philosophy in the context of nationalism. The Kyoto school scholars believed that Kegon philosophy, which described the relationship between “individual” and “whole” could substantiate the new world order which is a Japanese led integration of Asia. In addition, Japanese Buddhist community also tried to establish connection between Kegon philosophy and nationalism, in order to defend itself from the Shintō chauvinists who wanted to eliminate Buddhism. However, the extreme nationalists belonged to Nichiren, Jōdoshin, Zen and other sects. Kegon philosophy seemed to be too profound for everyday political propaganda. KAMETANI Seikei (1858–1930) viewed Kegon philosophy from modern perspective, and regarded the Avataṃsaka-sūtra as the supreme Buddhist scripture. KIHIRA Tadayoshi (1874–1949) emphasized the superiority of Kegon over Hegelian philosophy, but was afraid of the tenet of non-obstruction between distinct phenomena, as it could lead to a Western democracy. Thus he underlined the merit of the imperial family. TSUCHIDA Kyōson (1891–1934) developed his own epistology based on Kegon, and in his late years his stance was close to the state socialism. TAKAKUSU Junjirō (1866–1949), the editor of the Taishō edition of the Buddhist Canon, argued for the totaliarianism in Japan as an ancient model that should be followed in his days. D. T. SUZUKI (1870–1966) was the firs Buddhist scholar who made distinction between the philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and that of Kegon school. He thought that the doctrine of non-obstruction between distinct phenomena could provide an ideal basis for building up a democratic Japan after the war. 空海 融通念佛 良忍 明惠 道元 亀谷聖馨 紀平正美 田杏村 土 INTRODUCTION XXI The Chapter Five definitely provides a rather neglected perspective on Huayan Buddhism, that is Huayan art and, in connection with the function of visual representations, Huayan ritual. Dorothy Wong’s article titled The Huayan/Kegon/Hwaŏm Paintings in East Asia, 9th–13th Centuries focuses on the so-called Huayan bian , or “transformation tableaux” that has not received much scholarly attention. These paintings ware made to show the teaching of sūtra in pictorial format. First, she discusses two large portable Huayan paintings in the Pelliot collection that were recently discovered and published. One of them depicts the Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies while the other shows the Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood. The popularity of Huayan bian in Dunhuang is attested by the growing number of bianxiang murals within a cave-chapel. Interestingly, we find almost all of them on the north wall or the north slope of ceiling, and the bianxiang of Lotus Sūtra is found on the south wall. The bianxiang of the Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood shows the Huayan trinity, Vairocana, Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra, however among their entourages we also find Sudhana, the protagonist of the last chapter of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, the Gaṇḍavyūha, who visits spiritual friends in order to receive instructions on his quest for enlightenment. Thus this painting draws parallel between the two chapters of the sūtra. The style of murals and paintings are similar, thus we may conclude that they were executed by the same workshop or artists. Wong shows how the Huayan painitings from Kamakura period of Japan differed fromt earlier Chinese representations. The differences must be attributed to the incorporation of new styles from Song China and Myōe’s synthesis of Kegon with esoteric Buddhism. Unfortunately, early Hwaŏm paintings were destroyed by Hideyoshi’s campaign in the sixteenth century in Korea, but Hwaŏm paintings of eighteenth century have survived in Buddhist monasteries. These paintings seem to follow the Chinese Dunhuang examples, but the influence of later traditions also can be detected. Finally, the recent discovery of Gaṇḍavyūha illustrations of eleventh century in Tabo Monastery of Western Himalayas is introduced. Here, the ritual application of these illustration is quite obvious: during the ritual performance of circumambulation the practitioner follows the stages of Sudhana attaining higher level of consciousness. 嚴變 華 ABBREVIATIONS Ch: CSJ: D: DZZ: DNBZ: GZ: HPC: HTJ: HZ: J: KSL: LSJ: MSS: NST: P: Skt: Ś: T: XZJ: ZM: Chinese Chu sanzang jiji , T2145 Derge Edition of the Tibetan Buddhist Canon Dōgen zenji zenshū , ed. KAGAMISHIMA Genryū et al. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1988–1993 Dainihon bukkyō zensho , Tokyo, 1979– Gaoseng zhuan , T 2059 Han’guk pulgyo chŏnsŏ , Seoul: Dongguk University Press, 1984 Huayan jing tanxuan ji , T 1733 Huayan jing zhuanji , T 2073 Japanese Kaiyuan shijiao lu , T 2154 Lidai sanbao ji , T 2034 Myōe shōnin shiryō , ed. TSUKISHIMA Hiroshi, Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1971 Nihon shisō taikei Peking Edition of the Tibetan Buddhist Canon Sanskrit Śikṣāsamuccaya, ed. Cecil Bendall, Bibliotheca Buddhica, St. Petersburg 1856–1906 , eds. TAKAKUSU Junjirō and WATANABE Taishō shinshū daizōkyō Kaigyoku, Tokyo: Daizōkyōkai, 1924–1935 Xu zang jing , reprint of Dainippon zokuzōkyō Zhongjing mulu , T 2146 出三藏記集 道元禪師全集 大日本佛教全書 高僧傳 韓國佛教全書 華嚴經探玄記 華嚴經傳記 開元釋教錄 歷代三寶記 明惠上人資料 日本思想体系 大正新修大藏經 續藏經 眾經目錄 JOERG PLASSEN HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST: SOME REMARKS FOCUSING ON WORKS CONCERNING THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE TRADITION According to Robert Gimello’s entry on “Hua-yen” in the Encyclopedia of Religions (1987), sustained Western-language study of the Huayan tradition “got off to an inauspicious start with the publication of Garma C. C. Chang’s unreliable and tendentious The Buddhist Teaching of Totality” (1971). If we follow Gimello further, “the situation improved considerably by the appearance of Francis D. Cook’s Hua-yen Buddhism. The Net of Indra” (1977). Besides, “two other works of lesser value” appeared “that put Hua-yen into the service of idiosyncratic Western philosophic programs”: Alfonso Verdú’s Dialectical Aspects in Buddhist thought (1974) and Steve Odin’s “very odd miscellany” Process Metaphysics and Hua-yan Buddhism (1982).1 What is interesting in Gimello’s statement on the major monographs available to him at that time is not so much the somewhat rigid assessment – in fact, one might be inclined to think that Verdu’s book at least in part layed the groundwork for subsequent studies on the dialectics of Zongmi (780–841), while Odin’s translation of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo introduced Ŭisang’s (625–702) thought to the Western audience – but more specifically the charge against interpretations within the framework of Western philosophies. More recently, the very same criticism has been extended not only to Cook’s work, but to Western research on Huayan on a larger scale. Thus, based on a careful scrutiny of the pertinent secondary literature, Mathias Obert observes in his Sinndeutung und Zeitlichkeit. Zur Hermeneutik des Huayan-Buddhismus (2000): 一乘法界圖 宗密 義湘 Vorwiegend von der amerikanischen Forschung wird die Huayan-Lehre als eine Art metaphysische Theorie, als System einer Welterkenntnis begriffen. Und implizit oder explizit wird darin stets eine Ontologie gesehen. Demnach geht es dem Huayan um die Einsicht, daß das disparate Seiende als eine universale Einheit, als Identität des Alls mit sich selbst in jedem Einzelseienden aufzufassen sei. Unausgesprochen scheint das Verständnis im Bann eines … Bildes vom sogenannten “Netz der Indra”, einem Perlennetz, worin jede Perle sich in der anderen und also alles in allem sich spiegelt, zu stehen. Demnach erinnert das Weltbild des Huayan an ein – vernetztes – Beziehungsgeflecht, wobei ein Einzelnes das All enthält und umgekehrt. Es herrscht eine monistische Identität im Sein, da alle Differenz zuletzt 1 Gimello 1987: 489. 2 JOERG PLASSEN als aufgehoben gelten muß. Für dieses Modell stehen vor allem die Begriffe “Totalismus” 2 und “Holismus” … These remarks indicate clearly that Western research on Huayan has not yet arrived at a consensus on the basic lines of interpretation. In addition, a widespread eclectic approach to secondary literature, in particular to that written in foreign languages, more than once has lead to the rediscovery of insights phrased years before and makes it difficult to speak of a common state of research. – Nevertheless, over the past three decades some useful translations and serious scholarly contributions have appeared.3 While most studies on the formative period of Huayan focus on Fazang’s works, Thomas Cleary’s anthology Entry into the inconceivable (1983) contains – as already Gimello observes, sparsely annotated – translations of four works ascribed to Du Shun (Fashun , 557–640), Du Shun and Chengguan (738–839 or 760–820), Zhiyan (600–668) and Fazang (643–712). The most important scholarly work on the early tradition, however, undoubtedly has remained Robert Gimello’s groundbreaking, yet unpublished dissertation “ChihYen ( , 602–668) And The Foundations of Hua-yen ( ) Buddhism” (1976). As his point of departure Gimello takes a discussion of the Huayan fajie guanmen , an annotated translation of which is given in the appendices. Following the tradition’s view that this (according to other scholars spurious) text indeed had been written by the “first patriarch” Du Shun , he points out that already by superceeding the extensive use of the rather negative terms se and kong by the use of the far more positively connotated expressions li and shi the latter becomes an important representative of a “new Buddhism” of his times, which is characterized precisely by this more positive evaluation of the phenomenal world as an immediate expression of reality. On the other hand, Gimello finds that some important features of the later Huayan tradition can be found only in Zhiyan’s writings, but not in the works ascribed to Du Shun, and thus searches for other strands of influences. Dedicating large portions of his work to the study of the biography of Zhiyan , Gimello not only thematizes Zhiyan’s relationship towards Du Shun but also his studies under other teachers, and points out the influence which Dilun and Shelun adherents exerted on him. After a thorough discussion of the influences of both traditions on the formation of Zhiyan’s system of thought, Gimello discusses the further (aversive) stimulus encountered upon the arrival of Xuanzang’s “new Yogācāra”, opposition to which likewise determined Zhiyan’s own positions. 杜順 法順 智儼 澄觀 法藏 智儼 華嚴法界觀門 華嚴 杜順 地論 理 色 事 空 智儼 攝論 玄藏 2 3 Obert 2000: 29. In what follows, only a few of the major contributions will be addressed. As my own field of research has been Chinese and Korean Buddhism, I will refrain from dabbling with works on Japanese Kegon. For more extensive references (also to articles in Western languages written by Japanese and Korean authors), the reader is referred to the attached bibliography, most of which has originally been compiled by Imre Hamar. 3 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST In his evaluation of Zhiyan’s own contributions to the development of Huayan, Gimello comes to the conclusion that “most if not all of the major themes of Huayen thought – themes dimly anticipated or starkly but simply proclaimed by earlier thinkers, and themes later fashioned into grand artifices of doctrinal system by Fatsang – are discernible in the actual process of their formation and early growth precisely in the writings of Chih-yen”.4 The important cases of two innovations “examined in some detail”, namely the development of a five-fold panjiao scheme and the notions of dharmadhātu yuanqi (translated as “dharma-element dependent origination”) and xingqi (“nature-origination”), lead Gimello to “confirm the hypothesis that Chih-yen’s thought was a, perhaps the, crucial factor in the inception of what would come to be Hua-yen Buddhism” and a “severe qualification of the conventional judgement that Fa-tsang is the real ‘founder’ or even the ‘first systematizer’ of Hua-yen”.5 While a more careful reading of Gimello’s groundbreaking monograph might have precluded the ubiquitous emphasis on Fazang’s role as “the great systematizer”6, the impact of its premises concerning the significance of the innovations ascribed to Du Shun in the so-called process of “sinification” might be termed somewhat problematic. In fact, Gimello’s dissertation and his related article “Apophatic and kataphatic discourse in Mahāyāna” (1976) not only contributed to entrench YŪKI Reimons paradigm of a Sui-T’ang “New Buddhism”, and at the same time perpetuated Demiéville’s somewhat simplicistic model of a three-phased development of Chinese Buddhism entailing an initial reception with Daoist bias before the 5th c., a turn towards the Indian sources after the arrival of Kumārajīva and a renewed begin of sinification in the 7th–8th c. (with the modification of antedating the last phase by a century).7 The contrast which Gimello sets up between Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka and Du Shun’s early Huayan thought in fact tends to overshadow that the shift towards cataphasis and affirmation of the phenomenal evolved more organically, and at least in part on the basis of Madhyamaka: Based on MMK 24:18, the Sanlun masters Falang (507–581) and Jizang (549–623) in their struggle against any form of dualistic attachment eventually also turned upon fellow exegetes seperating the “middle” and “the provisional”, and as a remedy taught that the “one middle” is identical with the “provisional” and can be found in all dharmas.8 Eventually resorting more to methods outlined in the “Qi wu lun” chapter of the Zhuangzi 判教 法界緣起 性起 法朗 三論 吉藏 齊物論 4 5 6 7 8 Gimello 1976: 446. Gimello 1976: 447. Other victims of this paradigm, which betrays little more heuristic value than proving the scholastic bias on the side of those employing it, would be Jizang (549–623) or Zhiyi (531–597), which all too often become the “systematizers” of Sanlun and Tientai, respectively. Demiéville: “La pénétration du Bouddhisme dans la tradition philosophique Chinoise.” Cahiers d’historie mondiale (1956) 3.1: pp. 19–38, here p. 35. The same scheme is followed by Gregory in his book on Zongmi, although he only refers to Yūki and Gimello. See Gregory 2002: 3–4. T 1853: 45.19b18–c5 and T 1853: 45.76c2–4. The first quote from a sūtra adduced to validate this stance usually is from the Huayan jing. 吉藏 智顗 4 JOERG PLASSEN 莊子 and the Guo Xiang 郭象 (?–312) commentary than to Nāgārjuna’s prasaṅga, at the same time they developed kataphatic modes of “cleansing” and “exhausting” the dharmas which were based more on universal affirmation rather than on consequent denial.9 Although this exegesis-as-practice in the last resort remained apophatic in nature (in as much as its kataphatic techniques still aimed at wiping away all differentiations), its exegetical formulae bore a lasting effect on those employed in Huayan,10 and one might suggest that the kataphasis of the emerging Huayan tradition can be also viewed as yet another step further in the dialectics of chongxuan : the negation of the very principle of negation by affirmation.11 The eclipse of this strand also explains in part why the inspiration for Zhiyan’s borrowing of the term “inexhaustible” (wuqiong ) from the Zhuangzi somewhat ironically12 has been sought only very vaguely in Tan Qian’s (542–607) Wang shifei lun , apparently solely because it is contained along with other texts 重玄 無窮 亡是非論 曇遷 無方釋 義 19 One of the most important modes of exegesis employed by Fazang and Jizang, wufang shi[yi] [ ] (“setting free the [meanings] without limit”), in which the conceptual borders of a given term or set of terms are torn down by attributing all sorts of (often conflicting) meanings, is glossed with a reference to the Huayan jing: Fourth, setting free [the meanings] without limit: The Huayan jing says: “In the one [dharma the Buddha] explains inexhaustible [dharmas], in exhaustible [dharmas he] explains the one [dharma].” (T 1720: 34.394a20f.) 四無方釋。華嚴云一中解無量無量中解一 無礙 法華論 In the context of such “deconstructive” exegesis, Jizang frequently employs the term wuai (“non-hindrance”). While his usage of the term seems to be indebted to the Fahua lun , it in turn might have influenced the adoption of this expression in the emerging Huayan tradition. For a treatment of Jizang’s and Falang’s cataphatic exegesis and its foundations, cf. my “Die Spuren der Abhandlung (Lun-chi). Exegese und Übung im San-lun des sechsten Jahrhunderts.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hamburg, 2002 [2000]. 10 A masterful discussion of the impact of formulae employed by Jizang and his predecessor Sengzhao on Fazang can be found in Kim Hau: “Samnon-gwa Hwaŏmgye (Wŏnhyo, Pŏbjang kye)-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” [Methods leading towards awakening in the Sanlun and Huayan/Hwaŏm (Wŏnhyo, Fazang) lineages], Ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu (1982) 6.1: pp. 5–31. 11 It should be noted, however, that the Sanlun masters Jizang and Falang appear to have been more concerned with dharmas in the sense of verbal teachings than of mental phenomena in general. – While their Sanlun practice resorts mainly to the use of exegetical formulae in order to “cleanse” language and thus lead to liberation from/through its traps, early Huayan practice appears to focus more on (as we shall see, similarily structured) visions of mental states to be contemplated upon in order to lead to the experience of the “inconceivable”. 12 The use of Daoist vocabulary in this text overtly mimics the argumentations within the Sanlun milieu. These are criticized for futile negative dialectics, which should be replaced by wuxin meditation. Cf. the similar phrasings in the excerpts from the Wu zheng lun and the Ming dao lun in Chenshu , juan 30, “Lie zhuan” 24, entry “Zhuan Suo” (Yao Silian , Chen shu , [Ershiwu shi , vol. 9]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju (1972), vol. 2, pp. 402–405). 三論과華嚴系(元曉·法藏系)의轉悟方式 心 索 明道論 姚思廉 陳書 陳書 列傳 二十五史 無爭論 無 傳 5 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 華嚴經內章門孔目章 in Zhiyan’s Huayan jing nei zhangmen kongmu zhang and refers to the Zhuangzi, while actual uses of the term with the same connotations within the Sanlun tradition have been overlooked.13 As already the title of LIU Ming-Wood’s unpublished Ph.D. dissertation “The teaching of Fa-Tsang: an examination of Buddhist metaphysics” (1979) suggests, the initially quoted reservations concerning the presuppositions underlying much of the mainstream research are not unfounded. In fact, Fazang’s “system of thought” has been the object of a plethora of studies, many of which focus on a discussion of the “part-whole relationships” of the Jin shizi zhang . Likewise, philosophicallyminded comparisons with Process philosophy have persisted until the very present.14 However, already Gimello regards the “discernments” of the Huayan fajie guanmen as “products of a meditative encounter with the Avataṃsakasūtra”, which were “explicitly intended as devices by means of which the grand visions and vistas of that immense scripture could be incorporated into an individual’s practice of meditation and thereby transformed from text into religious experience.”15 An even more pronounced stance is taken by Dale S. Wright in his seminal article “The significance of paradoxical language in Hua-yen Buddhism” (1982). Wright delineates three types of paradox frequently found in Fazang’s writings, all of which “originate in a tension between conventional truth (chen-ti/paramārthasatya) and ultimate truth (su-ti/saṃvṛtisatya)”. The third of these types he relates directly to the doctrine of “non-obstruction of phenomena” (shishi wu’ai ): In as much as this “doctrine” entails that “when the ultimate truth of emptiness 金獅子章 事事無礙 無窮 智儼 13 Thus, ISHII Kōsei in identifying Zhiyan as the originator of a shift in the interpretation of the phrase wuqiong from “regressus ad infinitum” to “inexhaustible” follows a claim by Fazang: For what reason? – Because the Three Vehicles consider this inexhaustibility to be an error and mis[apprehension], and because, [although] such is the case, this one-vehicle considers the inexhaustibility to be a virtue of the real. – That is all! (Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang , T 1866: 45b27–29, quoted in Ishii Kōsei : Kegon shisō no kenkyū . Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1996: 300). 無窮為過失故 然此一乘以無窮為實德故耳 一乘教義分齊章 華厳思想の研究 何以故三乘以此 華嚴 石井公正 This “positive” usage, however, in fact can be already found with Jizang: I explain: the functions and achievements of prajñā are inexhaustible, they are capable of giving rise to the Buddhas, capable of manifesting the [true characteristics of the] world, and are capabable of cutting off the vexations. (Jin’gang banruo shu , T 1699: 33.115b.7f.) Because [the Buddha] embodies the unhindered Way, it has unhindered functions; matching boundless conditioned [living beings], [he] reacts in [the form of] inexhausible benefits. (Fahua yishu , T 1721: 34.592c4f.) 示世間 能斷煩惱 法華義疏 金剛般若疏 明般若功用無窮 能生諸佛 能 良由 體無礙之道故 有無礙之用 適無方之緣 應無窮之益 14 The latest such attempt is Dirck Vorenkamp’s “Reconsidering the Whiteheadian Critique of Huayan Temporal Symmetry in light of Fazang’s Views” (2005). 15 Gimello 1976: 129. Also, cf. the analytic category “meditative concept” introduced in Gimello 1983: 156f. 6 JOERG PLASSEN becomes manifest to the viewer, each phenomenon is paradoxically perceived as interpenetrating with and containing all others”, it constitutes a “paradoxical violation of the conventional order of time and space”.16 Thus effectively having reduced the “doctrine” to the paradoxical pattern underlying similes to be visualized as a means for spiritual cultivation (such as the notion of the single hair of the lion), Wright in the end arrives at the following conclusions: For Hua-yen Buddhists, the sudden breakthrough of enlightenment does not entail the relevation of any absolute doctrines or principles. The experience of emptiness is one which precludes any positive, graspable content. Ultimate truth is not conditioned by any form or conceptual structure. Religious doctrines and symbols that are illuminated in the experience are illuminated precisely in their emptiness, that is, no doctrine or symbol is absolute or permanent …17 Nevertheless, a ranking among different doctrines is possible. This, however, would only refer to their efficiacy: According to the concept of upāya, … doctrines and symbols are true as long as, and to the extent that, they effectively evoke an immediate and self-authenticating awareness of “ultimate truth”. Their truth is not the correspondence of their content with reality, but rather their relative capacity to point beyond their own empty form to the ground of all form in emptiness. Thus the concept of truth that obtains in Hua-yen texts does not involve a correspondence between a concept of reality and the reality that the concept attempts to grasp. Ultimately, no such correspondence is possible given the Buddhist concept of emptiness. Ultimate truth, therefore, does not not involve a set of propositions about reality but is an immediate awareness of reality itself. For Hua-yen Buddhists, truth is what is revealed from beyond the limits of reality (shih-chi/bhūtakoti) when thought appropriately opens itself to its source and foundation …18 Along very similar lines proceeds Mathias Obert’s Sinndeutung und Zeitlichkeit: Zur Hermeneutik des Huayan-Buddhismus (2000), which is definitely not easy reading, but for its discussion of the metaphor of Indra’s net alone might deserve to be regarded the most penetrative philosophical study from the perspective of Fazang and his predecessors published so far. Approaching the topic through a more careful reading of the pertaining passages of the Huayan wujiao zhiguan famen , which the tradition ascribes to Du Shun, Obert subjects core terms such as fajie to a painstaking scrutiny and at the same time goes to lengths to demonstrate that metaphors such as the endlessly multiplying images in the net of Indra eventually elude any philosophical grasp. Perhaps most importantly, Obert also reminds us that the terms ci and bi employed in the description of the mutual mirroring of the pearls usually refer to “oneself” and the “others”. Thus, he arrives at an interpretation in which the simile of the net of Indra does not provide a description of an objective reality, but rather describes and gives instructions for the very act of contemplation itself: 觀法門 法界 華嚴五教止 此 16 Wright: 336. 17 Ibid., 336. 18 Ibid., 337. 彼 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 7 In einer “prinzipiellen Hellsichtigkeit” ferner uns dieser Erfahrung selbst auszusetzen, uns also in irgendeine Perle einmal leibhaftig hineinzubegeben, lädt uns Du Shun ein (s. S.513b2: qu, ergreifen; b7: zuo, sich setzen). Wir könnten dann sehen, wie schlagartig alle Perlen um uns her ineinander aufgegangen und zu einem rundum erfüllten, zugleich in unendliche Tiefen sich ausdehnenden Spiegelraum verschmolzen wären. Wir selbst wären nicht mehr, wären eins geworden mit unserer Umgebung. Alles um uns herum wäre glitzerndes Spiegeln und Schauen aus unendlich vielen Augen zugleich. Der Blick nach außen in den Spiegel hätte sich ganz in eine innere Reflexivität verwandelt. Wir hätten mit einem Schlage die Zeit verlassen, da Schauen eins mit Spiegeln wäre und sich nichts mehr rührte in dieser totalen Transparenz zwischen uns und der nahegerückten Unendlichkeit.19 As the above passage suggests, the author of the Huayan wujiao zhiguan famen speaks based on an experience made from the position of one of the perls within the net. Thus, in his discussion of the ensuing question-answer sections we further read: Der Sinn des Gleichnisses liegt für ihn in der Tatsächlichkeit der Schau von einem konkreten Standort aus. Es geht ihm nicht um die theoretische Konstruktion der Vision im Perlennetz. Er spricht von der Erfahrung der Perlen in einer her; er spricht selbst schon von einer Perle aus. Nicht hingegen bedenkt er, wie der Schüler und wie wir es immerzu tun, den Aufbau des Spiegelbildes vom Perlennetz her und außen.20 To Obert, the very insight into the hermeneutic necessity for the sentient being to consciously assume a specific perspective within space and time to enter practice constitutes the real advance inherent in the Huayan tradition’s turn to the phenomenal. Consequently, Obert dedicates large portions of his work to a discussion of the aspect of time, expressedly carrying on the research work begun by Robert Heinemann in his seminal Der Weg des Übens im ostasiatischen Mahayana. Grundformen seiner Zeitrelation zum Übungsziel in seiner Entwicklung bis Dōgen (1979), much of which is dedicated to Chinese Huayan.21 While the study of early Huayan thought in the West thus has made some significant progress during the last 30 years, our knowledge of its precise historical development remains rather vague and at the same time preliminary due to the rather deplorable state of text critical research. In fact, after Gimello’s meticulous, but in the last resort unconclusive22 efforts to solve the doubts surrounding the Huayan fajie guanmen , there appear to have been no further attempts to take up 華嚴法界觀 19 Obert, op. cit., p. 127f. 20 Ibid., 129. 21 Coincidentially, the issue of time had been raised again also by Dirck Vorenkamp in his unpublished Ph.D. dissertation “Hua-yen Buddhism: Faith and Time in Fa-tsang’s Thought” (1997), which unfortunately has not been available to me when writing this article. Also, it was soon to be rediscovered by Dale S. Wright. Cf. Wright 2001. 22 Thus, Peter N. Gregory agrees with KIMURA Kiyotaka “that the evidence is ultimately unconclusive, and that we must suspend final judgement on the matter”, and yet, “for sake of simplicity”, prefers to “talk as if Du Shun were the author” of the text. See Gregory 1991: 5, n. 3. 8 JOERG PLASSEN the problem of the autenticity of this work or the likewise spurious Huayan wujiao zhiguan famen .23 In a similar vein, largely due to an approach towards East Asian Buddhist history proceeding very much along 19th/20th century national lines and despite rather early cautions24 still being very much informed by the later construction of a patriarchal succession line, the influences of Hwaŏm thought in Silla both on early Chinese Huayan as such as well as on the textual transmission of Huayan texts in Japan have scarcely been addressed in the West. The major studies bringing this strand within the emerging Huayan traditions to attention of a wider audience have remained Odin’s already quoted monograph dealing with Ŭisang and, more indirectly, Antonino Forte’s publications on the letter Fazang purportedly sent to his elder co-disciple Ŭisang, which culminated in his precious little monograph A Jewel In Indra’s Net: The Letter Sent By Fazang In China To Ŭisang In Korea (2000). The Western academia dealing with Fazang also does not seem to have been too much disturbed by the recent discoveries of “Pseudo-Fazang” writings. Somewhat ironically, it was Boudewijn Walraven, better known as the leading Western specialist on Korean Shamanism, who attempted to draw attention to KIM Sang-hyun’s [Kim Sanghyŏn] pathbreaking discovery that the text known as Huayan wenda , which traditionally had been ascribed to Fazang, actually is identical with the Ch’udong gi , the transcript of a lecture by Ŭisang prepared by one of his disciples, a text thitherto known only through quotations.25 Perhaps even more importantly, in-depth studies both on the influence of early Huayan thought on Wŏnhyo (617–686) and the actual impact of his works on Fazang have remained desiderata, although it is widely acknowledged that not only Chengguan but also Fazang, although in very different manners, were affected by the former’s commentaries on the Dasheng qixin lun .26 We will probably have to wait until the tidal wave of cultural studies has ebbed away to see most of the necessary historically and philologically oriented studies on Fazang’s works vis-à-vis those of his contemporaries. However, at least the study of historical matters in the narrower sense has reached a state comparable to that of Gimello’s research on Zhiyan. Thus, with articles such as “More Than a Philosopher: Fazang (643–712) as a Politician and Miracle-worker” (2003) Chen Jinhua has forwarded a series of interesting contributions dealing with different aspects of Fazang’s 華嚴五教止觀法門 華嚴問答 金相鉉 錐洞記 元曉 大乘起信論 鎌田茂雄 中国仏教史 23 Some authoritative Japanese scholars consider the latter text an early draft of Fazang’s. Cf. the laconic ascription to Fazang in Kamata Shigeo : Chūgoku bukkyō shi , vol. 6. Tokyo: Tōkyō Daigaku Shupansha, p. 661. 24 Cf. Robert Gimello’s dismissal of the “standard view” of the Huayan tradition “as having consisted essentially in the thought of the ‘five patriarchs’ ” as a ”drastic over-simplification of the actual complexity of its history” in his “Li T’ung-hsüan and the Practical Dimensions of Huayen”. See Gimello 1983: 321. 25 Walraven 1996. 26 Although in fact very much centered on Wŏnhyo, initial attempts have been made by Sung Bae Park. See Park 1980, 2003. 9 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST biography, and a monograph on this topic by the same author is to appear in the near future. While much is left to be done to facilitate a better understanding of the early phases of the nascent tradition, we have a much better picture of the later tradition as represented by last “patriarch” Zongmi (780–841), and thus also of its relations with the Chan and Sŏn lineages. During the 1980s, Peter N. Gregory authored a range of publications centering around on Zongmi’s thought, which became the basis of his multifaceted Zongmi and the Sinification of Buddhism (1991). In this outstanding monograph, Gregory not only provides a detailed treatment of Zongmi’s biography, but far-reaching accounts of the development of panjiao schemes from Zhiyan to Zongmi, the role of the Dasheng qixin lun in the latter’s thought as the conceptional fundament of practice, as well as Zongmi’s understanding of Daoism and Confucianism and his impact of Neo-Confucianism. Drawing also on LIU Ming-wood’s earlier articles and in particular on research by Japanese scholars such as YOSHIZU Yoshihide, the part dedicated to the classification of doctines describes how Zhiyan’s heuristic, and therefore variable panjiao schemes were supplanted by Fazang with a fixed system geared at establishing the superiority of the Huayan jing, and how the gradual shift in emphasis from shishi wu’ai to lishi wu’ai already observable already in Chengguan’s works paved the way for Zongmi to eventually elevate the Dasheng qixin lun to the rank of the most authoritative text. As Gregory convincingly sets forth in the next part of his monograph, the reasons behind this radical change reflected Zongmi’s desire to “provide an ontological basis and philosophical rationale for Ch’an practice”, “an ontology that locates enlightenment within the original nature of man and at the same time furnished an explanation of how the process of delusion arises and perpetuates itself”, thus “establishing “a clear linkage between the ontological basis of reality and ethical behavior and thereby to check the antinomian dangers that he perceived in the Pao-t’ang and Hung-chou teachings”.27 In the following chapter on “The Role of emptiness” it is pointed out that another reason for Zongmi to assign special value to the tathāgatagarbha theory as represented by the Dasheng qixin lun was that in its emphasis on the non-empty aspects of the mind it provided “a rationale by which the radical apophasis of Madhyamaka could be subordinated to a more kataphatic mode of discourse”.28 – Given his teacher Chengguan’s appreciation of Wŏnhyo’s Taesŭng kisillon sŏ , one at this point might raise the question whether Zongmi in what appears to be a criticism mainly of the Niutou faction was influenced by Wŏnhyo’s much earlier appreciation of this text as encompassing unlimited apophasis and kataphasis. 宗密 判教 事事無礙 理事無礙 保唐 洪州 大乘起信論疏 牛頭 27 Gregory 1991: 19, characters added. The somewhat confusing title of the first pertaining chapter, “A Cosmogonic Map of Buddhist Practice”, apparently actually is meant to refer to what is also labeled as “psychocosmogony” (p. 175), i.e. an outline of the paths along which delusion or awakening unfold. 28 Ibid., 206. 10 JOERG PLASSEN In the last part, an insightful comparison with the Neo-Confucian tradition is drawn: Viewing Zongmi’s ethical concern as a reflex of his early Confucian educational background, Gregory demonstrates that Zongmi’s “attempt to articulate the ultimate ground for religious practice, and his related criticism of the more radical interpretations of Ch’an, foreshadow both the general concerns and specific moves seen in Chu Hsi’s (1130–1200) Neo-Confucian criticism of Buddhism”.29 Although the panoramic view on the development of Huayan thought from the perspective of Zongmi forwarded in Gregory’s scholarly work is truly magnificient, again – in part also following the lead of Carl Bielefeldt’s review on Gregory’s book30 – some reservations concerning the interpretation of the various processes in the framework of “sinification” might be in place. Thus, it would amount to cultural essentialism if we assumed that a more ontologically and at the same time ethically oriented framework of psychic cosmogony suited “the Chinese mind” better than notions of emptiness cherished for centuries. In fact, the preoccupation with cosmogony in the narrower sense had been left behind already within Xuanxue , on the basis of autochthonous texts. Perhaps not incidentially occurring in parallel with the rise of Chan, the increasing dominance of the Dasheng qixin lun in East Asian Buddhism might be viewed as one of the first signs of a regression into naïve metaphysics eventually culminating in Neo-Confucianism. Research on the fourth patriarch Chengguan had initially been somewhat neglected in the West, but since more recently Imre Hamar, following a broad approach very much in line with that of Gregory, has forwarded a series of publications on Chengguan’s biography and diverse aspects of his thought. In articles such as “Chengguan’s Theory of the Four Dharma-Dhātus” (1998) and “Practice and Enlightenment in Chengguan’s Philosophy” (2003), Hamar synthesizes Chengguan’s cardinal tenets based on extensive translations from the sources into accessible representations. While thus gradually an idea of Chengguan’s thought has begun to emerge, these studies also complement the research done by Gregory in as much they not only touch upon conceptual differences to Fazang’s works, but also upon later developments in Zongmi’s works, showing more clearly the preliminary work Zongmi could build upon and the options he had at his disposal when developing concepts such as the “sudden enlightenment followed by gradual cultivation”. 朱熹 玄學 29 Ibid., 19, characters added. 30 Although careful enough to state that he is not denying “any process of sinification”, Bielefeldt cautions us “… to go slowly – taking the time to recognize that was passes for the process in China may sometimes be a reflection of developments in India, pausing along the way to notice the variety and tensions in both cultures and to wonder whether for every Nāgārjuna preaching emptiness there may not be a Paramārtha somewhere teaching the amalavijñāna to the Chinese, whether for every Tsung-mi elaborating a cosmological vision there may not be a Chih-i warning against the evils of a Sānkhya-style foundationalism”. ． Cf. Bielefeldt 1993–1994: 449. HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 11 Within the last 30 years, the study of Huayan Buddhism in the West eventually has got off to an auspicious start. It is to be hoped that the present volume will give it a further impetus. Secondary works in Western languages related to Hua-yen Buddhism Bielefeldt, Carl (review): “Peter N. Gregory: Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1991. 386 + xiii pp.” Cahiers d’Extrême Asie (1993–1994) 7: pp. 446–449. Brock, Karen L.: “The Case of the Missing Scroll: A History and Reconstruction of Tales of Gishō and Gangyō.” Archives of Asian Art (1988) 41: pp. 6–31. Brock, Karen L.: “Chinese Maiden, Silla Monk: Zenmyō and Her Thirteenth-Century Audience” in Martha Weidner (ed.): Flowering in the Shadows: Women in the History of Chinese and Japanese Painting. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1990. Brock, Karen L.: “ ‘My Reflection Should Be Your Keepsake’: Myōe’s Vision of the Kasuga Deity” in Robert H. Sharf and Elisabeth Horton Sharf (eds.): Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. (Asian Religions and Cultures) Broughton, Jeffrey L.: “Kuei-feng Tsung-mi: The Convergence of Ch’an and the Teachings.” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1975. Buzo, Adrian; Prince, Tony: Kyunyŏ-jŏn: The Life, Times and Songs of a Tenth Century Korean Monk. Brodway: Wild Peony 1993. (University of Sydney East Asian Series No. 6.) Chang Ae-soon: “Śunyatā in Chinese Hua-yen Thought.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture (2002) 1: pp. 137–148. Chang, Garma C. C.: The Buddhist Teaching of Totality: The Philosophy of Hwa Yen Buddhism. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971. Chen Jinhua: “More Than a Philosopher: Fazang (643–712) as a Politician and Miracle-worker.” History of Religions (2003) 42,4: pp. 320–358. Chen Jinhua: “The Location and Chief Members of Śikṣānanda’s (652–710) Avataṃsaka Translation Office: Some Remarks on a Chinese Collection of Stories and Legends Related to the Avataṃsaka Sūtra.” Journal of Asian History (2004) 38.2: pp. 121–140. Chen Jinhua: “Fazang the Holy Man.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (2005) 28,2: pp. 11–84. Chen Jinhua: History and His Stories: A Biographical Study of the Avatamsaka Master Fazang (643–712). Leiden: Brill. (Sinica Leidensia.) (forthcoming) Chen Jinhua: “Fazang and Wuzhen si: With a Special Reference to Fazang’s Daoist Ties.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Series 3, (2006) 16,2. (forthcoming) Chen Jinhua: “A Korean Biography of a Sogdian Monk in China, with a Japanese Commentary: Choe Jiweon’s Biography of Fazang, Its Values and Limitations.” Journal of Asian History (2007) 41,1. (forthcoming) Chien Cheng: Manifestation of the Tathāgata: Buddhahood According to the Avatamsaka Sūtra. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1993. Choe Yeonshik: “The Influence of Silla Buddhism on Japanese Hua-yen Thoughts” in Antonetta L. Bruno and Frederica Baglioni (comp.): Proceedings of the 21st Conference of The Association For Korean Studies in Europe. Frascati, 2003, pp. 109–122. 12 JOERG PLASSEN Chou Pokan: “Wŏnhyo’s View of the Huayan Doctrine.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture (2003) 2: pp. 109–122. Cleary, Thomas: Entry Into the Inconceivable. An Introduction to Hua-yen Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. Cleary, Thomas (trans.): The Flower Ornament Scripture: A Translation of Avatamsaka Sutra. Boston–London: Shambhala, 1993. Cohen, Elisa: “New Perspectives on the Sources for Ch’eng-kuan’s Biography” in Kamata Shigeo : Kegon gaku ronshū. Hakase koki kinenkai (eds.): [Festschrift of Kamata Shigeo] Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997, pp. 215–234. Cook, Francis H.: “Fa-tsang’s Treatise on the Five Doctrines: An Annotated Translation.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1970. Cook, Francis H.: “The Meaning of Vairocana in Hua-yen Buddhism.” Philosophy East and West (1972) 22: pp. 403–415. Cook, Francis H.: Hua-yen Buddhism: the Jewel Net of Indra. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1977. Cook, Francis H.: “Causation in the Chinese Hua-yen Tradition”. Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1979) 6: pp. 367–385. Dessein, Bart: “The Glow of the Vow of the Teacher Samantabhadra ‘Puxian Pusa Xing Yuan Zan’ (T. 297) *Samantabhadrācāryapraṇidhānarāja.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (2003) 56, 2–4: pp. 317–338. Doi, Torakazu, trans.: Das Kegon Sutra: Das Buch vom Eintreten in den Kosmos der Wahrheit. Tokyo: Doitsubun-Kegonkyō-kankōkai, 1978. Doi, Torakazu: Das Kegon Sutra II. Tokyo: Doitsubun-Kegonkyō-kankōkai, 1981. Doi, Torakazu: Das Kegon Sutra III. trans. Tokyo: Doitsubun-Kegonkyō-kankōkai, 1982. Durt, Hubert: “Biographie du moine coréen Ui-sang, d’après le Song Kao Seng Tchouan” in Kim Chae-wŏn Paksa hoegap ki’nyŏm nonch’ong p’yŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe (eds.): Kim Chae-wŏn Paksa hoegap ki’nyŏm nonch’ong [Festschrift Kim Chae-wŏn]. Seoul: Ŭryu Munhwasa, 1969, pp. 411–422. Elberfeld, Rolf; Leibold, Michael; Obert, Mathias: Denkansätze zur buddhistischen Philosophie in China. Seng Zhao – Jizang – Fazang zwischen Übersetzung und Interpretation. Köln: ed. chōra, 2000. Elisseff, Serge: The Bommōkyō and Great Buddha of Tōdaiji. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1936) 1,1: pp. 84–95. Faure, Bernard: “Shen-hsiu et l’Avataṃsaka-sūtra.” Zinbun Memoirs of the Research Institute for Humanistic Studies (1983) 19: pp. 1–15. Fontein, Jan: The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of Gaṇḍavyūha Illustrations in China, Japan and Java. The Hague, Paris: Mouton, 1967. Forte, Antonino: “Un gioiello della rete di Indra: la lettera che dalla Cina Fazang inviò a Ŭisang in Corea” in Antonino Forte (ed.): Tang China and Beyond – Studies on East Asia from the Seventh to the Tenth Century. Kyoto: Istituto Italiano di Cultura, Scuola di Studi sull’Asia Orientale, 1988, pp. 35–83. Forte, Antonino: “Fazang’s Letter to Ŭisang: Critical Edition and Annotated Translation” in Ka: Kegon gaku ronshū. mata Shigeo Hakase koki kinenkai (eds.) [Festschrift of Kamata Shigeo] Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997, pp. 109–129. Forte, Antonino: A Jewel in Indra’s Net. Kyoto: Italian School of East Asian Studies, 2000. Forte, Antonino: “Additions and corrections to ‘A Jewel in Indra’s Net’ ”. Cahiers d’Extrême Asie (1999–2000) 11: pp. 345–348. 鎌田茂雄博士古希記念会 金載元博士回甲紀念論 金載元博士回甲紀念 叢編撰委員會 論叢 厳学論集 華厳学論集 鎌田茂雄博士古希記念会 華 13 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST Forte, Antonino: “Fazang and Śākyamitra, a Seventh-century Singhalese Alchemist at the Chinese Court” in Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan disanjie guoji hanxue huiyi lunwenji lishizu (eds.): Zhongshiji yiqian de diyu wenhua zongjiao yu yishu . Taibei: Institute of History and Philology, Academica Sinica, 2002: pp. 369–419. Foulk, T. Griffith (rev.): “Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. By Peter N. Gregory. Princeton: Princeton university Press, 1991.” The Journal of the American Oriental Society (1994) 114.3: pp. 487–489. Fox, Alan: “Elements of Omnicontextual Thought in Chinese Buddhism: Annotated Translations of Gui Feng Zong Mi’s Preface to Collection of Various Writings on the Chan Source and His Commentary on Meditative Approaches to the Hua Yan Dharmadhātu.” Ph.D. dissertation, Temple University, 1988. , 602–668) And The Foundations of Hua-yen ( ) BudGimello, Robert M.: “Chih-Yen ( dhism”. Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1976. Gimello, Robert M.: “Apophatic and Kataphatic Discourse in Mahāyāna: A Critical View.” Philosophy East and West (1976) 26,2: pp.117–136. Gimello, Robert M.: “Early Hua-yen, Meditation, and Early Ch’an: Some Preliminary Considerations” in Whalen Lai and Lewis R. Lancaster (eds.): Early Ch’an in China and Tibet. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1983, pp. 149–164. Gimello, Robert M.: “Li T’ung-hsüan and the Practical Dimensions of Hua-yen” in Robert M. Gimello and Peter N. Gregory (eds.): Studies in Ch’an and Hua-yen. (Kuroda Institute Studies in East Asian Buddhism 1.) Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983, pp. 321–391. Gimello, Robert M.: “Hua-yen” in Mircea Eliade (ed.): The Encylopedia of Religions, vol. 6. New York: MacMillan, 1987, pp. 485–489. Gimello, Robert M.: “Ch’eng-kuan’s Meditations on the “Three Holy Ones” in Kamata Shigeo Ha: Kegon gaku ronshū [Festkase koki kinenkai (eds.) schrift of Kamata Shigeo]. Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997, pp. 131–213. Gimello, Robert M. and Peter N. Gregory (eds.): Studies in Ch’an and Hua-yen. (Kuroda Institute Studies in East Asian Buddhism 1.) Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1983. Girard, Frédéric: “Les enseignements de Myōe de Toga-no-o” in Mélanges offerts à M. Charles Haguenauer en l’honneur de son quatre-vingtième anniversaire. Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1981, pp. 499–523. Girard, Frédéric: Un moine de la secte Kegon à l’époque de Kamakura, Myōe (1173–1232) et le « Journal de ses rêves ». Paris: EFEO, 1990. Girard, Frédéric: “Le samādhi de réflexion sigillaire océanique chez Myōe (1173–1232)” in : Kegon gaku ronshū Kamata Shigeo Hakase koki kinenkai (eds.) [Festschrift of Kamata Shigeo]. Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997, pp. 275–290. Gómez, Luis O.: “Selected Verses from Gaṇḍavyūha: Text, Critical Apparatus and Translation.” Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1967. Gómez, Luis O.: “Observations on the Role of Gaṇḍavyūha in the Design of Barabuḍur” in Louis O. Gómez and Hiram W. Woodward (eds.): Barabuḍur: History and Significance of a Buddhist Monument. Berkeley: Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series, 1981. Gregory, Peter N.: “The Teaching of Men and Gods: The Doctrinal and Social Basis of Lay Buddhist Practice in the Hua-yen Tradition” in Robert M. Gimello and Peter N. Gregory (eds.): Studies in Ch’an and Hua-yen. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1983, (Kuroda Institute Studies in East Asian Buddhism 1.) pp. 253–320. 中央研究院第 三屆國際漢學會議論文集歷史組 中世紀以前的地域文化宗教與藝術 智儼 華嚴 鎌田茂雄博士古希記念会 華厳学論集 鎌田茂雄博士古希記念会 華厳学論集 14 JOERG PLASSEN Gregory, Peter N.: “Chinese Buddhist Hermeneutics: The Case of Hua-yen.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion (1983) 51,2: pp. 231–249. Gregory, Peter N.: “The Place of Sudden Teaching Within the Hua-yen Tradition: An Investigation of the Process of Doctrinal Change.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (1983) 6,1: pp. 31–60. Gregory, Peter N.: “Tsung-mi and the Single Word ‘Awareness’ (chih).” Philosophy East and West (1985) 35,3: pp. 249–269. Gregory, Peter N.: “Sudden Enlightenment Followed by Gradual Cultivation: Tsung-mi’s Analysis of Mind” in Peter N. Gregory (ed.): Sudden and Gradual: Approaches to Enlightenment in Chinese Thought. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1987, pp. 279–320. Gregory, Peter N.: “What Happened to the Perfect Teaching? – Another Look at Hua-yen Buddhist Hermeneutics” in Donald S. Lopez (ed.): Buddhist Hermeneutics. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1988. (Studies in East Asian Buddhism 6.) Gregory, Peter N.: “The Integration of Ch’an/Sŏn and the Teachings (chiao/kyo) in Tsung-mi and Chinul.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (1989) 12,2: pp. 7–19. Gregory, Peter N.: Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. Honolulu: Hawai’i University Press, 2002. (Kuroda Institute Studies in East Asian Buddhism 16.) [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991.] Gregory, Peter N.: “Tsung-mi’s Perfect Enlightenment Retreat: Ch’an Ritual During the T’ang Dynasty”. Cahiers d’Extrême Asie (1993–1994) 7: pp. 115–147. Gregory, Peter N.: Inquiry into the Origin of Humanity: An Annotated Translation of Tsung-mi’s Yüan jen lun with a Modern Commentary. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1995. Gregory, Peter N.: “Finding a Scriptural Basis for Ch’an Practice: Tsung-mi’s Commentaries to the Scripture of Perfect Enlightenment” in Kamata Shigeo Hakase koki kinenkai (eds.) : Kegon gaku ronshū. [Festschrift of Kamata Shigeo] Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997, pp. 235–273. Hamar Imre: “The Doctrines of Perfect Teaching in Ch’eng-kuan’s Introduction to his Commentary on the Hua-yen-ching.” Journal of The Center for Buddhist Studies (1988a) 3: pp. 331–349. Hamar Imre: “Chengguan’s Theory of Four Dharma-dhātus.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (1998b) 51,1–2: pp. 1–19. Hamar Imre: Kínai buddhizmus a középkorban: Cs’eng-kuan élete és filozófiája [Chinese Buddhism in the Middle Ages: Chengguan’s Life and Philosophy]. Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1998. (Történelem és kultúra 15.) Hamar Imre: “Buddhism and The Dao in Tang China: The Impact of Confucianism and Daoism on the Philosophy of Chengguan.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (1999) 52,3–4: pp. 283 – 292. Hamar Imre: A Religious Leader in the Tang: Chengguan’s Biography. Tokyo: The International Institute for Buddhist Studies of The International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies, 2002. (Studia Philologica Buddhica Occasional Paper Series XII.) Hamar Imre: Buddha megjelenése a világban [Buddha’s Manifestation in the World]. Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2002. (ELTE Sinológiai Műhely 2.) Hamar Imre: “Practice and Enlightenment in Chengguan’s Philosophy” in Paengnyŏn Pulgyo munhwa chaedan pusŏl Sŏngch’ŏl Sŏn sasang yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Kkaedarŭm-ŭi munhwajŏk chip’yŏng-gwa kŭ hyŏndaejŏk ŭimi / Enlightenment and its Cultural Aspects in the modern Perspective. Seoul, 2003, pp. 277–286. 博士古希記念会 상연구원 적지평과그현대적의미 華厳学論集 鎌田茂雄 백련불교문화제단부설성철사 깨달음의분화 15 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST Hamar Imre: “The Existence or Nonexistence of the Mind of Buddha: A Debate between Faxingzong and Faxiangzong in Chengguan’s Interpretation.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (2003b) 56,2–4: pp. 339–367. Hamar Imre: “Hermeneutical Methods in Chengguan’s Commentary to the Avataṃsaka-sūtra.” Ars Decorativa (2004) 23: pp. 9–16. Hamar Imre: “Manifestation of the Absolute in the Phenomenal World: Nature Origination in Huayan Exegesis.” Bulletin de l’Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient 93 (2007) (forthcoming). Haas, Hans: “Tsungmi’s Yuen-zan-lun, eine Abhandlung über den Ursprung des Menschen aus dem Kanon des chinesischen Buddhismus”. Archiv für Religionswissenschaft (1909) 12: pp. 491– 532. Hashimoto, Shōen: “Die Kosmologie der Kegon-Lehre am Beispiel der Darstellung der ‘Lotosblütenschatzwelt’ auf dem Sockel des Großen Buddha”. Rev. transl. by Jörg B. Quenzer in Adele Schlomps (ed.): Im Lichte des Großen Buddha: Schätze des Tôdaiji Tempels, Nara. Köln: Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst, 1999, pp. 40–47. Jan Yün-hua: “On Chinese Translation of Avatamsakasutra.” The Orissa Historical Research Journal (1958–1959) 7: pp. 125–132. Jan Yün-hua: “Tsung-mi, His Analysis of Ch’an Buddhism.” T’oung Pao (1972) 58,1: pp. 1–54. Jan Yün-hua: “Two Problems concerning Tsung-mi’s Compilation of Ch’an tsang.” Kokusai toho / Transactions of the International Conference of gakusha kaigi kiyo Orientalists in Japan (1974) 19: pp. 37–47. Jan Yün-hua: “K’an-hui or the ‘Comparative Investigation’: The Key Concept in Tsung-mi’s Thought” in Chia Shin Yu (ed.): Korean and Asian Religious Tradition. Toronto: Korean and Related Studies Press, 1977, pp. 11–24. Jan Yün-hua: “Tsung-mi’s Questions Regarding the Confucian Absolute.” Philosophy East and West (1980) 30,4: pp. 495–504. Jan Yün-hua: “A Buddhist Critique to the Classical Chinese Philosophy.” Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1980) 7: pp. 301–318. Jan Yün-hua: “Portraits and Self-portrait: A Case Study of Biographical and Autobiographical Records of Tsung-mi” in P. Granoff and K. Shinohara (eds.): Monks and Magicians: Religious Biographies in Asia. Oakville, Ont.: Mosaic Press, 1988, pp. 229–246. Jan Yün-hua: “Mind, Existence and Liberation: Religious Philosophy of Tsung-mi” in N. H. Samtani (ed.): Amalā Prajñā: Aspects of Buddhist Studies. Delhi: Indian Books Center, 1989, pp. 413–418. (1988) 2: Jan Yün-hua: “Fa-chi and Chinul’s Understanding of Tsung-mi.” Pojo sasang pp. 157–184. Jang, Hwee-ok: “Wŏnhyo’s View on Rebirth of the Sentient Beings to the Pure Land.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture (2003) 2: pp. 171–194. Jeon Ho-ryeon: “Interaction and Harmonization between Hwa-eom and Seon in Korea during the late Silla and Early Goryeo Period.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture (2004) 4: pp. 61–90. : “The Art of Avataṃsaka Sūtra in the Unified Silla Period: The Sanctuary Kang Woobang of Sŏkkuram and Hwaŏm-kyŏng Pyŏnsangdo (Narrative Portrayal in the Avataṃsaka Sūtra)” in Washizuka Hiromisu et al.: Transmitting the Forms of Divinity: Early Buddhist Art from Korea and Japan. New York: Japan Society, 2003. pp. 168–77. Kawai Hayao: “Bodies in the Dream Diary of Myōe.” Eranos Jahrbuch (1983) 52. King, Winston L.: “Hua-yen Mutual Interpenetrative Identity and Whitehead Organic Relation”. Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1979) 6,4: pp. 387–410. 国際東方学者会議紀要 普照思想 姜友邦 16 JOERG PLASSEN Koh Ik-jin: “Wonhyo’s Hua-yen Thought.” Korea Journal (1983) 23,8: pp. 30–33. Lai, Whalen: “Chinese Buddhist Causation Theories: An Analysis of the Sinitic Mahāyāna Understanding of Pratītya-samutpāda.” Philosophy East and West (1977) 27,3: pp. 241–264. Lai, Whalen: “The I-ching and the Formation of Hua-yen Philosophy.” Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1980) 7: pp. 245–258. Lai, Whalen: “The Defeat of Vijñāptimatratā in China: Fa-tsang on Fa-hsing and Fa-hsiang.” Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1986) 13: pp. 1–19. Lee, Peter H.: “Fa-tsang and Ŭisang.” Journal of the American Oriental Society (1962) 82,1: pp. 56–62. Lee, Peter H.: “Fa-tsang’s Letter to Ŭisang” in Peter H. Lee: Anthology of Korean Literature. From Early Times to the Nineteenth Century. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1981, pp. 35–36. Liu Ming-Wood: “The Teaching of Fa-tsang: An Examination of Buddhist Metaphysics.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1979. Liu Ming-Wood: “The P’an-chiao System of the Hua-yen School in Chinese Buddhism.” T’oung Pao (1981) 67,1–2: pp. 10–47. Liu Ming-Wood: “The Harmonious Universe of Fa-tsang and Leibnitz: A Comparative Study.” Philosophy East and West (1982) 32,1: pp. 61–76. Liu Ming-Wood: “The Three-Nature Doctrine and its Interpretation in Hua-yen Buddhism.” T’oungpao (1982) 68, 4–5: pp. 181–220. Liu Ming-Wood: “The Lotus Sūtra and the Garland Sūtra According to the T’ien-t’ai and Hua-yen schools in Chinese Buddhism.” T’oung Pao (1988) 74: pp. 47–80. Liu Ming-Wood: “The Yogācāra Two Hindrances and their Reinterpretations in East Asia.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (2004) 27,1: pp. 207–235. 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Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1980. and Nattier, Jan: “The Proto-History of the Buddhāvataṃsaka: The Pusa benye jing the Dousha jing .” Annual Report of The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University for the Academic Year 2004 [ARIRIAB] (2005) 8: pp. 323– 360. Neville, Robert C. (review): “New Metaphysics for Eternal Experience: Critical Review of Steve Odin’s Process Metaphysics and Hua-Yen Buddhism: A critical Study of Cumulative Penetration”. Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1984) 11,2: pp. 185–197. Odin, Steve: Process Metaphysics and Hua-yen Buddhism: A Critical Study of Cumulative Penetration vs. Interpenetration. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1982. Oh Kang-Nam: “A Study of Chinese Hua-yen Buddhism with special Reference to the Dharmadhātu (fa-chieh) Doctrine.” Ph.D. dissertation, McMaster University, 1976. 兜沙經 菩薩本業經 17 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST Oh Kang-Nam: “Dharmadhātu: An Introduction to Hua-yen Buddhism.” The Eastern Buddhist (1979) 12.2: pp. 72–91. Oh Kang-Nam: “The Taoist Influence on Hua-yen Buddhism: A Case of the Sinicization of Buddhism in China”. Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal (2000) 13,2: pp. 277–297. Park Jin-young: “Wŏnhyo’s Writings on Bodhisattva Precepts and the Philosophical Ground of Mahayana Buddhist Ethics.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture (2003) 2: pp. 147–170. Park Kwangsoo: “A Comparative Study of the Concept of Dharmakāya Buddha: Vairocana in Huayen and Mahāvairocana in Shingon Buddhism.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture (2003) 2: pp. 305–332. Park Sung-bae: “Wonhyo’s commentaries on the Awakening of faith in Mahayana.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1979. Park Sung-bae: “A Comparative Study of Wonhyo and Fa-tsang on the Ta-Ch’eng Ch’i-Hsin Lun” (eds.): Che-1 hoe Han’gukhak in Han’guk chŏngsin munhwa yŏn’guwŏn kukche haksul hoe-ŭi nonmunjip 1 / Papers of the 1st International Conference on Korean Studies. Songnam: Hanguk chŏngsin munhwa yŏn’guwŏn, 1980, pp. 579–597. Park Sung-bae: “The Essence-Function formula as a Hermeneutic Device: Korean and Chinese Commentaries on Awakening Mahayana Faith.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought and Culture (2002) 1: 9–27. Park Sung-bae: “Wŏnhyo’s Faith System, as Seen in his Commentaries on the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture (2003) 2: pp. 25–46. Prince, Anthony J.: “The Hua Yen Vision of enlightenment.” The Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia (1983–1984) 15–16,1: pp. 137–160. Rahder, Johannes: “Daśabhūmika-sūtram, Seventh Stage.” Acta Orientalia (1925) 4: pp. 214–256. Rahder, Johannes: Daśabhūmika-sūtra et Bodhisattvabhūmi. Paris: Paul Gueuthner, Louvain: J. B. Istas, 1926. : Rhi Ki-Young [Yi Kiyŏng]. “Hwa-yen Philosophy and Bodhisattva Ethics” in Yi Kiyŏng Wonhyo sasang yongu I I. Seoul: Han’guk Pulgyo yŏn’guwŏn, 1994. [orig. Pulgyo yŏn’gu (1987) 3: pp. 3–32]. Shim Jae-ryong: “Faith and Practice in Hua-yen Buddhism: A Critique of Fa-tsang (643–712) by Li T’ung-hsüan (646–740)” in David W. Chappell (ed.): Buddhist and Taoist Practice in Medieval Chinese Society. (Buddhist and Taoist Studies 2.) Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1987, pp. 49–64. Shim Jae-ryong:“The Structure of Faith and Practice in Hua-yen Buddhism – Chinul (1158– (1979) 13,1: pp. 1210), Li T’ung-hsüan (646–740) and Fa-tsang (643–720).” Ch’ŏrhak 91–110. Steinkellner, Ernst: Sudhana’s Miraculous Journey in the Temple of Ta Pho: The Inscriptional Text of the Tibetan Gaṇdavyūhasūtra Edited with Introductory Remarks. Rome: IsMEO, 1995. (Serie Orientale Roma 76.) Steinkellner, Ernst: “Notes on the Function of Two 11th Century Inscriptional Sūtra Texts in Tabo: Gaṇdavyūhasūtra and Ksitigarbhasūtra” in Scherrer-Schaub, C. A. and Steinkellner, E. (eds): Tabo Studies II: Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts. Rome: IsIAO, 1999, pp. 243– 274. Suh Jung-hyung. “Taoist Impact on Hua-yen Buddhism: A Study of the Formation of Hua-yen Worldview.” Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Wisconsin-Madison. 韓國精神文化研究院 第 回 韓國學國際學術會議 論文集 佛教研究 李箕永 元曉思想硏究 哲學 18 JOERG PLASSEN Tachikawa Musashi: “The tetralemma in Chinese Hua-yen school” in Vashishtha Narayan Jha (ed.): Kalyāṇa-mitta: Professor Hajime Nakamura Felicitation Volume. New Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1991, (Bibliotheca Indo-Buddhica 86.) pp. 87–100. 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Unno Taitetsu: “The Hua-yen Vision of Interdependence: A Cross-cultural Perepective” in Kamata : Kegon gaku ronshū. Shigeo Hakase koki kinenkai (eds.) [Festschrift of Kamata Shigeo] Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997, pp. 91–108. Vorenkamp, Dirck: “Hua-yen Buddhism: Faith and Time in Fa-tsang’s Thought.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1997. Vorenkamp, Dirck: An English Translation of Fa-tsang’s Commentary on the Awakening of Faith. Lewiston, New York: E. Mellen Press, 2004. (Studies in Asian Thought and Religion 28.) Vorenkamp, Dirck: “Reconsidering the Whiteheadian Critique of Huayan Temporal Symmetry in light of Fazang’s Views.” Journal of Chinese Philosophy (2005) 32,2: pp. 197–210. Verdu, Alfonso (1974): Dialectical Aspects in Buddhist Thought: studies in Sino-Japanese Mahayana idealism. Center for East Asian Studies, University of Kansas: 1974. (International Studies, East Asian Series Research Publication 8.) Walraven, Boudewijn: “The Rediscovery of Ŭisang’s Ch’udonggi”. SCEAR (1996) 9: pp. 95–97. Wright, Dale: “The Significance of Paradoxical Language in Hua-yen Buddhism.” Philosophy East and West (1982) 32,3: pp. 325–338. Wright, Dale: “Language and Truth in Hua-yen Buddhism.” Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1986) 13: pp. 21–47. Wright, Dale: “The ‘Thought of Enlightenment’ in Fa-tsang’s Hua-yen Buddhism.” The Eastern Buddhist (2001) 33,2: pp. 97–106. Yi, Chi-kuan: “Hwaŏm Philosophy” in Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed.): Buddhist Thought in Korea. Seoul: Dongguk University Press, 1994. Yuyama Akira: “A Critical Survey of Philological Studies of the Daśabhūmikasūtra” in Michael Hahn, Jens-Uwe Hartmann, Roland Steiner (eds.): Suhṛllekhāḥ. Festgabe für Helmut Eimer. Swisttal-Odendorf: Indica-et-Tibetica-Verl., 1996, (Indica et Tibetica Band 28.) pp. 263–282. Zacchetti, Stefano: Fazang: Trattato sul leone d’oro. Padova: Esedra Editrice, 2000. 集 鎌田茂雄博士古希記念会 華厳学論 KIMURA KIYOTAKA HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN In Japan, Kegon studies, roughly speaking, started at the time of transmission of Buddhism in the sixth century. From that time, the tradition of Kegon studies has been maintained to the present time, although having been experiencing up and downs for about fifteen hundred years. However, these were, at least until Edo period, fundamentally such researches as deepening belief and religious practice by monks of the Kegon school, relying on the traditional method of studies generally called Shūgaku , which literally means “the special study on the doctrine of each school of Buddhism”. Therefore, the results of their studies were, on the whole, not necessarily sufficient, if seen from the viewpoint of objective way of science. But, some Buddhist scholars, including Hōtan (1654 or 1659–1738) of the Kegon school and Fujaku (1707–1781) of the Jōdo school, in Edo period, when a scent of modernizing of Japan has gradually been appearing, produced a couple of academic results of the Kegon studies highly appreciated. When the door of Meiji Era was opened and modernizing of Japan began in fullscale, new waves of Buddhist studies also occurred in Japan under the influence of European way of studies of humanity and social science, especially so-called philology. But, it seems that these waves came to the field of Kegon studies a little behind, because they have had a long and heavy tradition of their own studies, whose center had almost always been at the Tōdaiji temple in Nara. I would like to list up here some notable works in the field of Kegon from Meiji to the early days of Shōwa, that is, from the last quarter of nineteenth century to the first half of twentieth century. 宗學 鳳潭 普寂 湯次了栄 華嚴大系 YUSUGI Ryōei : Kegon taikei [The great system of Huayan doctrine]. As a whole, the author adequately summed the results of traditional Kegon studies by Ichiren-in Shūson , one of the excellent Buddhist scholars in Edo period, in this book. 一蓮院秀存 Seikei 亀谷聖馨: Kegon tetsugaku kenkyū 華嚴哲學研究 [Studies in KAMETANI Huayan philosophy]. The author discusses some important themes of Kegon philosophy in detail. 20 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 華嚴聖典研究 KAMETANI Seikei: Kegon seiten kenkyū [Studies in sacred scriptures of Huayan]. Deploring that Japanese Buddhists have not attached importance to the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, the author interprets the outline of it. 佛陀の最高哲學 KAMETANI Seikei: Budda no saikō tetsugaku to Kanto no tetsugaku [The ultimate philosophy of Buddha and the philosophy of Kant]. The author shows his interest in comparative studies between Buddhist philosophy and European philosophies, as well as his other researches from such a viewpoint. とカントの哲學 鈴木宗忠 原始華嚴哲學の研究 SUZUKI Sōchū : Genshi kegon tetsugaku no kenkyū [A study of early Huayan philosophy]. The author asserts that Zhiyan (602–668) should be regarded as the first patriarch of Chinese Huayan school, criticizing the traditional view on the founder. 高峯了州 智儼 華嚴思想史 TAKAMINE Ryōshū : Kegon shisōshi [A history of Huayan thought]. This is probably the first work on Huayan thought written from a historical viewpoint in Japan and still now worthy for students of Huayan philosophy. Its revised version was published in 1963 by Hyakka-en in Kyoto. 亀川教信 華嚴學 KAMEKAWA Kyōshin : Kegongaku [The Huayan doctrine]. Huayan doctrine is properly summarized in this book. After 1950’s, a series of new trends of Huayans studies have appeared in succession. 鈴木大拙 華嚴の研究 SUZUKI Daisetsu : Kegon no kenkyū [Studies in Huayan]. This book includes four articles in the “Zen-ron” (Discussion on Chan) formerly published in English. According to the author’s preface, Huayan can be regarded as one of the epoch-making crystallization in the world history of ideas. This work has led the useful comparative studies in Japan to some degree. 坂本幸男 華嚴教學の研究 慧苑 法蔵 SAKAMOTO Yukio : Kegon kyōgaku no kenkyū [A study of Huayan doctrine]. This work clarifies the important role of Huiyuan (673–743) through the history of Huayan thought, who was a disciple of Fazang (643–712), the third patriarch of Huayan school. 華嚴と禪の通路 TAKAMINE Ryōshū: Kegon to Zen no tsūro [The passage of Huayan to Chan]. The author discusses philosophical relations between Huayan and Chan over many cases of Buddhist thought in China. 川田熊太郎 中村元 KAWADA Kumatarō and NAKAMURA Hajime (eds.): Kegon shisō [The Huayan thought]. A comprehensive collection of illuminating papers on Huayan. 華嚴思想 21 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 石井教道 華嚴教學成立史 ISHII Kyōdō : Kegon kyōgaku seiritsu shi [A historical survey of establishment of Huayan doctrines]. Compilation of author’s studies of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra as a Mahāyāna text and Huayan doctrine formed in China. Some important issues are analyzed from historical or philosophical point of view. 鎌田茂雄 中國華嚴思想史の KAMATA Shigeo : Chūgoku kegon shisōshi no kenkyū [A study of Chinese Huayan Buddhism]. This book, which is the author’s Ph. D. dissertation, with special reference to Chengguan (738–839), the fourth patriarch of the Huayan school, is especially notable for it opened the door to the way toward a full-scale study on Huayan thought in Japan from the historical point of view. 研究 澄觀 鎌田茂雄 宗密教學の KAMATA Shigeo : Shūmitsu kyōgaku no shisōshi-teki kenkyū [A historical study of Zongmi’s doctrine]. He intended to grasp Zongmi’s (780–841) biography and his thought totally and succeeded to clarify that Zongmi was a radical Chan Buddhist as well as a philosopher who tried to unify Buddhism, Daoism and Confucianism. 思想的研究 宗密 Being much influenced by Dr. KAMATA Shigeo’s works, I wrote the following dissertation under the guidance of TAMAKI Kōshirō , not only a professor of the University of Tokyo, but also one of the great philosophers in modern Japan. 玉城康四郎 木村清孝 初期中國華嚴 KIMURA Kiyotaka : Shoki chūgoku kegon shisō no kenkyū [A study of early Huayan thought]. This work attempts to clarify the second patriarch Zhiyan’s thought, its significance, and the background for its establishment from a viewpoint of the history of ideas as far as possible. 思想の研究 Since then, some illuminating young scholars appeared in the field of Huayan study. 伊藤瑞叡 華嚴菩薩道の基礎的研 ITŌ Zuiei : Kegon bosatsudō no kiso-teki kenkyū [A basic study on bodhisattva-caryā in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra]. This is the author’s Ph. D. dissertation, which carried out a minute research on the thought of bodhisattva in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, including a comparative study of Huayan thought with Fahua thought based on the Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra. 究 法華 中村薫 華嚴の淨土 NAKAMURA Kaoru : Kegon no jōdo [The Pure Land in the Huayan] and Chūgoku kegon jōdo shisō no kenkyū [A Study of the Pure Land thought of Kegon in China]. The author deals with some important issues such as the vow, the belief, the meaning of Pure Land and so on, in these two works. It is note-worthy that the latter work discusses the criticism against the Japanese Pure Land school by YANG Renshan , who was one of the great Buddhists in Modern China. 楊仁山 中國華嚴淨土思想の研究 22 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 吉津宜英 華嚴一乘思想の研究 YOSHIZU Yoshihide : Kegon ichijō shisō no kenkyū [A study of the ekayāna thought in the Huayan]. This work focuses on the elucidation of characteristics of Fazang’s doctrine. It is especially important for it has clarified the concept of yisheng biejiao (transcendency of ekayāna) in detail. 一乘別教 石井公成 華嚴思想の研究 ISHII Kōsei : Kegon shisō no kenkyū [A study of Huayan thought]. Fully utilizing computer’s function, the author has developed the study of Huayan thought. It is appreciated in particular that he made clear the Dilun school’s influence on the doctrine of the Huayan school to some extent and the actual state of affairs of Buddhism in Silla, Korea. 地論 As known, the study on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and the doctrine of the Huayan school has made rapid progress in Japan in connection with the development of global communication to the present days. And now, new waves of Huayan studies seem to have been appearing again. One of them is a newly-designed philosophical exploration of Huayan thought, to which I also concern myself, to aim to reconsider it truly beyond the sectarian range. I strongly expect a sort of spiritual movements like this for the future of mankind. References 石井公成 石井教道 伊藤瑞叡 鎌田茂雄 鎌田茂雄 亀川教信 亀谷聖馨 亀谷聖馨 とカントの哲學 亀谷聖馨 川田熊太郎 華嚴思想の研究 華嚴教學成立史 華嚴菩薩道の基礎的研究 中國華嚴思想史の研究 宗密教學の思想的研究 華嚴學 華嚴哲學研究 佛陀の最高哲學 Ishii Kōsei : Kegon shisō no kenkyū [A study of Huayan thought]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1996. Ishii Kyōdō : Kegon kyōgaku seiritsu shi [A historical survey of the establishment of Huayan doctrines]. Tokyo: Chūō kōron jigyō shuppan, 1964. Itō Zuiei : Kegon bosatsudō no kiso-teki kenkyū [A basic study of bodhisattva-caryā in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra]. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1988. Kamata Shigeo : Chūgoku kegon shisōshi no kenkyū [A study of Chinese Huayan Buddhism]. Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1965. Kamata Shigeo : Shūmitsu kyōgaku no shisōshi-teki kenkyū [A historical study of Zongmi’s doctrine]. Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1975. Kamekawa Kyōshin : Kegongaku [The Huayan doctrine]. Kyoto: Hyakkaen, 1949. Kametani Seikei : Kegon tetsugaku kenkyū [Studies in Huayan philosophy]. Tokyo: Meikyō-gakkai, 1922. Kametani Seikei : Budda no saikō tetsugaku to Kanto no tetsugaku [The ultimate philosophy of Buddha and the philosophy of Kant]. Tokyo: Hōbunkan, 1924. Kametani Seikei : Kegon seiten kenkyū [Studies in sacred scriptures of Huayan]. Tokyo: Hōbunkan, 1925. Kawada Kumatarō and Nakamura Hajime (eds.): Kegon shisō [The Huayan thought]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1960. 華嚴聖典研究 中村元 華嚴思想 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 木村清孝 中村薫 中村薫 坂本幸男 鈴木大拙 鈴木宗忠 高峯了州 高峯了州 吉津宜英 湯次了栄 23 初期中國華嚴思想の研究 Kimura Kiyotaka : Shoki chūgoku kegon shisō no kenkyū [A study of early Huayan thought]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1977. Nakamura Kaoru : Kegon no jōdo [The Pure Land in the Huayan]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1991. Nakamura Kaoru : Chūgoku kegon jōdo shisō no kenkyū [A study of the Pure Land thought of Kegon in China]. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 2001. Sakamoto Yukio : Kegon kyōgaku no kenkyū [A study of Huayan doctrine]. Tokyo: Heirakuji shoten, 1956. Suzuki Daisetsu : Kegon no kenkyū [Studies in Huayan]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1955. Suzuki Sōchū : Genshi kegon tetsugaku no kenkyū [A study of early Huayan philosophy]. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1934. Takamine Ryōshū : Kegon shisōshi [A history of Huayan thought]. Kyoto: Kōkyōshoin, 1942. Takamine Ryōshū : Kegon to Zen no tsūro [The passage of Huayan to Chan]. Nara: Nanto bukkyō kenkyūkai, 1956. Yoshizu Yoshihide : Kegon ichijō shisō no kenkyū [A study of the ekayāna thought in the Huayan]. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1991. Yusugi Ryōei : Kegon taikei [The great system of Huayan doctrine]. Kyoto: Hōrinkan, 1915. 華嚴の淨土 中國華嚴淨土思想の研究 華嚴教學の研究 華嚴の研究 原始華嚴哲學の研究 華嚴思想史 華嚴と禪の通路 華嚴一乘思想の研究 華嚴大系 24 KIMURA KIYOTAKA BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JAPANESE STUDIES ON HUAYAN BUDDHISM IN THE PAST TEN YEARS (COMPILED BY KIM CHON HAK) 1. Books 1.1. Huayan thought in general 海音寺潮五郎 人生遍路 華厳経 鎌田茂雄編 華厳経 和訳 鎌田茂雄編 鎌田茂雄 華厳経物語 木村清孝 華厳経をよむ 李道業 華厳経思想研究 中村元 『華厳経』『楞伽経』 竹村牧男 華厳とは何か 山田史生 カオス への視座 哲学としての華厳仏教 結城令聞 華厳思想 Kaionji Chōgorō : Jinsei henro: Kegonkyō : [Life pilgrimage: Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Tokyo: Kawade shobō shinsha, 2003. Kamata Shigeo : Kegonkyō: wayaku : [Avataṃsaka-sūtra: translation into Japanese]. Tokyo: Tōkyō bijutsu, 1995. Kamata Shigeo : : Kegonkyō monogatari [Story of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Tokyo: Daihorinkaku, 2004. Kimura Kiyotaka : Kegonkyō wo yomu [I read the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Tokyo: Japan Broadcast Publishing Co. Ltd, 1997. Lee Do-op : Kegonkyō shisō kenkyū [On the thought of the Avataṃsakasūtra]. Kyoto: Nagata bunshodo, 2001. Nakamura Hajime : Kegonkyō Ryōgakyō [Avataṃsaka-sūtra, Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra]. Tokyo: Tōkyō shoseki, 2003. Takemura Makio : Kegon to wa nanika [What is Huayan?]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 2004. Yamada Fumio : Konton (kaosu) e no shiza: Tetsugaku to shite no kegon bukkyō ( ) : [Point of view on chaos: Huayan Buddhism in philosophy]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1999. Yuki Reimon : Kegon shisō [Huayan thought]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1999. 渾沌 1.2. Huayan in China 石井公成 李惠英 略疏刊定記』の基礎的研究 中村薫 華厳思想の研究 Ishii Kōsei : Kegon shisō no kenkyū [Study on Huayan thought]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1996. Lee Hui-ying : Eon sen ‘Zoku kegon ryakuso kanteki’ no kisoteki kenkyū [Basic sudy on the Xu Huayan jing lüeshu kanding ji]. Tokyo: Dōhōsha, 2000. Nakamura Kaoru : Chūgoku kegon jōdo shisō no kenkyū [A study of Chinese Huayan’s Pure Land thought]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 2001. 慧苑撰『続華厳 中国華厳浄土思想の研究 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 25 1.3. Kegon in Japan 橋本聖圓 東大寺と華厳の世界 森本公誠 善財童子求道の旅 華厳経入法界品華厳五十五所絵巻より 中村薫 親鸞の華厳 築島裕編 東大寺諷誦文稿總索引 浦上義昭編 二百十五世別当上司永慶 華厳のこころ Hashimoto Shōen : Tōdaiji to kegon no sekai [Todaiji and the world of Kegon]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 2003. Morimoto Kōsei : Zenzai dōshi gudō no tabi: Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon kegon gojūgosho emaki yori : [Sudhana’s trip of seeking after truth]. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbun Company, 1998. Nakamura Kaoru : Shinran no kegon [Shinran’s Kegon]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1998. Tsukishima Hiroshi : Tōdaiji fujumon kō sōsakuin [An index to the essay of reciting the scriptures in Todaiji temple]. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2001. Uragami Yoshiaki : Tōdaiji nihyaku jūgose bettō jōshi Eikei: Kegon no kokoro : [Mind of Kegon]. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 2002. 東大寺 1.4. Other 鎌田茂雄博士古稀記念会編 Kegongaku ronshū 華厳 Kamata Shigeo hakushi koki kinenkai hen [Essays in Huayan studies]. Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997. 学論集 2. Articles 2.1. Huayan thought in general 秋田光兆 華厳教学の縁起論 大正大学研 究紀要人間学部 文学部 秋田光兆 縁起思想について 華厳と天 台から 山家学会紀要 藤丸 要 華厳教学における善 悪の問題 日本仏教学会 年報 石橋真誡 華厳教判論と如来蔵縁 起思想 南都仏教 石橋真誡 華厳 思想研究の諸問題 華厳思想と華厳観 華厳学論集 石橋真誡 華厳縁起観 の展開華厳と唯識の接点 仏教思想文化史 論叢 Akita Kōchō : “Kegon kyōgaku no engiron” [The dependent origination of Huayan doctrine]. Tashō daigaku kenkyū kiyō ningen gakubu: bungakubu (2002) 87: pp. 1–25. Akita Kōchō : “Engi shisō ni tsuite kegon to tendai kara” – [On dependent origination: from the viewpoint of Huayan and Tientai]. Sange gakkai kiyō (2002) 5: pp. 50–54. Fujimaru Kaname : “Kegon kyōgaku ni okeru zen aku no mondai” [Ethical issues in the Huayan doctrine]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō (2000) 65: pp. 165–178. Ishibashi Shinaki : “Kegonkyō hanron to nyoraizō engi shisō” [The critical classification of teachings and Tathāgatagarbha Pratītyasamutpāda thought in the Huayan school]. Nanto bukkyō (1996) 73: pp. 1–17. Ishibashi Shinaki : “Kegon shisō kenkyū no shomondai kegon shisō to kegonkan” [Various problems of the research on Huayan thought, Kegon though and Kegon discernment]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 101–205. Ishibashi Shinaki : “Kegon engi kan no tenkai kegon to yuishiki no setten” [Development of the Huayan discernment of Pratīstyasamutpāda, the connection between Huayan and Yogācāra]. Bukkyō shisō bunkashi ronsō (1997): pp. 81–100. 26 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 石橋真誡 華厳教学の思想史的系譜 印度学仏教学 「事事無礙」を説いたのは誰か Ishibashi Shinaki : “Kegon kyōgaku no shisōshiteki keifu” [The ideological lineage of Huayan dogmatics]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 1–11. Ishii Kōsei : “Jiji muge wo toita no wa dare ka” [Who was the first to advocate the theory of the mutual non-obstruction of phenomena?]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 89–94. Jin Yong-yu : “Kegon hokkaigi no kōsatsu” [A study of the meaning of dharmadhātu in Huayan Buddhism]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1999) 94 47.2: pp. 201–203. Jin Yong-yu : “Sōsokuron no shisōshiteki kōsatsu” [The investigation of the theory of mutual identity in the history of thought]. Hirai Shun’ei hakushi koki kinen ronshū: sanron kyōgaku to bukkyō shoshisō : (2000): pp. 313–329. Jin Yong-yu : “Kegonka no shikan ni taisuru kaishaku” [Interpretations of Huiyuan Insight and Contemplation]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 105 53.1: pp. 172–178. Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Mugon no jigon” [Pointing to the truth through silence]. Bukkyōgaku seminā (1997) 66: pp. 67–87. Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Kegonkyō ni okeru bosatsu no gan” [Praṇidhāna of Bodhisattva in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō (1995) 60: pp. 179–192. Kimura Kiyotaka : “Kyōsei to ensei” [Living together and causal formation]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō (1999) 64: pp. 31–44. Kimura Kiyotaka : “Shinkū myōu-ron no keisei to tenkai” [Formation and development of the theory of absolute emptiness and subtle existence]. Ejima Yasunori hakushi tsuitō ronshū: kū to jitsuzai : (2000): pp. 257– Kimura Kiyotaka : “Sangai yuishin kō mono kokoro inochi e no bukkyōgakuteki shiten” [Consideration of the idea of ‘three worlds are mind-only’: A Buddhological view of matter, mind and life]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 9: pp. 3–16. Kimura Kiyotaka : “Bukkyōteki shii no kanōsei kegon to zen wo chūshin ni” – [Soteriological possibility of Buddhist thought in modern society: focusing on Huayan and Chan]. Hikaku shisō kenkyū (2003) 30: pp. 25–31. Kimura Kiyotaka : “Kegon to zen” [Huayan Buddhism and Chan Buddhism]. Zen kenkyūsho kiyō (2003) 31: pp. 1–12. Kimura Kiyotaka : “Kegonkyō kara kegonshū e” [From the Avataṃsaka-sūtra to the Huayan school]. Ronshū Tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 9–12. Kimura Kiyotaka : “Bukkyōteki shii no kanōsei kegon to zen wo chūshin ni” [Soteriological possibility of Buddhist thought in modern society: focusing on Huayan and Chan]. Hikaku shisō kenkyū (2004) 30: pp. 25–31. Kimura Kiyotaka : “Zen kara kegon e, kegon kara zen e” [To Chan from Huayan and to Huayan from Chan]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō (2004) 37: pp. 1–16. 研究 石井公成 陳永裕 印度学仏教学研究 華厳法界義の考察 印度学仏教学研究 陳永裕 相即論の思想史的考察 平井俊栄博士古稀記念論集 三論教学と仏教諸 思想 陳永裕 華厳家の止観に対する解釈 印度学仏教 学研究 鍵主良敬 無言の示言 仏教学セミナー 鍵主良敬 『華厳経』における菩薩の願 日本仏教 学会年報 木村清孝 共生と縁成 日本仏教学会年報 木村清孝 真空妙有論の形成と展開 江島恵教博士追悼論集 空と実在 木村清孝 「三界唯心」考モノ こころ いのちへの仏教学的視点 インド哲学仏教学研究 木村清孝 仏教的 思惟の可能性 華厳と禅を中心に 比較思想研究 木村清孝 華厳と禅 禅研究所紀要 木村清孝 華厳経から華厳宗へ 論集東大寺の歴 史と教学 木村清孝 仏教的 思惟の可能性華厳と禅を中心に 比較思想研究 木村清孝 禅から華厳へ、華厳から禅へ 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 27 権坦俊 『華厳経』修行道の頓漸問題 印度学仏教学研究 中村薫 華厳の浄土 論集東大寺の歴史と教学 中村薫 如心偈を事事無 礙とみる解釈のこと 印度学仏教学研究 中村薫 華厳の三性説 「行三 性」と「解三性」 宗教 研究 中村薫 無性性から事事無碍まで真諦三蔵と初期別教一乗の教学 印度学仏教学研究 中村薫 因の哲学初期 華厳教学の論理構造 南都仏教 山田史生 華厳哲学における「力」 の概念」 華厳学論集 吉津宜英 華厳教学と『法華経』 勝呂信静博士古稀 記念論文集 吉津宜英 『華厳経』「明 難品」の縁起甚深について 中村璋八博士古稀記 念 東洋学論集 吉津宜英 華厳系の仏教 シリーズ 東アジア仏教』 Kwon Tanhun : “Kegonkyō shugyōdō no tonzen mondai” [The problem of sudden and gradual in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 196–198. Nakamura Kaoru : “Kegon no jōdo” [Pure Land in Huayan]. Ronshū Tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 22–30. Nakamura Kaoru : “Nyoshinge wo jiji muge to miru kaishaku no koto” [Explanation of mind-only verse by the non-obstruction of phenomena]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 93 47.1: pp. 233–235. Nakamura Kaoru : “Kegon no sanshōsetsu gyōsanshō gesanshō” [The three self-natures theory of Huayan Buddhism]. Shūkyō kenkyū (1999) 322 73.3: pp. 77–100. Nakamura Kaoru : “Mushōshō kara jiji muge made shintai sanzō to shoki bekkyō ichijō no kyōgaku” [Nihsvabhavata as the very origin of the concept that all things interprenetrate without obstruction]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 19–21. Nakamura Kaoru : “In no tetsugaku shoki kegon kyōgaku no ronri kōzō” [Philosophy of causality: The logical structure of the early Huayan Buddhism]. Nanto bukkyō (2000) 79: pp. 44–66. Yamada Fumio : “Kegon tetsugaku ni okeru riki no gainen” [The concept of “power” in Huayan philosophy]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 255–276. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Kegon kyōgaku to Hokkekyō” [Huayan doctrine and the Lotus sūtra]. Suguro shijo hakushi koki kinen ronbunshū (1996): pp. 361–372. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Kegonkyō myōnanbon no engi shinjin ni tsuite” [On incredibly profound dependent origination of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Nakamura shōhachi hakushi koki kinen: tōyōgaku ronshū : (1996): pp. 829–846. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Kegon kei no Bukkyō” [The Buddhism of the Huayan school]. Shirīzu higashiajia bukkyō (1997) 3: pp. 67–104. 2.2. Avataṃsaka-sūtra in India 平井宥慶 『華厳経』の信仰 華厳学論集 国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 Hirai Yūkei : “Kegonkyō no shinkō” [The faith of the Avataṃsakasūtra]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 137–154. Hori Shin’ichirō: “Gaṇḍavyūha-Fragmente der Turfan-Sammlung.” Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō (2002) 5: pp. 113–132. Jin Yong-yu : “Kegonkyō ni okeru shi to sha ni tsuite no kōsatsu” [Upekṣā and dāna in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 192–195. Kobayashi Enshō : “Gandavyuha ni okeru sudarushana biku no hōmon” Gandavyuha [On the teachings of Sudarśana bhikṣu in the Gaṇḍavyūhasūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1: pp.144–150. Kobayashi Enshō : “Gandavyuha ni okeru parsanmandala no igi” Gandavyuha parsanmandala [On the concept of parṣanmaṇḍala in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 89–94. 陳永裕 についての考察 印度学仏教学研究 小林円照 おけるスダルシャナ比丘の法門 印度学仏教学研究 小林円照 の意義 印度学仏教学研究 華厳経における施と捨 に における 28 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 小林円照 花園大学文学部研究紀要 小林円照 共生原理とし てのサマヴァサラナの可能性 日本仏教学会年報 小林円照 入法界品メ ーガ章にみられる燃灯授記の影響 印度学仏教学研究 小林円照 華厳経入法界品における仏母マーヤーの胎蔵世界 宗教研究 小林円照 願心敬重と異境教化華厳経入法界品 弥伽章の一考察 南都仏教 小林円照 ガンダ ヴューハの一善友に変容したクリシュナ神 印度学仏教学研究 小林円照 善友 善知識思想の展開とその日本的受容 論集東大寺の歴史と教学 小林円照 『入法界 品』に見える菩薩道としての医薬学 宗教研究 李杏九 華厳経における浄土思想 仏教福祉研究 真野龍海 梵文『入法界 品』第 章 試訳 インド文化と仏教思想の基調と展開 第 巻 真野龍海 「梵文『入法界品』 第 章 試訳 」 空海の思想と 文化 下 室寺義仁 『華厳経』「十地 品」における「唯心」について 密教文化研究所紀要 室寺義仁 『十地経』における「大悲」 について 日本仏教学会年報 中村薫 『華厳 経』「入法界品」における善知識について 宇治谷祐顕仏寿 記念論集 仏の教化 仏道学 中村薫 『華厳経』に於ける教化につ いて 真宗教学研究 Kobayashi Enshō : “On the concept of Mandala in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra” Hanazono daigaku bungakubu kenkyū kiyō (1998) 30: pp. 31–41. Kobayashi Enshō : “Kyōsei genri to shite no samavasarana no kanōsei” [On the Samavasarana as the principle of social and religious coexistence]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō (1999) 64: pp. 295–306. Kobayashi Enshō : “Nyūhokkaibon megashō ni mirareru entō juki no eikyō” [On the teachings of Megha Dramida in the Gaṇḍavyūha]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1999) 95 48.1: pp. 119–124. Kobayashi Enshō : “Kegonkyō Nyūhokkaibon ni okeru butsumo Māyā no taizō sekai” [On the teachings of Māyādevi in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2000) 323 73.4: pp. 221–222. Kobayashi Enshō : “Ganshin keichō to ikyō kyōke Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon megashō no ichi kōsatsu” [On the teachings of Dramida Megha in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Nanto bukkyō (2000) 79: pp. 1–17. Kobayashi Enshō : “Gandhavyuha no ichi zenyū ni henyō shita kurishuna shin” [Kṛṣṇa in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 99 50.1: pp. 115–121. Kobayashi Enshō : “Zenyū, zenchishiki shisō no tenkai to sono nihonteki juyō” [The hermeneutical development of Zenyū (Good Friend) and Zenchishiki (Spiritual Teacher) in Japan and the Significance of Tōdaiji Temple]. Ronshū tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 13–21. Kobayashi Enshō : “Nyūhokkaibon ni mieru bosatsudō to shite no iyakugaku” [Medical teachings in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2003) 335: pp. 229–230. Lee Heng-ku : “Kegonkyō ni okeru jōdo shisō” [The Pure Land thought of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Bukkyō fukushi kenkyū (1998): pp. 447–479. Mano Ryūkai : “Bonbun Nyūhokkaibon dai 23, 24, 25 shō (shiyaku)” 23 24 25 ( ) [Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, §23, 24, 25]. Indobunka to bukkyōshisō no kichō to tenkai ( 1 ) (2003) 1: pp. 3–17. Mano Ryūkai : “Bonbun Nyūhokkaibon dai 26, 27 shō (shiyaku)” 26 27 ( ) [Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, §26–27]. Kūkai no shisō to bunka ge ( ) (2004): pp. 91–108. Murōji Yoshihito : “Kegonkyō jūjibon ni okeru yuishin ni tsuite” [Cittamātra in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra and the Buddhāvataṃsaka]. Mikkyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō (2001) 14: pp. 119–159. Murōji Yoshihito : “Jūjikyō ni okeru daihi ni tsuite” (mahakaruna) [The mahākaruṇā of Daśabhūmika-sūtra]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō (2002) 67: pp. 13–26. Nakamura Kaoru : “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon ni okeru zenchishiki ni tsuite” [Good and virtuous friend of the Gaṇḍavyūhasūtra]. Ujitani yūken butsuju kinen ronshū hotoke no kyōke butsudō gaku : (1996). Nakamura Kaoru : “Kegonkyō ni okeru kyōke ni tsuite” [The guidance of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Shinshū kyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 21: pp. 169–171. HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 29 岡島秀隆 華厳経における自在性の 華厳学論集 大竹晋 『華厳経』離世間品 の 十仏 印度学仏教学研究 大塚伸夫 『華厳経』 入法界品と『金剛手灌頂タントラ』 密教文化研究所 紀要別冊 密教の形成と流伝 田口秀明 『華厳経』 「入法界品」における神変、加持について 密教文化 田村智淳 『華厳経 入法界品』に おける「威神力」 戸崎宏正博士古稀記念論文集 インドの文化と論理 津田真一 『華厳経』「入法界品」における弥勒法界の理念とその神的 宇宙論的意味 国際仏 教学大学院大学研究紀要 Okajima Hidetaka : “Kegonkyō ni okeru jizaisei no shosō” [Some aspects of freedom in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 119–133. Ōtake Susumu : “Lokottaraparivarta” ( ) jūbutsu ( ) wo meguru Kāyatrayāvatāramukha to Buddhabhūmivyākhyāna [A relationship between the Kāyatrayāvatāramukha and Buddhabhūmivyākhyāna]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 99 50.1: pp. 122–125. Ōtsuka Nobuo : “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon to Kongo shukanchō tantora” [The Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra and the Vajrapāṇyabhiśeka tantra]. Mikkyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō bessatsu 2: Mikkyō no keisei to ruden 2 (2000): pp. 23–52. Taguchi Hideaki : “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon ni okeru shinben kaji ni tsuite [On the meaning and function of adhiṣṭhāna and vikurvita in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Mikkyō bunka (1997) 198: pp. 26–42. Tamura Chijun : “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon ni okeru ijinriki” [Adhi-ṣṭhā in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Tosaki Hiromasa hakushi koki kinen ronbunshū: indo no bunka to ronri : (2000): pp. 85–112. Tsuda Shin’ichi : “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon ni okeru miroku hokkai no rinen to sono shinteki uchūronteki imi” [The idea of the world of Maitreya bodhisattva in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra and its theistical and cosmological meaning]. Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō (1998) 1: pp. 61–105. 諸相 2.3. Huayan in China 張愛順 華厳教学における空観の展 開 印度学仏教学研究 張愛順 法蔵の成仏論について 印度学 仏教学研究 張愛順 霊弁の『華 厳経論』について奎章閣の筆写本 印度学仏教学研究 竺沙雅章 遼代華厳宗の一考察主に、新出華厳宗典籍の文献学的研究 大谷大 学研究年報 竺沙雅章 元代華 北の華厳宗行育とその後継者たち 南都仏教 曹潤鎬 宗密の教と 禅の関係論における華厳と禅 東アジア仏教研究 Chang Ae Soon : “Kegon kyōgaku ni okeru kūkan no tenkai” [The evolution of the idea of emptiness in Huayan doctrine]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 227–234. Chang Ae Soon : “Hōzō no jōbutsuron ni tsuite” [Fazang’s theory of the attainment of Buddhahood through perfect faith]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 103 52.1: pp. 165–170. Chang Ae Soon : “Reiben no Kegonkyōron ni tsuite Keishōkaku no hisshahon” [The Huayan jing lun compiled by Lingbian]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 105 53.1: pp. 178–183. Chikusa Masaaki : “Ryōdai kegonshū no ichi kōsatsu omoni shinshutsu kegonshū tenseki no bunkengaku teki kenkyū” [A study of the Huayan school during the Liao period]. Ōtani daigaku kenkyū nenpō (1997) 49: pp. 1–67. Chikusa Masaaki : “Gendai kahoku no kegonshū Gyōiku to sono kōkeisha tachi” [A study of the Huayan school in Northern China during the Yuan period: Xingyu and his successors]. Nanto bukkyō (1997) 74: pp. 1–32. Cho Yoonho : “Shūmitsu no kyō to zen no kankeiron ni okeru kegon to zen” [Huayan and Chan Buddhism in Zongmi’s teachings]. Higashi ajia bukkyō kenkyū (2003) 1: pp. 39–47. 30 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 崔福姫 『古清涼伝』から『広清涼伝』への文殊信仰の変遷文殊概念を中心に 印度学仏教学研究 遠藤純一郎 澄観と密教 『大方廣仏華厳経疏』に見られる密教的要素 智山学報 藤丸要 『華厳経文義綱目』と 『華厳経旨帰』 仏教学研究 藤丸要 中国華厳における法界縁起について智儼の教学を中心として 華厳学論集 藤善真澄 『華厳経伝記』の 彼方法蔵と太原寺」 華厳学論集 池田魯参 荊渓湛然に及 ぼした華厳教学の影響 華厳学論集 石井公成 敦煌写本の中の霊弁『華厳経論』断簡 縁集説の成立をめぐって 華厳学論集 石井公成 則天武后「大乗入楞伽経序」と法蔵『入楞伽心玄義』禅宗との 関係に留意して 駒沢大学禅研究所年報 石井公成 華厳宗の観行文献に見える禅宗批判 慧能の三科法門に留意して 松ケ岡文庫研究年報 石井公成 禅宗に対する 華厳宗の対応智儼 義相の場合 韓国仏教学 岩城英規 雲棲袾宏の華厳教学 印度学仏教学研究 陳永裕 澄観の華厳観法 に関する文献の考察 華厳学論集 鍵主良敬 賢首法蔵の生即無生観 華厳学論集 Choi Bok Hee : “Koseiryōden kara Kōseiryōden e no monjushinkō no hensen monju gainen wo chūshin ni” [The evolution of belief in Mañjuśrī from the Old Qingliang zhuan to the Expanded Qingliang zhuan]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 103 52.1: pp. 192–194. Endō Jun’ichirō : “Chōkan to mikkyō, Daihōkōbutsu kegonkyōso ni mirareru mikkyōteki yōso” , [Chengguan and Esoteric teaching]. Chizan gakuhō (2004) 53: pp. 117–143. Fujimaru Kaname : “Kegonkyō mongikōmoku to Kegonkyō shiki” [Huayanjing wenyi gangmu and Huayanjing zhigui]. Bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1995) 51: pp. 119–141. Fujimaru Kaname : “Chūgoku kegon ni okeru hokkai engi ni tsuite Chigon no kyōgaku wo chūshin to shite” [The dharmadhātu dependent arising in Chinese Huayan Buddhism with focus on Zhiyan’s teachings]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 207–224. Fujiyoshi Masumi : “Kegonkyō denki no kanata Hōzō to Taigenji” [A study of the Huayanjing zhuanji]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 311–332. Ikeda Rosan : “Keikyō Tannen ni oyoboshita kegon kyōgaku no eikyō” [Influence of Huayan doctrine on Jingqi Zhanran]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 333–348. Ishii Kōsei : “Tonkō shahon no naka no Reiben Kegonkyōron dankan enshūsetsu no seiritsu wo megutte” [Lingbian’s Huayan jing lun in the Dunhuang manuscript]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 155–175. Ishii Kōsei : “Sokuten bukō Daijōnyūryōgakyō jo to Hōzō Nyūryōgashingengi zenshū to no kankei ni ryūi shite” [The introduction of the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra by Empress Wu and the Essential Meaning of the Laṅkāvatāra-hṛdaya by Fazang: with special reference to its relation with the Chan school]. Komazawa daigaku kenkyūjo nenpō (2002) 13–14: pp. 25–44. Ishii Kōsei : “Kegonshū no kangyō bunken ni mieru zenshū hihan Kainō no sanka hōmon ni ryūi shite” – [Criticism against Zen sect in the meditation document of Huayan school with focus on Huineng’s three categories]. Matsugaoka bunko kenkyū nenpō (2003) 17: pp. 47–62. Ishii Kōsei : “Zenshū ni taisuru kegonshū no taiō Chigon, Gishō no baai [Chan’s interaction with Huayan: the cases of Zhiyan and Ŭisang]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 119–143. Iwaki Eiki : “Unsei shukō no kegon kyōgaku” [Yunqi Zhuhong’s Huayan scholastics]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1: pp. 87–91. Jin Young yu : “Chōkan no kegon kanbō ni kansuru bunken no kōsatsu” [Chengguan’s text about methods of meditation in the Huayan school]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 395–430. Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Kenju Hōzō no shōki mushō kan” [Fazang’s interpretation of the concept that arising is not different from non-arising]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 241–254. HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 鍵主良敬 華厳三聖像の形成 印度学仏教学研究 31 Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Kegon sanshōzō no keisei” [The formation of the Huayan Trinity]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 101–107. Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Kegon shisōshi yori mita Keisokusen no bukkyō” [The Buddhism of Jizushan in the history of Huayan thought]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 235–241. Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Shūmitsu igo no kegonshū” [Huayan school after Zongmi]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 83–101. Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Tōmatsu Sōsho no kegon to mikkyō, Angaku sekkutsu wo tegakari to shite” [Huayan and Mijiao in the late Tang and early Song Dynasties: Getting on the track on Anyue Cave]. Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō (2001) 4: pp. 1–19. Kano Hiroshi; Wei Daoru : “Chūgoku kegonshū no shōki gakusetsu ni tsuite” [A theory of the xingqi of the Chinese Huayan school]. Tōyō gakujutsu kenkyū 147(40–2) (2001): pp. 59–69. Kim Kyon-nam : Chūgoku kegon ni okeru nyūhokkaibon rikai Chigon to Hōzō o chūshin to shite – [An interpretation of the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra in the Chinese Huayan school]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 10: pp. 61–75. Kim Yong-tae : “Shōan Kanpuku no kegonshisō to sotōsetu Kegonkyō daisho genmon zuisho engishōkai geki wo chūshin to shite” [Guanfu’s Huayan thought and his theory of patriarchal succession: with a focus on the Huayanjing dashu xuanwen suishu yanyichao huijie ji]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 20–22. Kim Yong-tae : “Shōan Kanpuku no kegonshisō kenkyū Kegonkyō daisho genmon zuisho engishōkai geki wo chūshin to shite” [Xiaoan Guanfu’s studies of Huayan thought: with a focus on the Huayanjing dashu xuanwen suishu yanyichao huijie ji]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 161–180. Kimura Senshō : “Hōzō ni okeru Daijōkishinron giki senjutsu no ishu” [Meaning of writing Dasheng qixinlun yiji by Fazang]. Kansaidaigaku tōzai gakujutsu kenkyūjo kenkyū sōkan (2000) 15: pp. 65–103. Kimura Senshō : “Chigi to Hōzō sono denki ni mirareru ishitsusei” [Zhiyi and Fazang: their difference as seen in their biographies]. Bukkyōgaku seminā (1995) 61: pp. 1–20. Kojima Taizan : “Chūgoku kegon shisō shi saikō” [A reconsideration of the history of Huayan thought in China]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 95–100. Kojima Taizan : “Chūgoku kegon shisō shi no atarashii mikata” [A new viewpoint to the history of Huayan thought in China]. Shirīzu higashi ajia bukkyō (1997) 3: pp. 371–388. Kojima Taizan : “Godaisan kei kegon shisō no chūgokuteki tenkai josetsu” [Chinese developments of the Wutaishan lineage of Huayan thought]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 379–394. Kojima Taizan : “Ritsūgen ni okeru Rōeki gon itchi no kegon shisō to sono eikyō” [Li Tongxuan’s concept of identity of Daoism 鍵主良敬 華厳思想史より 見た鶏足山の仏教 印度学仏教学研究 鍵主良敬 宗密以後の華厳宗 華厳学論集 鍵主良敬 唐末宋初の華厳と密教安岳石窟を手がかりとして 国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 菅野博史 魏道儒 中国華厳宗の性起学説について 東洋学術研究 金京南 中国華厳における「入法界品」理解 智儼と法蔵を中心として インド哲学仏教学研究 金龍泰 笑菴観復の華厳思想と祖統説『華厳経大疏玄文 随疏演義鈔会解記』を中心として 印度学仏教学研究 金龍泰 笑菴観復の華厳思想研究『華厳経大疏玄文随疏演 義鈔会解記』を中心として」 韓国仏 教学 木村宣彰 法蔵における 『大乗起信論義記』撰述の意趣 関西大学東西学術研究所研究叢刊 木村宣彰 智顗と法蔵その伝 記にみられる異質性 仏教学セミナー 小島岱山 中国華厳思想史再考 印度学仏教学 研究 小島岱山 中国華厳思想史の新 しい見方 シリーズ 東アジア仏教 小島岱山 五台山系 華厳思想の中国的展開序説 華厳学論集 小島岱山 李通玄 における老易厳一致の華厳思想とその影響 32 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 印度学仏教学研究 and Huayan, and its influence]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 90 45.2: pp. 256–260. Kojima Taizan : “Chōkan ni okeru rōeki gon itchi no kegon shisō to shi hokkai” [Chengguan and Huayan thought]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 92 46.2: pp. 58–62. Kojima Taizan : “Godaisan kei kegon shisō no nihon teki tenkai josetsu Myōe ni ataeta Ritsūgen no eikyō” [Japanese evolutions of the Wutaishan lineage of Huayan thought: The influence of Li Tongxuan on Myōe]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 86–90. Kojima Taizan : “Godaisan kei kegon shisō no Chūgokuteki tenkai ni Ekyō Kakuhan ni ataeta Ritsūgen no eikyō” ( ) [Chinese developments of the Wutaishan lineage of Huayan thought (II): The influence of Li Tongxuan on Huihong Jiaofan]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 98 49.2: pp. 239–243. Kugao Hitomi : “Hokke kanmon no chūshaku shorui ni okeru ichi kōsatsu” [A Study of commentaries on the Fajie guanmen]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō (1999) 32: pp. 97–106. Lee Jeong-sook : “Kegonkyō sōgenki ni okeru jūji kakuchi no meishō to imi ni tsuite” [The meaning of the names of the ten stages in the Huayanjing souxuanji]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 14–16. Li Hui-ying : “Eon to Zoku kegon ryakuso kanteki” [Huiyuan and his work Xu Huayan lüeshu kandingji (A continuation of Fazang’s unfinished commentary on the Huayan sūtra)]. Nanto bukkyō (1995) 72: pp. 40–51. Li Hui-ying : “Eon Zoku kegon ryakuso kanteki kenkyū hachijū kegonkyō no hon’yaku to kyōtairon wo megutte” [A study of Huiyan’s Xu Huyan lüeshu kandingji: His testimony on the Chinese translation of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra in Eighty Fascicles and his explanation of theories on the essence of teaching]. Indotetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1995) 3: pp. 76–88. Miyaji Kiyohiko : “Kegon tenseki ni mirareru zen’aku kan, gō ron ni tsuite Hōzō no Tangenki ni motozuite no ichi kōsatsu” [On “good and evil” and “karma” theory in the documents of Huayan on the basis of Fazang’s Tanxuan ji]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 295–309. Nakamura Kaoru : “Shukō no kegon jōdogi” [Zhuhong’s concept of Pure Land in the Huayan]. Tōkai bukkyō (1999) 44: pp. 1–15. Nakamura Kaoru : “Zoku shukō no kegon jōdogi” [Zhuhong’s concept of Pure Land in the Huayan (part 2)]. Dōhō daigaku ronso (1999) 80: pp. 51–69. Nakamura Kaoru : “Kegonshū resso ni okeru jōdogi” [The concept of Pure Land in the Chinese Huayan sect]. Dōhō daigaku bukkyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō (1999) 18: pp. 1–22. Nakamura Kaoru : “Enju no kegon jōdogi” [Yanshou’s interpretation of the Pure Land in the Huayan]. Dōhō bukkyō (2000) 36: pp. 1–46. No Jae-Seong : “Seiryō Chōkan no Hokkekyō kan” [Chengguan’s view of the Lotus sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 22–24. 小島岱山 澄観に おける老易厳一致の華厳思想と四法界 印度学仏教学研究 小島岱山 五台山系華厳思想の日本的展開序説明恵に与えた李通玄の影響 印度学仏教学研究 小島岱山 五台山系華厳思想の中国的展開 二 慧洪覚範に与えた李通玄 の影響 印度学仏教学研究 久我尾ひとみ 『法界 観門』の注釈書類における一考察 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 李貞淑 『華厳経捜玄記』における十地各地の名称と意味について 印度学仏教学研究 李恵英 慧苑と『続華厳略疏刊定記』 南都仏教 李恵英 慧苑『続華厳略疏刊定記』研究八十華厳経の翻訳と教体論をめ ぐって インド哲学仏教学研究 宮地清彦 華厳典籍に見られる「善悪」観 「業」論について 法蔵の『探玄記』に基づいての一考察 華厳学論集 中村薫 袾宏の華厳浄土義 東海仏教 中村薫 続袾宏の華厳浄土義 同朋大学論叢 中村薫 華厳宗列祖における浄土義 同朋大学仏教文化研究所紀要 中村薫 延寿の華厳浄土義 同朋仏教 盧在性 清涼澄観の法華経観 印度学仏教学研究 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 織田顕祐 33 『捜玄記』の法界縁起説 仏教学セミナー Oda Akihiro : “Sōgenki no hokkai engisetsu” [The theory of dharmadhātu dependent arising in the Souxuanji]. Bukkyōgaku seminar (1995) 61: pp. 21–37. Oda Akihiro : “Kegonkyō to shōmon Sōgenki ni kegon dōbetsu nikyōhan wa sonzai suru no ka” [Avataṃsakasūtra and śrāvaka: does the classification of distinct and common teachings exist in the Souxuanji?]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 225–239. Oda Akihiro : “Kishinron no nyoraizō setsu to Hōzō no nyoraizō engishū ni tsuite” [On the tathāgatagarbha theory of the Awakening of faith and Fazang’s school of causation by the tathāgatagarbha]. Bukkyōgaku seminā, Ōtani daigaku bukkyōgakkai / (1999) 70: pp. 21–36. Oda Akihiro : “Kegon hokkai engi no kenkyū” [A study dharmadhātu dependent arising in Huayan Buddhism]. Ōtani daigaku kenkyū nenpō (2000) 52: pp. 103–149. Oda Akihiro : “Kinseki bunken ni yoru Chūgoku Kegonkyō no kenkyū” [A study of the Chinese Avataṃsaka-sūtra based on stone inscriptions]. Shinshū sōgō kenkyūjo kenkyū kiyō (2001) 19: pp. 1–120. Okamoto Ippei : “Budabadara no denki kenkyū, Kegonkyō hon’yaku wo chūshin ni” [A study of Buddhabhadra’s biography: Focusing on his translation of the Huayan sūtra]. Bukkyōgaku (2001) 43: pp. 51–73. Okuno Mitsuyoshi : “Kichizō kyōgaku to Kegonkyō o megutte” [Jizang and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 177–190. Ōtake Susumu : “Sanitsu bubun wo chūshin to shita Hōzō Mitsugonkyōsho no kenkyū gengyōhon no isen wo shōmei shi, jironshū bunken to ketsuron su” [Fazang’s commentary on the Ghanavyūha-sūtra with focus on the lost parts]. Shūkyōgaku Hikakushisōgaku ronshū (1998) 1: pp. 19–31. Ōtake Susumu : “Chosha mondai wo chūshin to shita Kegonkyō kanmyaku giki Kongō han’nya haramitsukyō ryakusho no kenkyū Hōzō, Chigon no shinsen narazaru koto wo shōmei shi awasete senjutsu no haike ni genkyū su” 織田顕祐 『華厳経』と声聞『捜玄記』に華厳同別二教判は存在するのか 華厳学論集 織田顕祐 『起 信論』の如来蔵説と法蔵の如来蔵縁起宗について 仏教学セミナー 大谷大学仏教学会 織田顕祐 華厳法界縁起の研究 大谷大学研究年 報 織田顕祐 金石文献によ る中国華厳経の研究 真宗総合研究所研究紀要 岡本一平 仏 駄跋陀羅の伝記研究『華厳経』翻訳を中心に 仏教学 奥野光賢 吉蔵教学と『華厳経』 を めぐって 華厳学論集 大竹晋 散逸部分を中心とした法蔵 『密厳経疏』の研究 現行本の偽撰を証明し、地論宗文献と結論す 宗教学 比較思想学論集 大竹晋 著者問題を中心とした『華厳経関脈義記』 『金剛般若波羅蜜経略疏』の研究 法蔵 智儼の真撰ならざることを証明し、併せて撰 述の背景に言及す [Research of Huayanjing guanmo yiji and Jingang bore boluomijing lüeshu with focus on author problem]. Shūkyōgaku Hikakushisōgaku ronshū 宗教学比較思想学 論集 (1999) 2: pp. 13–24. Seo Heagi 徐海基: “Chōkan no hokkai kaishaku sandaisetsu wo chūshin ni” 澄観の法界解 釈三大説を中心に [Chengguan’s interpretation of the dharmadhātu, centering on the theory of three great principles or substance, form and function]. Nanto bukkyō 南都仏教 (2000) 79: pp. 18–43. Seo Heagi 徐海基: “Chōkan no Kegonkyōsho ni mirareru ri ni tsuite ri to gengo to no kankei no kanten kara” 澄観の『華厳経疏』に見られる「理」について「理」と「言語」との関係 の観点から [On the concept of li in the Huayan jing shu of Chengguan]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1997) 90 45.2: pp. 194–196. Seo Heagi 徐海基: “Seiryō kokushi Chōkan no denki to gakkei” 清凉国師澄観の伝記と学系 [Chengguan’s biography and genealogy of studies]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 7 (1998): pp. 81–107. 34 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 徐海基 澄観の華厳法界観 インド哲学仏教学研究 徐海基 澄観の禅宗観 印度学仏教学研究 徐海基 四法界観の成立と『法界 観門』 印度学仏教学研究 柴田泰 中国における華厳系浄土思想 華厳学論集 杉山二郎 宝慶寺石仏龕像再考 国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 丹治昭義 『起 信論』と『義記』の一考察 序分、発起序に関連して 関西大 学東西学術研究所研究叢刊 舘野正生 法蔵教学に於ける懺悔 儀礼文化 舘野正生 『文義綱目』と『探玄記』との対比より見た法蔵教学の推移 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 舘野正生 「縁起相 由」の変遷に見る法蔵華厳思想の形成 印度学仏教学研究 舘野正生 法蔵華厳思想形成上に於ける『華厳経旨帰』の位置法性融通を中 心として 華厳学論集 舘野正生 法蔵撰「法界縁起章」の研究 南都仏教 舘野正生 因果の用例より見た『五教章』に於ける法蔵の思想的立場 駒沢大学仏教学部論集 舘野正生 法蔵撰『華厳経文義 綱目』の研究 印度学仏教学研究 舘野正生 法 蔵華厳思想における一特徴としての因果解釈 大正大学綜合仏教 研究所叢書 Seo Heagi : “Chōkan no kegon hokkai kan” [Chengguan’s understanding of the dharmadhātu]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1999) 6: pp. 46–59. Seo Heagi : “Chōkan no zenshūkan” [Chengguan’s view of the Chan school]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 66–70. Seo Heagi : “Shi hokkai kan no seiritsu to Hokkai kanmon” [The formation of the doctrine of the four dharmadhātus and the Huayan meditation on the dharmadhātus]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 104 52.2: pp. 194–200. Shibata Tōru : “Chūgoku ni okeru kegon kei jōdo shisō” [Huayan’ Pure Land thought in China]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 349–364. Sugiyama Jirō : “Hōkeiji sekibutsu ganzō saikō” [The stone sculptures of Baoqing Temple: Revisited – The Role of Fazang, Third Patriarch of Huayan Buddhism]. Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō (2002) 5: pp. 1–52. Tanji Teruyoshi : “Kishinron to Giki no ichi kōsatsu jobun, hokkijo ni kanren shite” [Investigation of the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith and Qixinlun yiji]. Kansaidaigaku gakujutsu kenkyū jo kenkyū sōkan (2000) 15: pp. 160–184. Tateno Masao : “Hōzō kyōgaku ni okeru zange” [The repentance of Fazang’doctrine]. Girei bunka (1995) 22. Tateno Masao : “Mongi kōmoku to Tangenki to no taihi yori mita Hōzō kyōgaku no suii” [The change of Fazang’s Huayan doctrine by comparative study of Wenyi gangmu and Tanxuan ji]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō (1995) 28: pp. 28–44. Tateno Masao : “Engi sōyū no hensen ni miru Hōzō kegon shisō no keisei” [The process of the formation of Fazang’s Huayan Buddhism from the perspective of the changing doctrine of the mutual causation of dependent origination]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1: pp. 81–83. Tateno Masao : “Hōzō kegonshisō keiseijō ni okeru Kegonkyō shiki no ichi hosshō yūzū wo chūshin to shite” [Position of Huayanjing zhigui in formation Fazang’s Huayan thought with focus on interpenetration of dharma-nature]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 277–294. Tateno Masao : “Hōzō sen Hokkai engishō no kenkyū” [A study of Fazang’s Fajie yuanqi zhang]. Nanto bukkyō (1997) 74: pp. 55–70. Tateno Masao : “Inga no yōrei yori mita Gokyōshō ni okeru Hōzō no shisōteki tachiba” [Fazang’s philosophical standpoint in Wujiaozhang through an examination of the citations on the cause and effect problem]. Komazawa daigaku bukkyōgakubu ronshū (1997) 28: pp. 313–327. Tateno Masao : “Hōzō sen Kegonkyō mongi kōmoku no kenkyū” [A study of Fazang’s Huayanjing wenyi gangmu]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 93 47.1: pp. 34–37. Tateno Masao : “Hōzō kegon shisō ni okeru ichi tokuchō to shite no inga kaishaku” [Interpretation of cause and effect: a special feature of Fazang’s thought]. Taishō daigaku sōgō bukkyō kenkyūjo sōsho (2001) 9: pp. 168–203. HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 35 舘野正生: “Jūgi no hensen ni miru Hōzō kegon shisō no keisei (zenpen)” 十義の 変遷に見る法蔵華厳思想の形成 (前篇) [The formation of Fazang’s Huayan thought in the transition of the ten principles]. Ōmon ronsō 桜文論叢 (2004) 61: pp. 158–135. Tayama Reishi 田山令史: “Tetsugaku no naka no bukkyō Hōzō no sūron” 哲学の中の仏教法 蔵の数論 [Buddhism in philosophy: Fazang’s theory of number]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō 日本仏教学会年報 (2001) 66: pp. 211–226. Toda Daichi 田戸大智: “Chōkan shoin no goshu hosshin ni tsuite nihon mikkyō ni okeru tenkai ni chakumoku shite” 澄観所引の五種法身について日本密教における展開に着目して [The five kinds of Dharmakāya cited by Chengguan and its development in Japanese esoteric Buddhism]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2003) 103 52.1: pp. 44–47. Uno Kiminori 宇野公順: “Gohō to Hōzō ni okeru arayashiki-setsu no taihi, Kegon gokyōshō wo tegakari to shite” 護法と法蔵における阿頼耶識説の対比 『華厳五教章』を手がかりと して [Dharmapāla and Fazang’s view on ālayavijñāna: with reference to Kegon gokyō shō]. Ōtani daigaku daigakuin kenkyū kiyō 大谷大学大学院研究紀要 (2000) 17: pp. 93–113. Wang Song 王頌: “Sankyō kōshō shi yori mita Jōgen no tachiba” 三教交渉史よりみた浄源の立 場 [Jingyuan’s position from the perspective of the history of mutual influence of the three religions]. Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō 国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (2001) 4: pp. 179–202. Wang Song 王頌: “Sōjō sen Butsufusenron no igi to Jōgen no rikai no tokushitsu” 僧肇撰 「物不遷論」の意義と浄源の理解の特質 [The meaning of Sengzhao’s Wubuqian lun and the speciality of Jingyuan’s understanding of it]. Nanto bukkyō 南都仏教 (2002) 82: pp. 155– 168. Wang Song 王頌: “Giwa no kegon jōdokyō ni tsuite” 義和の華厳浄土教について [Yihe and his thought on Pure Land of Huayan]. Higashi ajia bukkyō kenkyū 東アジア仏教研究 (2003) 1: pp. 48–64. Wang Song 王頌: “Jōgen no Fushinkūron ni taisuru kegontekina toraekata Fushinkū to shinjin no kaishaku ni tsuite” 浄源の『不真空論』に対する華厳的な捉え方「不真空」と「真心」 の解釈について [Jingyuan’s Huayan understanding of Buzhenkong lun: concerning his explanation of not absolute emptiness and absolute mind]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏 教学研究 (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 11–13. Wang Song 王頌: “Giwa Mujintoshō ni okeru Chōkan, Shūmitsu no eikyō” 義和『無尽灯序』に おける澄観、宗密の影響 [The influence of Chengguan and Zongmi on Yihe’s Wujindeng xu]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2004) 104 52.2: pp. 160–162. Wang Song 王頌: “Kegon fugengyōgan shūshōgi kōhon no chosha ni tsuite” 『華厳普賢行願修証 儀』甲本の著者について [The Huayan puxian xingyuanxiu zheng yi and its author]. Higashi ajia bukkyō kenkyū 東アジア仏教研究 (2004) 2: pp. 71–79. Wang Song 王頌: “Kegon fugengyōgan shūshōgi kōhon no chosha ni tsuite” 『華厳普賢行願修証 儀』甲本の著者について [The Huayan puxian xingyuanxiu zheng yi and its author]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2005) 106 53.2: 680–684. Yao Changshou 姚長寿: “Bōzan sekkyō ni okeru kegon tenseki ni tsuite” 房山石経における華 厳典籍について [Huayan texts in the Fangshan shijing]. Chūgoku bukkyō sekkyō kenkyū 中国 仏教石経の研究 (1996): pp. 411–438. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shikai to kanpuku no ronsō kaishōmon no kaishaku wo chūshin to shite” 師会と観復の論争該摂門の解釈を中心として [A discussion of the dispute between Shihui and Guanfu on the understanding of the unity of the three vechicles]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyū kai nenpō 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 (1995) 28: pp. Tateno Masao 109–117. 36 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 吉田剛: “Myōshūki no chosaku mokuteki to sono dōkyō rikai” 『明宗記』の著 作目的とその同教理解 [The aim of writing Mingzongji and its comprehension of common teaching]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyū kai nenpō 駒沢大学大学院仏教 学研究 (1996) 29: pp. 131–147. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Ichijōgi wo meguru shikai to kanpuku no ronsō ni tsuite” 一乗義 をめぐる師会と観復の論争について [On the dispute between Shihui and Guanfu concerning the one-vehicle]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 108–110. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Chōsō kegongaku no tenkai Hokkekyō kaishaku no tenkai wo chūshin to shite” 趙宋華厳学の展開法華経解釈の展開を中心として [The development of the Huayan philosophy in the Song dynasty: on the development of the interpretations on the Lotus Sūtra]. Komazawa daigaku bukkyōgakubu ronshū 駒沢大学仏教学部論集 (1997) 27: pp. 215– 225. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Chūgoku kegon no sotōsetu ni tsuite” 中国華厳の祖統説について [On the theory of patriarchal succession in Chinese Huayan]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 485–504. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shōan Kanpuku no chosaku ni tsuite” 笑菴観復の著作について [About the works of Xiaoan Guangfu]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 (1997) 30: pp. 23–36. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Yūkai ichijōgishō myōshūki no seiritsu haikei” 『融会一乗義章明宗 記』の成立背景 [The background of the formation of the Ronghui yisheng yizhang mingzongji]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1997) 89 45.1: pp. 84–86. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shōan Kanpuku no shigi dōkyō setsu” 笑菴観復の四義同教説 [Xiaoan Guangfu’s theory on the four meanings of the common teaching]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 (1998) 31: pp. 117–134. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Hokusō dai ni okeru kegon kōryū no keii kegon kyōgaku shi ni okeru chōsui shisen no ichizuke” 北宋代に於ける華厳興隆の経緯華厳教学史に於ける長水子璿 の位置づけ [The flourishing of Huayan during the Northern Song period: Changshui Zixuan’s position in the history of Huayan Buddhism]. Komazawadaigaku zengaku kenkyūjo nenpō 駒沢 大学禅研究所年報 (1998) 9: pp. 193–214. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Kadō Shikai no ichigi dōkyō setsu” 可堂師会の一義同教説 [Ketang Shihui’s theory on the one meaning of the common teaching]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyū 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 (1999) 32: pp. 173–190. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shikai ni yoru dōkyō kaishaku no tokuchō” 師会による同教解釈の特 徴 [A characteristic of Shihui’s interpretation of the common teaching]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 94 47.2: pp. 76–79. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shinsui Jōgen to Sōdai kegon” 晋水浄源と宋代華厳 [Jingyuan and Huayan doctrine in the Song dynasty]. Zengaku kenkyū 禅学研究 (1999) 77: pp. 93–149. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Sōdai ni okeru Jōron no juyō keitai ni tsuite Junshiki Chūjōronso wo megutte” 宋代における『肇論』の受容形態について遵式『注肇論疏』をめぐって [The reception of the Zhaolun in the Song dynasty: concerning Zunshi’s Zhu Zhaolun shu]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2000) 97 49.1: pp. 99–102. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Chōsui Shisen ni okeru Shūmitsu kyōgaku no juyō to tenkai” 長水子璿 における宗密教学の受容と展開 [Reception and developments of Zongmi’s doctrines in the works of Changshui Zixuan]. Nanto bukkyō 南都仏教 (2001) 80: pp. 1–23. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Honsū Hokkai kanmon tsūgenki ni tsuite kegon fukkōki no kyōkan hei shūron wo chūshin to shite” 本崇『法界観門通玄記』について – 華厳復興期の教観并修 Yoshida Takeshi HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 37 論を中心として [On Benchong’s Fajieguangmen tongxuanji: with focus on the cultivation of scripture study and meditative practice during the revival period of Huayan]. Zengaku kenkyū 禅学研究 (2001) 80: pp. 124–140. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Chōsui Shisen no mujō jōbutsuron” 長水子璿の無情成仏論 [Changshui Zixuan’s idea of the attainment of Buddhahood by non-sentient beings]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 56–60. Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Sōdai ni okeru kegon raisan giki no seiritsu” 宋代における華厳礼懺 儀軌の成立 [The development of Huayan confessional manuals in the Song era]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2003) 103 52.1: pp. 171–176. Yoshii Kazuo 吉井和夫: “So Tōba to shakyō 2 Kegonkyō Yuimagyō” 蘇東坡と写経 (2) 「華厳 経」「維摩経」 [Su Dongpo and sūtra copying: the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Vimalakīrti-sūtra]. Seizan gakuhō 西山学報 (2004) 49: pp. 1–21. Yoshikawa Taichiro 吉川太一郎: “Sen’en no shinmōron” 鮮演の真妄論 [Xianyan’s conception of truth and error]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2004) 104 52.2: pp. 163–165. Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英: “Daijō kishinron no saikentō” 大乗起信論の再検討 [A re-examination of Dasheng qixinlun]. Higashi ajia bukkyō no shomondai 東アジア仏教の諸問題 (2001): pp. 133–149. Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英: “Kegon kyōgaku no ataeta Sōdai zenshū e no eikyō Shuryōgongyō shinkō keisei e no yōin” 華厳教学の与えた宋代禅宗への影響首楞厳経信仰形成への要因 [Influence of Huayan doctrines to the Chan school of the Song period: the main cause of the formation of belief in the Sūraṅgama-samādhi-sūtra]. Sōdai zenshū no shakaiteki eikyō (2002): pp. 289–328. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Sōdai ni okeru kegonzen no tenkai Shisen no Kishinronso hissakuki wo chūshin to shite” [The development of Huayan-chan in Song period with focus on Zixuan’s Qixin lun shu bi xue ji]. Zengaku kenkyū no shosō (2003): pp. 177–198. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Hōzō kyōgaku no keisei to tenkai” [The formation and evolution of Fazang’s doctrine]. Ronshū tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 31–37. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Chūgoku kegon gakuha no hitobito ni yoru tendai kyōgaku no iyō toku ni tendaigi e no Chōkan no ihyō ni chūmoku shite” [Application of Tiantai teachings by people of the Huayan sect in China with focus on Chengguan’s reliance on Tiantai doctrine]. Tendaidaishi kenkyū (1997): pp. 589–614. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Daijō shikan hōmon no kegon shisō” [Huayan thought of the great vehicle meditation]. Sanron kyōgaku to bukkyō sho shisō (2000): pp. 291–311. Zhang Wenliang : “Chōkan no yuishin nembutsu shisō” [Chengguan’s idea of mind-only nianfo]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 100 50.2: pp. 131–133. Zhang Wenliang : “Chōkan ni okeru nyoraizō to arayashiki ni tsuite” [Chengguan’s interpretation of tathāgatagarbha and ālayavijñāna]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 10: pp. 46–60. Zhang Wenliang : “Chōkan ni okeru rinen to munen” [Chengguan’s interpretation of linian and wunian]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 17–19. 宋代禅宗の社会的影響 吉津宜英 宋代における「華厳禅」の展開 子璿の『起信論疏筆削記』を中 心として 禅学研究の諸相 吉津宜英 法蔵教学の形成と展開 論集東大 寺の歴史と教学 吉津宜英 中国華厳学派の人々による天台教 学の依用特に天台義への澄観の「依憑」に注目して 天台大師研究 吉津宜英 大乗止観法門の華厳思想 三論教 学と仏教諸思想 張文良 澄観の「唯心念仏」思想 印度学仏教学研究 張文良 澄観における如来蔵 と阿頼耶識について インド哲学仏教学研究 張文良 澄観における離念と無念 印度学仏教学研究 38 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 2.4. Hwaŏm in Korea 張愛順 張愛順 思想 印度学仏教学研究 張愛順 の華厳経観 印度学仏教学研究 崔鈆植 『三国遺事』における華厳信仰 華厳学論集 大覚国師義天の華厳優位 Chang Ae Soon : “Sangoku iji ni okeru kegon shinkō” [Huayan belief in the Samguk yusa]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 621–638. Chang Ae Soon : “Daikaku kokushi Giten no kegon yūi shisō” [Ŭich’ŏn’s view on the superiority of Hwaŏm Buddhism]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 99 50.1: pp. 262–269. Chang Ae Soon : “Sangoku iji ni okeru Ichinen no kegonkyōkan” [Iryŏn’s views on the Huayan sūtra in the Samguk yusa]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 100–105. Che Yeon Sik : “Shiragi Kentō no katsudō ni tsuite” [Concerning the activity of Silla Kyŏndŭng]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 100 50.2: pp. 225–228. Che Yeon Sik : “Chinsū no Kōmokushōki itsubun ni taisuru kenkyū” [A study of the corrupted portions of Chinsung’s Kongmok changgi]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 46–72. Cho Yunho –Satō Atsushi : “Kankoku kegongaku kenkyū” [Studies on Korean Hwaŏm Buddhism in Japan]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina Seminar 8 (2000): pp. 12–65. Choe In Hwan : “Kankoku kegon soshi Kaiinji Kirō” [On Master Hŭirang of Korean Hwaŏm]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 661–679. Choi You-jun : “Gangyō no wajō ni tsuite” [Wŏnhyo’s theory of harmonizing theoretical disputes]. Nanto bukkyō (1996) 73: pp. 18–27. Fukushi Jinin : “Shiragi ōken to kegon shisō” [The royal prerogative of the Silla dynasty and Huayan thought]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 639–659. Han Jong Man : “Gishō kegon no Hokkaizu kisō zuiroku teki rikai” [Understanding of Ŭisang’s Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 605–620. Hasebe Yūkei : “Chūgoku kegon no bankei” [Scenery of evening in Chinese Huayan]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 535–548. Hasegawa Masahiro : “Sōdai koji ni okeru kegonkyō juyō ni tsuite” [The acceptance of Avataṃsaka-sūtra by a lay religious practitioner in the Song dynasty]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 505–518. Ishii Kōsei : “Gangyō no wajō shisō no genryū Ryōgakyō to no kanren wo chūshin to shite” [Sources of Wŏnhyo’s principle of reconciliation: with special reference to the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 19–23. Ishii Kōsei : “Chōsen kegon no tokushitsu Gishō kei ni mirareru zenshū to jiron kyōgaku no eikyō” – [A speciality of the Korean Hwaŏm school: the influence of Chan and Dilun on the lineage of Ŭisang]. Ronshū tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 47–55. Jang Huiok : “Daikaku kokushi bunshū ni mieru Giten no kegon henchō shisō tendaishū kaisō ni taisuru gimon” [Overemphasis of Ŭich’ŏn’s Huayan Buddhism in Taegak Kuksa munjip]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 77–90. 崔鈆植 記』逸文に対する研究 韓国仏教学 曹潤鎬 佐藤厚 蔡印幻 崔裕鎮 福士慈稔 三国遺事における一然 新羅見登の活動について 印度学仏教学研究 珍嵩の『孔目章 韓国華厳学研究 韓国仏教学 韓国華厳祖師海印寺希朗 華厳学論集 元暁の和諍について 南都仏教 新羅王権と華厳思想 華厳学論集 義相華厳の『法界 韓鐘万 図記叢髄録』的理解 華厳学論集 長谷部幽蹊 中国華厳の晩景 華厳学論集 長谷川昌弘 宋代居士におけ る『華厳経』受容について 華厳学論集 石井公成 元暁の和諍思想の源流 『楞伽経』との関連を中心として 印度学仏教学研究 石井公成 朝鮮華厳の特質 義湘系に見られる禅宗と地論教学の影響 論集東大寺の歴史と教学 章輝玉 大覚国師文集にみえる義天の華厳偏重思想天台宗開創に対する 疑問 華厳学論集 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 39 全海住: “Gangyō no wajō genri kegon isshin ni tsuite” 元暁の和諍原理 華厳一心に ついて [Wŏnhyo’s principle of reconciliation: on the one-mind of Hwaŏm]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 95 48.1: pp. 225–229. Jeon Hae-ju 全海住: “Ichijō hokkaizu no chosha ni tsuite” 一乗法界図の著者について [A study on the authorship of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 94 47.2: pp. 229–231. Jeon Hae-ju 全海住: “Fugen gyōgan ni mirareru kegon shōki shisō” 普賢行願にみられる華厳性 起思想 [Hwaŏm Song-gi thought in the vows of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 161–166. Jeon Hae-ju 全海住: “Kin’nyo no sūjissen setsu ni tsuite” 均如の数十銭説について [Kyunyŏ’s discussion of the methaphor of counting ten coins]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教 学研究 (2002) 100 50.2: pp. 232–239. Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Kin’nyo no ton’en ichijōgi no seiritsu to ito ni tsuite” 均如の頓円一乗義 の成立と意図について [Concerning the formation of Kyunyŏ’s ‘One-vehicle of the sudden and perfect teaching’ and its significances]. Tōhō 東方 (1997) 13: pp. 136–146. Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Kin’nyo no Hokkekyō kan” 均如の法華経観 [Kyunyŏ`s view of the Lotus sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 95 48.1: pp. 222–224. Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Kankoku kegon ni okeru sanjō gokuka eshin setsu no nagare” 韓国華厳 における三乗極果廻心説の流れ [Conversion to the highest fruit of the three vehicles in the Hwaŏm school of Korea]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2001) 99 50.1: pp. 270–272. Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Kin’nyo no kegongaku ni okeru mittsu no Hokkekyō kan” 均如の華厳 学における三つの法華経観 [Kyunyŏ’s three views on the Lotus Sūtra]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 181–194. Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Gishō kei no kegogaku ni okeru ichijōgi no tokushitsu” 義相系の華 厳学における一乗義の特質 [Characteristic quality of one-vehicle in Ŭisang’s school]. Tōyō bunka kenkyū 東洋文化研究 (2005) 7: pp. 229–251. Kim Hanik 金漢益: “Kankoku bukkyō girei ni han’ei sareta kegon shisō” 韓国仏教儀礼に反映さ れた華厳思想 [Huayan thought reflected in the Buddhist ritual of Korea]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 727–743. Kim Ji Gyeon 金知見: “Hokkai zuki no tekisuto saikō indarani no hyōki ni tsuite” 『法界図記』 のテキスト再考「因陀羅尼」の表記について [Reconsideration of the text of Pŏpkyedo ki]. Tōhō 東方 (1997) 13: pp. 89–95. Kim Ji Gyeon 金知見: “Kin’nyoden saikō bōmei no tamashi” 均如伝再考亡命の魂 [Reconsideration of the biography of Kyunyŏ]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 681–709. Kimura Kiyotaka 木村清孝: “Kaiin zammairon kō” 『海印三昧論』考 [A consideration of the Interpretation of Haein sammae]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 89–95. Kiyota Keiichi 清田圭一: “Gishō no sekaikan” 義湘の世界観 [The world view of Ŭisang]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 569–589. Lee Do Op 李道業: “Gishō no hokkai engikan” 義湘の法界縁起観 [Ŭisang’s conception of the dharmadhātu dependent arising]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 95 48.1: pp. 230–235. Lee Heng-ku 李杏九: “Gishō no hosshinbutsukan” 義湘の法身仏観 [Ŭisang’s view on dharmakāya Buddha]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2001) 99 50.1: pp. 254–261. Lee Konhi 李乾煕: “Kankoku kegon no tokushitsu” 韓国華厳の特質 [Characteristic quality of Hwaŏm in Korea]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 745–760. Jeon Hae-ju 40 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 中島志郎: “Chitotsu ni okeru kegonron setsuyō no imi” 知訥における『華厳論 節要』の意味 [The meaning of the Hwaŏmron chŏryo in Chinul’s thought]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1995) 87 44.1: pp. 1–5. No Jae-Seong 盧在性: “Sesshin no kegon shakudai ni oyoboshita Chōkan no chojutsu” 雪岑の 『華厳釈題』に及ぼした澄観の著述 [Chengguan’s writing influencing the Hwaŏm sŏkche of Sŏlcham]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 711–725. Ōtake Susumu 大竹晋: “Shiragi Gishō no yuishiki setsu” 新羅義湘の唯識説 [Ŭisang’s consciousness-only theory]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 8 (2000): pp. 337–359. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Chōsen kegon to Jūjikyōron ka no shoi no kaishaku” 朝鮮華厳と『十地経 論』「加の所為」の解釈 [On the Korean Hwaŏm thought and the interpretation on the jiazhi suowei of the Shidi jing lun]. Tōyō daigaku daigakuin kiyō 東洋大学大学院紀要 31 (1995): pp. 253–266. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Daiki no gojūkaiin setsu ni tsuite” 「大記」の五重海印説について [Concerning Taekai’s five kinds of ocean-seal samādhi]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教 学研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 286–288. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishō no chūdō gi” 義湘の中道義 [Ŭisang concept of middle way]. Tōyō daigaku daigakuin kiyō 東洋大学大学院紀要 32, Bungaku kenkyūka (tetsugaku, bukkyōgaku, Chūgoku tetsugaku) 文学研究科(哲学 仏教学 中国哲学) (1996): pp. 157–169. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishō no kyōhan shisō” 義湘の教判思想 [Ŭisang’s doctrinal classification]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 591–604. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishōkei kegon shisō ni okeru Kegonkyō rikai Jikushō entsūki wo chūshin to shite” 義湘系華厳思想における『華厳経』理解『十句章円通記』を中心として [The interpretation of the Huayan jing in the Ŭisang school]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学 仏教学研究 (1997) 90 45.2: pp. 266–268. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishōkei kegon bunken ni mieru ronri jūsōteki kyōri kaishaku” 義湘系華厳 文献に見える論理重層的教理解釈 [On the peculiar logical form in Hwaŏm literature belonging to Ŭisang’s school: the stratified interpretation of Hwaŏom doctrinal system]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 7 (1998): pp. 136–157. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishōkei kegon shisō ni okeru mujū” 義湘系華厳思想における無住 [On the conception of non-abiding in the Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm lineage]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 94 47.2: pp. 84–87. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishōkei kegon gakuha no kihon shisō to Daijō kishinron hihan Gishō to Gangyō no tairon kiji no haigo ni aru mono” 義湘系華厳学派の基本思想と『大乗起信論』 批判義湘と元暁の対論記事の背後にあるもの [On the basic thought of the Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm lineage and a criticism of the Dasheng qixin lun]. Tōyōgaku kenkyū 東洋学研究 (2000) 37: pp. 51–82. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Nyoraizō no kagami to kegon no kagami Gishōkei kegon kyōgaku ni okeru Daijō kishinron hihan no ichirei” 如来蔵の鏡と華厳の鏡 義湘系華厳教学における『大乗 起信論』批判の一例 [The mirror of Tathāgatagarbha and the mirror of Huayan: one example for the criticism against the Dasheng qixin lun in the teaching of Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm lineage]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2001) 98 49.2: pp. 254–258. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Kenahyōka ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki no kisoteki kōsatsu” 『健拏標訶 一乗修行者秘密義記』の基礎的考察 [A basic study on Kŏnna p’yoga ilsŭng suhaengja pimilŭi ki]. Tōyōgaku kenkyū 東洋学研究 (2002) 39: pp. 147–178. Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Kankoku bukkyō ni okeru kegon kyōgaku to mikkyō to no yūgō Kenahyōka ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki shōkō” 韓国仏教における華厳教学と密教との融合『健拏標 訶一乗修行者秘密義記』小考 [The amalgamation of Huayan doctrine and esoteric Buddhism Nakajima Shirō HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 41 in Korea: Some remarks on the Kŏnna p’yoga ilsŭng suhaengja pimilŭi ki]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 96–99. Satō Atsushi : “Kenahyōka ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki ni okeru gishō ichiji hokkaizu no iyō” [The reception of Ŭisang’s Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo in the Kŏnna p’yoga ilsŭng suhaengja pimilŭi ki]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 104 52.2: pp. 180–183. Satō Atsushi : “Kōrai Kin’nyo no kyōhanron Chōsen kegon kyōgaku oyobi higashi ajia kegon kyōgaku ni okeru ichizuke wo shiya ni irete” – [The Korean Kyunyŏ’s doctrinal classification: regarding his position in Korean Hwaŏm teaching and East Asian Huayan teaching]. Higashi ajia bukkyō kenkyū (2004) 2: pp. 17–33. Satō Atsushi : “Shūgyōroku kan nijūhachi shoin Zōkegonkyō ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki ni tsuite Bōzan sekkyō kokukyō Kenahyōka ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki to no taishō kenkyū” 印度学仏教学研究 佐藤厚 『健拏標訶一乗修行者秘密義記』における義湘『一乗法界図』の依用 印度学仏教学研究 佐藤厚 高麗均如の教判論 朝鮮華厳教学および 東アジア華厳教学における位置づけを視野に入れて 東アジア仏教研究 佐藤厚 『宗鏡録』巻二十八所引「雑華厳経一乗修行者秘密義記」について 房山石経刻経『健 拏標訶一乗修行者秘密義記』との対照研究 [On the Za huyan jing yisheng xiuxingzhe mimi yiji quoted in the 28th chapter of the Zongjinglu: a comparison with Kŏnna p’yoga ilsŭng suhaengja pimilŭi ki of the Fangshan stone scriptures]. Tōyōgaku kenkyū 東洋学研究 (2004) 41: pp. 159–182. Satō Shigeki 佐藤繁樹: “Gangyō tetsugaku to kegon shisō” 元暁哲学と華厳思想 [Wŏnhyo’s philosophy and Huayan thought]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 551–568. Shibasaki Terukazu 柴崎照和: “Giten Enshū monrui no kenkyū shimei nyokichi Kōrai Giten” 義 天『円宗文類』の研究四明如吉と高麗義天 [A study of Ŭich’ŏn’s Wŏnjong mullyu]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 111–113. Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英 – Shibazaki Terukazu 柴崎照和: “Giten hensan Enshū monrui kan daiichi kaidai to honkoku” 義天編纂『円宗文類』巻第一解題と翻刻 [The first chapter of Wŏnjong mullyu, edited by Ŭich’ŏn: Introduction and reprint]. Komazawa daigaku bukkyōgakubu kenkyū kiyō 駒沢大学仏教学部研究紀要 (1998) 56: pp. 87–125. Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英 – Shibazaki Terukazu 柴崎照和: “Gangyō no Kishin ronsho to Bekki to no kankei ni tsuite” 元暁の起信論疏と別記との関係について [On the relationship between Wŏnhyo’s commentary and expository notes to the Awakening of faith]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 321–339. 2.5. Kegon in Japan 安藤文雄: “Senjakushū to Zaijarin nenbutsukan wo chūshin to shite” 『選択集』と 『摧邪輪』念仏観を中心として [Senjakushu and Zaijarin: on the view of nenbutsu]. Shinshū sōgō kenkyūjo kenkyū kiyō 真宗総合研究所研究紀要 (1997) 14: pp. 61–76. Araki Yūya 荒木優也: “Myōe waka to kegon yuishingi” 明恵和歌と「華厳唯心義」 [Myōe’s Waka and Mind-only of Huayan]. Nihon bungaku ronkyū 日本文学論究 (2003) 62: pp. 52–61. Asaeda Zenshō 朝枝善照: “Kegon no seiki godaisan bukkyō bunkaken to Tōdaiji” 華厳の世紀五 台山仏教文化圏と東大寺 [Century of Huayan: the cultural area of Five mountain Buddhism and the Tōdaiji]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 803–818. Atago Kuniyasu 愛宕邦康: “Yūshin anrakudō Raigōin bon no saikentō to mondaiten” 『遊心安楽 道』来迎院本の再検討と問題点 [Re-examination and problem of Yūshin anrakudō in the Raigōin]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 819–836. Andō Fumio 42 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 愛宕邦康 『遊心安楽道』の撰述者に関す る一考察東大寺華厳僧智憬とその思想的関連に着目して 南都仏教 愛宕邦康 元暁伝の一形態我が国における元暁像の背景 東海仏教 愛宕邦康 『華厳宗祖師絵伝』「元暁絵」の制作意図に関する一試論 印度学仏教学研究 崔鈆植 『大乗起信論同異略 集』の著者について 駒沢短期大学仏教論集 土居夏樹 『華厳宗一乗開心論』における「円円海」解釈『弁顕密 二教論』との関連を通して 印度学仏 教学研究 藤丸要 凝然の華厳教学形成に関する研究 一 特に立相説について 日本仏教文化 論叢上巻 藤丸要 凝然の徳一 批判凝然の法相宗への対応 龍谷大学論集 藤丸要 凝然教学の根本的立場 仏教学研究 袴谷憲昭 明恵『摧邪輪』の華厳思想 華厳学論集 石井公成 大東亜共栄圏の合理化と華厳哲学 一 紀平正美の役割を中心と して 仏教学 石井公成 大東亜共栄圏に至る華厳哲学亀谷聖馨の『華厳経』宣揚 思想 鍵主良敬 蓮師の夢幻につい て華厳の視野で 真宗教学研究 粕谷隆宣 東寺観智院蔵『明恵 上人伝記』 上冊 翻刻 空海の思想と文化 Atago Kuniyasu : “Yūshin anrakudō no senjutsusha ni kansuru ichi kōsatsu Tōdaiji kegonsō Chikei to sono shisōteki kanren ni chakumoku shite” [An examination of the author of the Yūshin anrakudō: in relation to the thought of Chikei, a Kegon monk at Tōdaiji Temple]. Nanto bukkyō (1994) 70: pp. 16–30. Atago Kuniyasu : “Gangyō den no ichi keitai waga kuni ni okeru gangyōzō no haikei” [A form of the life of Wŏnhyo: The background of an image of Wŏnhyo in Japan]. Tōkai bukkyō (1997) 42: pp. 18–31. Atago Kuniyasu : “Kegonshū soshi eden Gangyōe no seisaku ito ni kansuru ichi shiron” [On the Intention of the painter of the image of Wŏnhyo contained in the Biographical pictures of Kegon masters]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1: pp. 253–258. Choe Yeonshik : “Daijō kishinron dōi ryakushū no chosha ni tsuite” [On authorship of the Daijō kishinron dōi ryakushū]. Komazawa tanki daigaku bukkyō ronshū (2001) 7: pp. 77–93. Doi Natsuki : “Kegonshū ichijō kaishinron ni okeru en’enkai kaishaku Benkenmitsu nikyōron to no kanren wo tōshite” [The difference in interpretation of Enenkai between the Kegonshū ichijō kaishinron and the Benkenmitsu nikyōron]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 105 53.1: pp. 46–49. Fujimaru Kaname : “Gyōnen no kegon kyōgaku keisei ni kansuru kenkyū ichi toku ni rissōsetsu ni tsuite” ( ) [A study on the formation of Gyōnen’s Kegon doctrine]. Nihonbukkyō bunka ronsō Vol. 1. (1998): pp. 637–652. Fujimaru Kaname : “Gyōnen no tokuitsu hihan Gyōnen no hossōshū e no taiō” [Gyōnen’s criticism of Tokuitsu: his response to the Hossō sect]. Ryūgoku daigaku ronshū (2001) 458: pp. 33–55. Fujimaru Kaname : “Gyōnen kyōgaku no konpon teki tachiba” [The fundamental position of Gyōnen’s doctrine]. Bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 56: pp. 170–193. Hakamaya Noriaki : “Myōe Zaijarin no kegon shisō” [Huayan thought in Myōe’s Zaijarin]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 837–856. Ishii Kōsei : “Daitōakyōeiken no gōrika to kegon tetsugaku Kihira Tadayoshi no yakuwari wo chūshin to shite” ( ) [Justification of the Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere and Huayan philosophy (1): with special reference to the role played by Kihira Tadayoshi]. Bukkyōgaku (2000) 42: pp. 1–28. Ishii Kōsei : “Daitōakyōeiken ni itaru kegon tetsugaku Kametani Seikei no kegonkyō sen’yō” [Huayan philosophy leading to the Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere: The enhancement of the Avataṃsakasūtra by Kametani Seikei]. Shisō (2002) 943: pp. 128–146. Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Renshi no mugen ni tsuite kegon no shiya de” [On Rennyo’s dream and illusion: in terms of Huayan philosophy]. Shinshū kyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 21: pp. 1–11. Kasuya Ryūsen : “Tōji Kanchiin zō Myōe Shōnin denki honkoku” ( ) [The Myōe Shōnin denki preserved in Kanchiin of Tōji]. Kūkai no shisō to bunka Vol. 2. (2004): pp. 359–394. HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 加藤精一 印度学仏教学研究 川口高風 する論争 南都仏教 金天鶴 仏教学研究 金天鶴 43 空海と澄観 真言と華厳 Katō Seiichi : “Kūkai to Chōkan shingon to kegon no kankei” [Kūkai and Chengguan: the relation between Shingon and Kegon]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1995) 87 44.1: pp. 99–105. Kawaguchi Kōfū : “Hōtan to Kōkoku no gesa ni kansuru ronsō” [A controvesy between Hōtan and Kōkoku over the Buddhist surplice (kāṣāya)]. Nanto bukkyō (1997) 74: pp. 46–54. Kim Chon Hak : “Nihon kegon ni okeru sanjō kaishinron” [Conversion to the three vehicles in the Kegon school]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 186–188. Kim Chon Hak : “Kegon jūgengi shiki ni tsuite” [On the Kegon jūgengi shiki]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 104 52.2: pp. 123–126. Kim Chon Hak : “Kegon jūgengi shiki no kisoteki kenkyū” [Studies in the basic structure of the Kegon jūgengi shiki]. Higashi ajia bukkyō kenkyū (2004) 2: pp. 57–69. Kim Chon Hak : “Kegonshū shushōgishō ni okeru hossōi hihan” [Criticism of the Hossō sect in the Kegonshū shushōgishō]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 105 53.1: pp. 90–94. Kim Chon Hak : “Heian jidai no shiki Kegonshū rikkyōgi” [On Kegonshū rikkyōgi of Heian period]. Tōhōgaku (2005) 109: pp. 41–54. Kim Chon Hak : “Zōshun Kegon ichijōgi shiki ni okeru ichijō no imi” [The meaning of one-vehicle in Zōshun’s Kegon ichijōgi shiki]. Bukkyō bunka (2005) 14: pp. 59–80. Lee Yeon Suk : “Myōe Shōnin ni okeru shinman jōbutsu no tachiba shushōron no shiten kara” [Myōe Shōnin’s standpoint on ‘Becoming Buddha through faith’: an examination of his gotra theory]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2002) 331 75.4: pp. 271–272. Lee Yeon Suk : “Myōe no kōmyō ni tsuite no ichi kōsatsu” [Analysis of Myōe Shōnin’s concept of the ‘Light of Buddha’]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2003) 335: pp. 413–414. Lee Yeon Suk : “Myōe Shōnin ni okeru ichinenkan” [Myōe Shōnin’s understanding of one thought]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 137–139. Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Zaijarin sōgonki ni tsuite” [On Zaijarin sōgonki]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 144– 147. Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Myōe to Daijō kishinron” [Myōe’s interpretation of the Awakening of Faith]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 93 47.1: pp. 240–244. Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Keiga, Shōsen no kegongaku to Myōe” [On Myōe’s interpretation of some teachings of the Kegon school and its relation to the interpretations of Keiga and Shōsen]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 663–667. Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Myōe to hongaku shisō” [On the relation of Myōe’s Zaijarin and the hongaku (original enlightenment) thought]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2000) 323 73.4: pp. 232–234. の関係 鳳潭と光国の袈裟に関 日本華厳における三乗廻心論 印度学 『華厳十玄義私記』について 印度学仏教学研究 『華厳十玄義私記』の基礎的 東 『華厳宗種性義抄』に 金天鶴 研究 アジア仏教研究 金天鶴 おける法相意批判 印度学仏教学研究 金天鶴 平安時代の私記『華厳宗 立教義』の研究 東方学 金天鶴 増春『華厳一乗義 私記』における一乗の意味 仏教文化 李妍淑 明恵上人における「信満成仏」の立場 種姓論の視点から 宗教研究 李妍淑 明恵の光明についての一考察 宗教研究 李妍淑 明恵上人における一念観 印度学仏教学研究 前川健一 『摧邪輪荘厳記』について 印度学仏教学研究 前川健一 明恵と『大乗起信論』 印度学仏教学研究 前川健一 景雅 聖詮の華厳学と明 恵 印度学仏教学研究 前川健一 明恵と「本覚思想」 宗教研究 44 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 前川健一 明恵に於ける宗密の受容 印度学仏教学 文覚 上覚と明恵 Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Myōe ni okeru Shūmitsu no juyō” [Myōe’s understanding of Zongmi’s teachings]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 100 50.2: pp. 75–79. Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Mongaku, Jōkaku to Myōe” [Mongaku, Jōkaku and Myōe]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2002) 331 75.4: pp. 275–276. Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Shin’nyokan wa yasukarinubeki mono nari Kishinron honsho chōshūki ni okeru kikai setsu” [Kikai in Kishinron honsho chōshūki]. Higashi ajia bukkyō sono seiritsu to tenkai – (2002): pp. 279–300. Minowa Kenryō : “Nihon ni okeru kegon shisō no juyō riri sōsoku riri en’yū riri muge wo chūshin ni” – [The acceptance of Kegon thought in medieval Japan concerning the identity of principle, the interpenetration of principle and the nonobstruction of principle]. Ronshū tōdaiji no rekishi to (2003) 1: pp. 38–46. kyōgaku Miyazaki Kenji : “Tōdaiji no Kegonkyō kōsetsu tekisuto to kyōsho wo megutte” [The lectures on Avataṃsaka-sūtra at Tōdaiji: its textbooks and commentaries]. Bukkyō daigaku sōgō kenkyūjo kiyō bessatsu shūkyō to seji (1998): pp. 47–66. Miyazaki Kenji : “Nara jidai no Kegonkyō kōsetsu” [The lectures on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra in the Nara period]. Nihon bukkyō no shiteki tenkai (1999): pp. 122–140. Morimoto Kōsei : “Tōdaji to Kegonkyō Shōmu tennō ni yoru kegonkyō shiyō e no katei wo otte” [Tōdaiji Temple and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra: the process of the interpretation of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra by Emperor Shōmu]. Nanto bukkyō (2003) 83: pp. 1–43. Nakamikado Keikyō : “Fugen jūdaigan jōdoshisō kamon wo kai shita Fugen gyōgansan rikai Yonjū kegon kan yonjū wo sanshō shite” – [The ten vows of Samantabhadra, Pure Land thought and understanding to Samantabhadracaryāpraṇidhāna]. Jōdo shūgaku kenkyū (2003) 30: pp. 1–40. Nakamura Kaoru : “Shinran to Kegonkyō” [Shinran and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Dōhō daigaku ronsō (1996) 74–75: pp. 99–138. Nakamura Kaoru : “Shinran shōnin to Kegonkyō toku ni Geshin donomaki in’yō no Kegonkyō yonmon wo chūshin ni” – [Shinran and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra: concentrating on Geshin donomaki]. Shinshū kenkyū (1997) 41: pp. 82–96. Nodomi Jōten : “Kumedaji Shoyo ni tsuite” [Kumedaji Temple’s Shoyo]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 941–969. Nomura Takumi : “Myōe Shōnin denki no kenkyū rokujukkan Kegonkyō to Myōe denki” – [Study on Myōe Shōnin’s biography: the sixty fascicle Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Myōe’s biography]. Kokugo kokubun (2003) 72: pp. 1–16. Okamoto Ippei : “Gyōnen Gokyōshō tsūroki no sanjō hihan ni tsuite” [On the criticism of three vehicles in Gyōnen’s Gokyōshō tsūroki]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō (1997) 30: pp. 37–50. 研究 前川健一 宗教研究 前川健一 真如観はやすかりぬべき物也『起信論本疏聴集記』に於ける 喜海説 東ア ジア仏教 その成立と展開 蓑輪顕量 日本における華厳思想の受容 理理相即 理理円融 理理無礙を中心に 論集東大寺の歴史と教学 宮崎健司 東大寺 の「華厳経」講説テキストと経疏をめぐって 仏教大学総合研究所紀要 宮崎健司 奈良時代の『華厳経』講説 日本仏教 の史的展開 森本公誠 東大寺と華厳経聖武天皇による華厳経止揚への過程を追って 南都仏教 中御門敬教 普賢十大願、浄土思想、科文を介した 〈普賢行願讃〉理解 『四十華厳』巻四十を参照して 浄土宗学研究 中村薫 親鸞と『華厳経』 同朋大学論叢 中村薫 親鸞聖人と『華厳経』 特に「化身土巻」引用の『華厳 経』四文を中心に 真宗研究 納冨常天 久米田寺盛誉について 華厳学論集 野村卓美 明恵上人伝記の研究 六十巻「華厳経」と明恵伝記 国語国文 岡本一平 凝然『五教章通路 記』の三乗批判について 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 45 岡本一平 凝然『五教章通路記』の 一乗思想 印度 学仏教学研究 岡本一平 『華厳 宗所立五教十宗大意略抄』の成立背景 駒沢大学大学 院仏教学研究 大田利生 親鸞と華厳経 真宗学 大竹晋 「理理相即」と「理理円 融」『花厳止観』論攷 哲学 思想論叢 柴崎照和 明恵における修学と 華厳教学 密教文化 柴崎照和 明恵と『華厳経伝記』 華厳学論集 柴崎照和 明恵と新羅 高麗仏教 印度学仏教学研究 柴崎照和 明恵における善財善知 識観 印度学 仏教学研究 柴崎照和 明恵と普賢行願 印度学仏教学研究 進藤浩司 最澄の華厳学依拠の一側面『請入唐請益表』の位置づ けとその諸宗への対応 印度学仏教学研究 末木文美士 明恵と光明真言 華厳学論集 武内昭道 『摧邪輪』の基礎的研究 『華厳経』入法界品の引用をめぐって 仏教文化学会紀要 若園善聡 明恵『金獅子光顕鈔』につい て 印度学仏教学研究 梁銀容 新羅審祥と日本の華厳学 仏教福祉研究 吉田道興 「海印三昧」と道元禅師 華厳学論集 吉津宜英 全一のイデア南都における「華厳宗」成立の思想史的意義 Okamoto Ippei : “Gyōnen Gokyōshō tsūroki no ichijō shisō” [On one-vehicle in Gyōnen’s Gokyōshō tsūroki]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 148–150. Okamoto Ippei : “Kegonshū shoryū gokyō jusshu taii ryakushō no seiritsu haikei” [The background of the Kegonshū shoryū gokyō jusshu taii ryakushō]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō (1998) 31: pp. 65–74. Ōta Toshio : “Shinran to Kegonkyō” [Shinran and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Shinshūgaku (2002) 105–106: pp. 195–217. Ōtake Susumu : “Riri sōsoku to riri en’yū kegon shikan ronkō” [A study on the li-li concepts in Huayan Buddhism]. Tetsugaku, shisō ronsō (1999) 17: pp. 23–34. Shibasaki Terukazu : “Myōe ni okeru shūgaku to kegon kyōgaku” [Cultivation and Huayan doctrine by Myōe]. Mikkyō bunka (1997) 197: pp. 29–65. Shibasaki Terukazu : “Myōe to Kegonkyō denki” [Myōe and Huayan jing zhuanji]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 875–891. Shibasaki Terukazu : “Myōe to Shiragi, Kōrai bukkyō” [Myōe and the Buddhism of Silla and Koguryo]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1: pp. 144–146. Shibasaki Terukazu : “Myōe ni okeru zenzai zenchishiki kan” [Myōe on Sudhanaśreṣṭidāraka and kalyānamitra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 92 46.2: pp. 115–119. Shibasaki Terukazu : “Myōe to fugen gyōgan” [Myōe and the Samantabhadracaryāpraṇidhāna]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 93 47.1: pp. 236–239. Shindō Hiroshi : “Saichō no kegongaku ikyo no ichi sokumen Shōnittō shōryakuhyō no ichizuke to sono shoshū e no taiō” [Some influence of Kegon doctrine on Saichō’s remarks on other schools in his Shōnittō shōryakuhyō]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 98 49.2: pp. 79–81. Sueki Fumihiko : “Myōe to kōmyō shingon” [Myōe and kōmyō shingon]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 857–874. Takeuchi Akimichi : “Zaijarin no kisoteki kenkyū Kegonkyō Nyūhokkaibon no inyō wo megutte” – [Studies in the basic structure of the Zaijarin: quotations from the Gaṇḍavyūha of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Bukkyō bunka gakkai kiyō (2002) 11: pp. 142–156. Wakazono Zensō : “Myōe Konjishi kōkenshō ni tsuite” [Myōe’s Konjishi kōkenshō]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 96–98. Yang Eun Yong : “Shiragi Shinjō to Nihon no kegongaku” [Shimsang of Silla and Huayan Buddhism of Japan]. Bukkyō fukushi kenkyū (1998): pp. 411–446. Yoshida Dōkō : “Kaiin zammai to Dōgen zenji” [The oceanseal samādhi and Dōgen]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 907–921. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Zen’ichi no idea nanto ni okeru kegonshū seiritsu no shisōshi teki igi” [Idea of one all: the phi- 46 KIMURA KIYOTAKA 華厳学 法然と明恵 losophical significance of the formation of Kegon school in Nara]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 781–788. Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Hōnen to Myōe hikaku shisōshi ron no tachiba kara” [Hōnen and Myōe: from the standpoint of the history of comparative thought]. Bukkyōgaku seminā (1998) 67: pp. 87–106. 論集 吉津宜英 比較思想史論の立場から 仏教学セミナー 2.6. Others 中嶋隆蔵 嘉興続蔵所収『大方広仏華厳経疏演義鈔』の較刻と葉祺胤 禅学研究の諸相 中条暁秀 金綱集の研究 「華厳宗見聞」を拝して 印度学仏 教学研究 大村英繁 ゲーテ最晩年の叙事詩 と華厳思想 印度哲 学仏教学 大村英繁 クラウ ゼン ベルント ゲーテ晩年の叙情詩と華厳思想 室蘭工業大学紀要 大須賀発蔵 仏教の智恵とカウンセリング プロセス 華厳思想の断面から 人間性心理学研究 朴亨国 韓国の毘盧遮 那仏の初期図像とその展開 密教図像会 田中良昭 初期禅宗と華厳灯史語録 篇 華厳学論集 土田健次郎 道学と華厳教学 華厳学論集 李杏九 華厳浄土と弥陀浄土について 印度学仏教学研究 吉村怜 盧舎那法界人中像再論華厳教主盧舎那仏と宇宙主的釈迦仏 仏教芸術 Nakajima Ryūzō : “Kakō zokuzō shoshū Daihō kōbutsu kegonkyōsho engishō no kakkoku to yōkiin” [Dafangguang fo huayanjing suishu yanyi chao in the Jiaxing xuzang and its carving]. Zengaku kenkyū no shosō (2003): pp. 199–220. Nakajo Gyōshū : “Kinkōshū no kenkyū kegonshū kenmon wo hai shite” [A study of the Kinkōshū]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1995) 87 44.1: pp. 269–275. Ōmura Hideshige : “Gēte sai bannen no jojishi to kegon shisō” [Goethe’s latest lyrics and the Gaṇḍavyūha]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku (2000) 15: pp. 301–314. Ōmura Hideshige : “Kurauzen berunto Gēte bannen no jojishi to kegon shisō” , [Goethe’s latest lyrics, Clausen and the Gaṇḍavyūha]. Muroran kōgyō daigaku kiyō (2000) 50: pp. 125–131. Ōsuga Hatsuzō : “Bukkyō no chie to kaunseringu purosesu kegon shisō no danmen kara” – [Wisdom and counseling process of Buddhism]. Ningensei shinrigaku kenkyū (2002) 20.2: pp. 71–79. Park Hyounggook : “Kankoku birushanabutsu no shoki zuzō to sono tenkai [Vairocana Buddha’s Korean icon and its development]. Mikkyō zuzōe (1998) 17: pp. 1–37. Tanaka Ryōshō : “Shoki zenshū to kegon tōshi goroku hen” [Early Zen Buddhism and Huayan]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 431–450. Tsuchida Kenjirō : “Dōgaku to kegon kyōgaku” [Daoism and Huayan doctrine]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 519–534. Yi Haeng-gu : “Kegon jōdo to mida jōdo ni tsuite” [Hwaŏm Pure Land and Amida Pure Land]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 1–10. Yoshimura Rei : “Rushana hokkai nin chū zō sairon kegon kyōshu rushanabutsu to uchūshuteki shakkabutsu” [Reconsideration of Ninchūzō (Renzhongxiang) in the realm of Vairocana: Vairocana, the teaching lord of Kegon and cosmological Buddha Śākyamuni]. Bukkyō geijutsu (1999) 242: pp. 27–49. ZHU QINGZHI BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES IN MAINLAND CHINA This paper introduces briefly the past 25 years of Huayan studies in Mainland China. Summarizing the main publications in the field, it provides an objective overview of the results and content of these studies. As a general principle, no subjective evaluation shall be given. Huayan was a branch of Chinese Buddhism that began during the Tang. Although as a school it does not have a long history, its ideology and philosophy have exerted a tremendous influence on Chinese culture both within and outside the scope of Buddhism. The scholarly study of Huayan Buddhism in the modern sense of the word started during the 1920’s and 1930’s. Nevertheless, in this paper we will only introduce the past 25 years of Huayan studies in Mainland China, with special emphasis on the past 10 years.1 The reforms that began in the late 1970’s in Mainland China have brought about not only economic prosperity but also the prosperity of scholarly research, including that of religious studies. From the perspective of the progress and output of academic research, these past 25 years can be divided into two main phases: The first phase represents the period of recovery for Buddhist studies, lasting from the end of 1970’s until the beginning of 1990’s. During this period, the new generation of scholars was still in school, thus the few scholars belonging to the older generation primarily conducted research. As a result, the amount of scholarly output was also rather small. The publications of this period included two main categories. On the first hand, there were the new editions of works already published in the past, serving as an immediate solution for a pressing demand. On the other hand, there were also some large-scale historical works on Chinese Buddhism and Chinese philosophy compiled and edited by mid-generation scholars under the direction of an elder authority. These publications usually combined scholarly and 1 汤用彤 隋唐佛教史稿 Earlier studies can primarily be tied to TANG Yongtong . Tang in a section called “The Huayan school” in Chapter 4 of Sui Tang Fojiao shigao provided a detailed account of creation of the Huayan school, the lineage of the patriarchs and the history of the school’s development. He pointed out that the prosperity of Huayan “was due to 1) Fazang’s propagation; 2) the translation and distribution of the Huayan jing; 3) the support of Empress Wu Zetian.” This study represented a milestone in Huayan research. 48 ZHU QINGZHI popular approaches in crystallizing the results of former studies. Consequently, dedicated studies of individual topics such as Huayan Buddhism typically appeared only as part of larger works. The second phase, beginning in the early 1990’s, represents the period of prosperity in Buddhist studies. During this period, following the previous phase of recovery, mid-generation scholars have reached a period of creativity in their careers. At the same time, the new generation also appeared on the scene, lending an enormous momentum to research. The sudden increase in the amount of publications related to Buddhism during this period is clearly perceptible. In terms of both their scope and depth, these works have gone far beyond former results. Similarly, the number of studies focusing on Huayan Buddhism has increased significantly too. First let us look at phase one. In 1980, GUO Peng published his work titled Sui Tang fojiao . This book was the author’s first work in a multi-volume series of dynastic histories of Buddhism. At the same time, this was also the first monograph published by a Mainland Chinese scholar on Sui and Tang Buddhism. In Chapter 4, titled “Tangdai de fojiao [The history of Tang Buddhism],” the author discussed the lives and the philosophy of Huayan patriarchs, introduced the main canonical work of Huayan Buddhism (i.e. Huayan jing ), and described in relatively great detail the “basic philosophy of the Huayan school,” including the concepts of dharma-realm origination (fajie yuanqi ), six characteristics (liuxiang ) and ten mysterious gates (shi xuanmen ). The most remarkable part in this chapter was the author’s view that the Huayan school was established to meet the needs of Wu Zetian’s government. Zhongguo fojiao shi , edited by REN Jiyu , DU Jiwen , YANG Zengwen at al. began appearing in 1981. This was a collective work of Mainland Chinese scholars who studied Chinese Buddhism in a scientific way. Most of the people who participated in writing the topics were eminent scholars of the history of Chinese Buddhism, representing the best of contemporary academia. In Chapter 2, Volume 3 (1989), the second section bore the title “Dafangguang fo huayan jing de sixiang pouxi [An analysis of the philosophy of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-mahāvaipulya-sūtra]” provided a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the main canonical work of the Huayan school, offering a number of new insights. Simultaneously, REN Jiyu’s (ed.) multi-volume work called Zhongguo zhexue fazhan shi (from 1983) began appearing too. The authors of this work were also the most distinguished scholars of the history of Chinese philosophy. The Sui and Tang volume (1994) had a chapter titled “Huayanzong zhexue sixiang [The philosophy of the Huayan school]” which primarily discussed Huayan teachings such as nature-origination, inexhaustible conditioned arising, five doctrines and ten schools, and the expedient five natures. In addition, the chapter compared the philosophy of the Huayan and Tiantai schools. 郭朋 唐代的佛教 相 杨曾文 武则天 中国佛教史 隋唐佛教 华严经 法界缘起 十玄门 大方广佛华严经的思想剖析 中国哲学发展史 华严宗哲学思想 六 任继愈 杜继文 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 杜继文 49 Beside these, in 1991 DU Jiwen published his college textbook called Fojiao shi . This was the first college textbook in Mainland China with Buddhism as its main subject. The work had a chapter called “Huayanzong de zongjiao lilun tixi [Religious ideology of the Huayan school]” which briefly described the essence, formation, and unique features of the concept of dharma-realm origination (fajie yuanqi ) used in Huayan thought to interpret the origins of human life and the universe. There were very few publications in this period with a direct focus on the Huayan school. The most important ones are as follows: HUANG Chanhua , “Xianshou zong [Xianshou school]” (1980). The article introduced the history and the main teachings of the Huayan school in a relatively systematic way. REN Jiyu, “Huayanzong zhexue sixiang lüelun ” (1981). The article analyzed Huayan philosophy from a variety of aspects. Ren claimed that “among the many schools of Chinese Buddhism, the Huayan school paid particular attention to describing categories. It dealt with concept pairs such as individual and common, equal and different, birth and destruction, time and space, original substance and phenomenon. From a cognitive point of view, this cannot be regarded as progressional development.” SHI Jun and FANG Litian , “Lun Sui Tang fojiao zongpai de sixiang tedian ” (1982). This article provided a subjective view of the position of various Sui and Tang Buddhist schools in Chinese intellectual history. With respect to the Huayan school, the authors analyzed its tendency towards intellectual internalization, claiming that the core of the Huayan concept of “dharma-realm origination” was used to attest the notion of “all things without obstruction” which was a sort of perfect interfusion that admitted differences while exaggerating unity. In the course of the historical development of this philosophy, its tendency towards internalization had been gradually increasing, drawing on the philosophy of not only existing Buddhist schools but also that of the newly formed Chan school. In addition, it also internalized Confucianist and Daoist teachings, manifesting a strong affinity towards unifying the various religious and intellectual schools. Another essay written by SHI Jun and FANG Litian was “Lun Sui Tang fojiao zongpai de xingcheng ” (1981) in which they approached the formation of Sui and Tang Buddhist schools by providing a systematic analysis of their socio-historical background, that is, the objective political, economic, and philosophical circumstances of the time. FANG Litian, “Huayan Jinshizi zhang pingshu ” (1983). This essay carefully analyzed the structure and logical organization of Fazang’ s Huayan jinshizi zhang, the six characteristics and ten mysterious gates as the core of Huayan thought, and Fazang’s concept of “classification of teachings.” The essay boldly asserted the contribution of the Huayan school to referential logic and epistemology. Other publications of FANG Litian included “Huayanzong fojiao zhexue lilun goujia he fanchou tixi ” (1985); “Shixi huayanzong 佛教史 华严宗的宗教理论体系 法界缘起 黄忏华 贤首宗 华严宗哲学思想略论 石峻 方立天 论隋唐佛教宗派的思想特点 论隋唐佛教宗派的形成 华严金狮子章评述 华严宗佛教哲学理论构架和范畴体系 50 ZHU QINGZHI 试析华严宗哲学范畴体系 华严宗哲学范畴体系简论 略谈华严学与五台山 游有维 华严宗的起源、传承、演变与复兴 陈扬炯 zhexue fanchou tixi ” (1985); “Huayanzong zhexue fanchou tixi jianlun ” (1985); “Lüetan huayanxue yu Wutaishan ” (1988). FANG Litian was the scholar who had published the largest amount of studies on Huayan Buddhism. YOU Youwei’s “Huayanzong de qiyuan, chuancheng, yanbian yu fuxing ” (1986) provided a systematic description of the formation, dissemination and philosophical framework of the Huayan school. CHEN Yangjiong , “Chengguan pingzhuan ” (1987). This paper introduced in detail the life and teachings of Chengguan (738–839), the 4th Huayan patriarch, and provided a historical assessment of him: “He succeeded and further developed the teachings of Fazang (643–712), establishing a grand and sophisticated philosophical system which represented the climax of Buddhist doctrinal studies and exerted an enormous influence on both Buddhist and secular thought in China.” There were also studies concerning Zongmi (780–841), such as LI Fuhua’s “Zongmi he ta de chanxue ” (1983); and ZHANG Chunbo and LI Xi’s “Zongmi chan jiao yizhi shuo de shizhi ” (1989). The latter study claimed that Zongmi understood the “threat” Chan teachings posed to the government and that his theory of “chan jiao yizhi (Chan and the teachings are the same)” was a theoretical anticipation of Emperor Wu’s persecution of Buddhism. CHEN Yunji , “Wang Wei yu Huayanzong shi seng Daoguang ” (1981). This article discusses Wang Wei’s relationship with Buddhism, especially the Huayan school.2 FANG Litian, “Huayan Jinshizi zhang jiaoshi” (1983). This was the only monograph dedicated to the textual study of a Huayan classic. Through providing an edited interpretation and critical study of Fazang’s main opus, the Huayan jinshizi zhang, Fang carefully explored the concrete characteristics of the idealist philosophy of the Huayan school. JIN Shen , “Jinzi Huayan jing lüetan ” (1987). This was a preliminary study of the Dafangguang fo Huayan jing lunguan written in golden characters in Wanli period of Ming Dynasty found inside a bronze stūpa in the Xiantong monastery on Wutaishan. Jin believed that it was a summary of the Huayan jing written by Fu’an as a textbook for reading the stūpa, rather than Fu’an’s gift to the emperor, as it had sometimes been believed. GENG Shimin , “Huiguwen Bashi Huayan canjing yanjiu ” (1986); “Gansu sheng Bowuguan cang huiguwen Bashi Huayan canjing yanjiu 2 ( )” (1986). In these two papers, Geng provided a transcription and interpretation of the fragmentary Uighur Bashi Huayan, offering new material for studying the process of distribution of Huayan classics. 澄观评传 法藏 李富华 张春波 的实质 李曦 严宗诗僧道光 陈允吉 宗密 宗密和他的禅学 宗密禅教一致说 禅教一致 王维与华 金申 金字华严经略谈 大方广佛华严经论 贯 万历 显通 复庵 耿世民 回鹘文八十华 严残经研究 甘肃省博物馆藏回鹘文八十华严残经研究 二 2 Chen 1988, 2002 discussed in detail the influence of Buddhism on ancient Chinese literature. BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 51 温玉成 龙门所见中外交通史料初探 华严宗三祖康法藏身世的新资料 In addition, there was also WEN Yucheng’s “Longmen suojian zhongwai jiaotong shiliao chutan ” (1983) and “Huayanzong sanzu Kang Fazang shenshi de xin ziliao ” (1984). In comparison with the general studies favored in phase one, phase two was characterized by works dealing with specific aspects of the field, revealing that the research of the Huayan school and Buddhism in general was moving in the direction of deeper and richer content. There were many individual opinions and insights that had been absent from phase one. Below we separate the volume of the scholarly output into nine aspects. 1. Huayan Buddhism in General This subject includes studies on Huayan theory and history. In the field of the Huayan theoretical system, the first study that should be mentioned was WEI Daoru’s Zhongguo huayanzong tongshi (1998). This work was still the only comprehensive monograph of Huayan Buddhism done by a mainland scholar. Wei approached the subject from the point of view of a foreign religion transformed and utilized by Chinese feudal society. He explored the process of the evolution going from the Huayan jing studies to the Huayan school studies and, finally, to “Huayan studies within the Chan school.” The book’s time frame ran from the end of Eastern Han to the middle of the Qing. The main characteristics of Wei’s research were as follows: a) He separated the study of Huayan jing from the study of the Huayan school, systematically and in detail describing the framework and mutual relationship of these two fields. b) He systematically described the various divisions and branches of the Huayan school and the relationship between those. c) He advanced the notion of “Huayan studies within the Chan school,” systematically describing the fusion of Chan studies and Huayan studies. The primary force behind the shift from the study of the Huayan jing towards the study of the Huayan school was an inherent attitude within traditional Chinese thought which, instead of relying on the written canon, revered individualism and originality.3 At this time, FANG Litian was still the most industrious scholar. In “Huayanzong xinxinglun shuping ” (1994) he focused on the Huayan teaching of mind-nature theory which originally was based on and developed from the theory of nature-origination. Fang claimed that the mind-nature theory of the Huayan school consisted of Fazang’s theories of bright Buddha seed-nature (mingfo zhongxing ), Zhiyan (602–668) and Fazang’s theory of the purity of the original self-nature (zixing qingjing ), Chengguan and Zongmi’s 魏道儒 中国华严宗通史 华严宗心性论述评 明佛种性 3 智俨 Li Li’an: 2002; Fu Jianming 1999. 自性清净 澄观 宗 52 ZHU QINGZHI 密 theory of mind-nature being equivalent to good knowledge (xinxing ji liangzhi 心 性即良知), and so on. In “Huayanzong de xianxiang yuanrong lun 华严宗的现象 圆融论” (1998), Fang argued that the theory of nonobstruction of phenomena (shishi wu’ ai 事事无碍) was the most representative teaching in the Huayan school, ca- pable of expressing, in a profound philosophical framework and through rich logical reasoning, man’s relationship to the entire universe and, especially, the mutual connection between thing and thing. Although the theory of nonobstruction of phenomena had its roots in Indian Mahāyāna thought, but in terms of structure, substance and meaning it manifested Chinese philosophical traits that were different from Indian Buddhism. In “Zhongguo fojiao zhijue siwei de lishi yanbian ” (2002), FANG Litian discussed three dharma-realm contemplations (fajie sanguan ), i.e. the contemplation on true emptiness, on nonobstruction between principle and phenomena, on universal wisdom, arguing that those represented the key aspects of Huayan contemplation. These concepts were directly related to the teaching of dharma-realm origination, demonstrating the uniquely intuitive approach of the Huayan school. YAO Weiqun’s “Huayanzong yu bore zhongguan sixiang ” (1996) discussed in great detail the characteristics of the philosophy of contemplation on the prajñā manifested in Huayan writings. TANG Yijie’s “Huayan ‘shixuanmen’ de zhexue yiyi ‘ ’ ” (1995) asserted that many philosophical subjects discussed within Huayan Buddhism were not only significant from the perspective of the history of Chinese philosophy but could also enrich and advance even modern philosophical research. Additional works related to this subject included LOU Yulie’s “‘Bu you jing jiao’ yu ‘you jiao wu zong’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’” (2002) and CHEN Peiran’s “Huayanzong zhi fajieguan yu panjiaoguan yanjiu ” (1998).4 Studies concerned with the history of the development of Huayan thought also included YANG Yi’s “Lüe lun dao fo er jiao de xianghu rongshe ” (1996) analyzed the history of rivalry and mutual influences between Daoist and Buddhist cultures, arguing that the interaction between those had been the main reason behind their prosperity. Although the Huayan school revered the Huayan jing, there are important differences between the Huayan philosophy interpreted by Du Shun (557–640), Zhiyan, Fazang and others and this fundamental sūtra. The Huayan masters’ interpretation of the concept of nonobstruction between principle and phenomena (lishi wu’ai ) showed the influence of Zhuangyanjing lun (Mahāyāna-sūtrālaṃkāra) and Fodijing lun (Buddhabhūmi-sūtra-śāstra) of Faxiang school, the influence of the Dasheng qixin lun , and the influence of the philosophy of Zhuangzi . Thus the phi- 变 中国佛教直觉思维的历史演 法界三观 中观思想 姚卫群 华严 十玄门 的哲学意义 不由经教 与 由教悟宗 的相互融摄 杨毅 楼宇烈 陈沛然 华严宗之法界观与判教 观研究 杜顺 理事无碍 庄严经论 大乘起信论 4 心 辩证法思想述评 王杰 华严宗与般若 汤一介 略论道佛二教 佛地经论 庄子 华严宗 唯 In an online article called “Huayanzong ‘weixin’ bianzhengfa sixiang shuping” ‘ ’ WANG Jie provided a new evaluation of the dialectic idealism of Huayan Buddhism. 53 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES losophy of these masters represented a combination of Chinese and Indian Buddhism merged together under new historical conditions. In “Dong Jin Nanbeichao huayanxue de fazhan quxiang ” (1999) WEI Daoru claims that during the Eastern Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties people, both monks and laymen, were becoming acquainted with and transforming the Huayan jing, introduced to China from abroad, in three stages. First, they studied individual sūtras belonging to the Huayan group as objects of textual criticism with the aim of elucidating their meaning. In the second stage, people applied the Jin translation of the Huayan jing to many practical uses, including religious ceremonies, meditation practice, interpretation of new teachings, and inspiration for faith. In the last stage, a complete translation of the sūtra initiated the transition from visually descriptive religious literature to conceptually analytical religious literature. These three stages had successfully created the conditions for the Sinification of Buddhism by determining the direction towards a complete and uniquely Chinese theoretical system of Huayan. LIU Mengxiang’s “Huayanzong wenhe xingershangxue foxue lilun de chansheng yu fazhan ” (2000) showed that Du Shun and Zhiyan, the first and second patriarchs, exerted themselves in propagating the teaching of perfect interfusion (yuanrong ), leading Buddhism to a new direction of so-called “mild metaphysics” (wenhe xinger shangxue ). Fazang, the third patriarch, fully adopted and transformed the theory of consciousness-only (weishi ) of Faxiang, criticizing its absolutism, and thus completed the Huayan system of wenhe xingershangxue, providing a firm foundation for the further development of the Huayan school. FENG Huanzhen in “Liu shiji huayanxue chuancheng kaobian ” (2001) claimed that Huayan in 6th century was mainly promoted by the masters of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra-śāstra (dilun shi ). The two other major proponents were the Three Treatises masters (sanlun shi ) and a number of treatise masters from unknown lineages. In 6th century Huayan studies there was a long period during which the four regions of Jingzhao , Luoyang and Ye , Bing and Dai , and Jiankang mutually influenced each other, until this arrangement was finally destroyed by Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou. 东晋南北朝华严学的 发展趋向 刘孟骧 华严宗温和形而上学佛学理论的产生与发展 圆融 唯识 冯焕珍 严学传承考辩 邺 并 代 温和形而上学 六世纪华 建康 地论师 三论师 京兆 洛阳 2. Main Huayan Figures and their Theories 2.1 Fazang 法藏 QIU Gaoxing 丘高兴 in “Huayan zong zongzu Fazang de shengping ji qi sixiang 华 严宗宗祖法藏的生平及其思想” (1992) described in detail the dharma-realm philosophy of Fazang. Xu Shaoqiang 徐绍强 in “Fazang yuanrong zhexue de siwei tese 法藏圆融哲学的思维特色” (1991) and “Fazang de wujin yuanqi shuo 法藏的无尽 缘起说” (1996) provided a description and conceptual analysis of Fazang’s teach- 54 ZHU QINGZHI 三性同异 ings of identity and difference of three natures (sanxing tongyi ) and six meanings of the cause (yinmen liuyi ), perfect interfusion of the six characteristics (liuxiang yuanrong ), and ten mysterious gates without obstruction (shixuan wu’ai ). In addition, there was also Fang Litian’s monograph titled Fazang (1991) which was a comprehensive description of Fazang’s view on Buddhism, his theories of the genesis of the universe, ontology, human ideal and cognition. 法藏 2.2 Chengguan 因门六义 六相圆融 十玄无碍 澄观 董平 “Lun Chengguan dui huayanzong sixiang de fazhan 论澄观对华 严宗思想的发展” (1995) arranged Chengguan’s contribution to Huayan Buddhism DONG Ping’s into four major points: a) He preserved both the integrity and authority of Fazang’s teachings, eliminating controversies within the Huayan school; b) adopted the Tiantai teaching of intrinsic inclusiveness of grasping reality and introduced certain theoretical improvements to Fazang’s teachings, further enriching and enhancing the Huayan doctrine of nature-origination; c) put forward, in a definite and systematic way, the teaching of “four dharmadhātus,” further perfecting the theoretical system of the Huayan school; d) although Chengguan was against non-Buddhist “external schools,” favoring the “Western teachings” over “Chinese Confucianism” and opposing the “fusion of the three Ways,” at the same time he was also known to quote the Confucianist classics to interpret Buddhist sūtras. Another work dealing with Chengguan was Hu Minzhong’s Chengguan foxue sixiang yanjiu (2002). 胡民众 佛学思想研究 2.3 Zongmi 宗密 周群 澄观 宗密禅教合一思想论析 ZHOU Qun in “Zongmi chan jiao heyi sixiang lunxi ” (1991) argued that Zongmi’s teaching on the unity of meditational and doctrinal practices was the result of the debate between the various factions of the Tiantai and Huayan schools. The common origin of this concept served as a theoretical foundation for the formation of Zongmi’s philosophy. Zongmi used the Dasheng qixin lun and Yuanjue jing as the basis for formulating the concept into a teaching of “one mind two schools.” Zongmi based his fusion of meditational and doctrinal practices on the notion that “the sūtras represent the Buddha’s words, meditation represents the Buddha’s intention.” The three schools and three teachings of meditation were closely related, with direct correspondences between them. Later on, Zongmi’s philosophy had strongly influenced Chinese, Korean and Japanese Buddhism. In the past few years, Shenhui and Zongmi have become the center of increased scholarly attention but most people failed to recognize the differences between their teachings and thus used the writings of one to interpret those of the other. NIE Qing in “Shenhui yu Zongmi ” (2000) proposed a dif- 圆觉经 神会 聂清 神会与宗密 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 55 ferent opinion and claimed that although the teachings of the two masters had certain common features, there were also major differences between them. Nie demonstrated these differences by comparing the two masters’ interpretation of zhi (knowing) and their view of the relationship between sudden realization (dunwu ) and gradual practice (jianxiu ), and tathāgatagarbha (rulai zang ) and wisdom (bore , prajñā). In addition, Nie also attempted to explain the reasons leading to these differences. Another study on Zongmi was XIANG Shishan’s “Lun Zongmi de fangfalun moshi ” (1998). 顿悟 渐修 般若 论宗密的方法论模式 2.4 Li Tongxuan 知 如来藏 向世山 李通玄 李通玄与法藏的 QIU Gaoxing in “Li Tongxuan yu Fazang de foxue sixiang bijiao ” (1998) compared the philosophy of Fazang, the founder of the Huayan school, with that of Li Tongxuan (635–730), the heretical figure within the same school, including their views on classification of teachings, Buddha-nature, the practice of contemplating on nature, etc. QIU Gaoxing also published an article titled “Yi Yi jie Huayan jing – Li Tongxuan dui Huayan jing de xin quanshi – ” (2000) in which he argued that using the Yijing and other traditional Confucianist concepts to interpret the text of the Huayan jing, Li Tongxuan created an entirely new way of understanding of Huayan teachings. Related to the same subject was QIU Gaoxing’s Ph. D. dissertation titled Li Tongxuan foxue sixiang shuping (1996). 佛学思想比较 以易解华严 经 李通玄对华严经的新诠释 李通玄佛学思想述评 2.5 Other WANG Song 王颂 in “Guanyu Du Shun chuzu shuo de kaocha 关于杜顺初祖说的 考察” (2000) disputed the traditional theory that Du Shun was the first Huayan patri- arch. Other studies of the Huayan school included FANG Litian’s “Zhencheng dui Sengzhao ‘Wu bu qian lun’ de piping ” (1998), and Liu Chunsheng’s “Huiyuan ji Huayan jing yinyi de ji dian kaozheng ” (1992). 镇澄对僧肇物不迁论的批评 刘春生 音义的几点考证 3. Huayan Influences on Lixue 慧苑及华严经 理学 The influence of Buddhism on the development of lixue has been a hot topic in Buddhist studies. Because of the close connection between Huayan and lixue, there were many essays and monographs with relevance to Huayan studies too. CHEN Yuanning’s “Fojiao yu lixue zai bentilun shang de lianxi ” (1995) approached the subject from the two distinct per- 陈远宁 理学在本体论上的联系 佛教与 56 ZHU QINGZHI 程颐 spectives of Chinese Buddhist theory and the development of Cheng Yi (1033– 1108) and Zhu Xi’s (1130–1200) lixue. The author argued that the structure and cognitive method of the Huayan theory of same principle different manifestation had been adopted by lixue advocates, especially Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073), Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao (1032–1085) and Zhu Xi. CUI Dahua in “Lun lixue zhi xiaohua foxue ” (1997) argued that although the lixue theory of the single origin of essence and function had a close conceptual connection with the Chan school, its logic and methodology probably came from the Huayan school. DONG Ping in “Xiangshan ‘xin ji li’ shuo de bentilun quanshi ‘ ’ ” (1999) showed that while the concept of “mind is ideal” (xin ji li) was the most important element of Lu Xiangshan’s (1139–1193) philosophy, it was also the key issue in which it differed from the teachings of Zhu Xi; the interpretation of this concept was fundamental to understanding Xiangshan’s philosophy. At the same time, although this concept of equivalence of ontological entity and phenomena, or the concept of perfect interfusion of principle and phenomena, in some sense could be traced back the Yijing, their theoretical structure was directly linked with the Huayan school. In some other sense, however, Xiangshan’s teaching of dao zhi yu qi, wei shi xiang wu can actually be regarded as a theoretical outline of the Huayan teaching of perfect interfusion. Other related works included LI Zuoxun’s “Ru fo jiaorong yu Zhu Xi xinxinglun de xingcheng ” (1997); FANG Litian’s “Ru, fo yi xinxinglun wei zhongxin de hudong hubu ” (2000); ZHANG Liwen’s “Fojiao yu Song Ming lixue de hehe renwen jingshen ” (1996); KANG Zhongqian’s “Ru Dao hubu xinlun – Jianlun Zhongguo zhexue de luoji fazhan – ” (1997); and XIANG Shiling’s “Jian li jian xing yu qiong li jin xing – Chuantong ruxue, foxue (huayan chan) yu lixue – ” (2000). 朱熹 崔大华 董平 说的本体论诠释 周敦颐 论理学之消化佛学 程颢 陆象山 象山 心即理 道之于器，未始相无 李作勋 儒佛交融与朱熹心性论的形成 儒、佛以心性论为中心的互 动互补 张立文 佛教与宋明理学的和合人文精神 康中 干 儒道互补新论 兼论中国哲学的逻辑发展 见理见性与穷理 尽性 传统儒学、佛学（华严禅）与理学 4. The Relationship between Huayan and Chinese Literature and Esthetics This kind of study was another focus of the last twenty-five years. ZHANG Wenxun in “Cong Huayan jinshizi zhang kan fojiao zhexue de meixue yiyi ” (1991) analyzed Fazang’s Huayan jinshizi zhang and provided a detailed description of the complex relationship between Buddhist philosophy and ancient Chinese art, mainly discussing the influences within ancient Chinese art theory, as well as the presence of basic Buddhist concepts (e.g. original substance and phenomenon, real and illusory, presence and absence, part and whole, common and individual, one and many, hidden and exposed, cognition and intuition) in Chinese esthetics. 张文勋 从华严金师子章看佛教哲学的美学意义 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 57 Although it had been commonly known that there was a strong connection between Buddhism and Tang-Song poetry, not a lot of research had been done in this area. A series of studies published by WU Yansheng in recent years helped to fill this lacuna. His main articles included “Caodongzong chan shi yanjiu ” (1999); “Chan shi shenmei jingjie lun ” (2000a); “Huayan diwang yin chan xin – lun Huayan jing, huayanzong dui Chan si Chan shi de yingxiang – ” (2000b); “Chan shi lishi yuanrong lun ” (2000c); “Chanzong de shixue huayu tixi ” (2001a). In these studies, the author expressed his opinion that the influence of theory of liberation through meditation of both the Huayan jing and the Huayan school on meditation thoughts and meditation poetry (chan si chan shi ) would become extremely important for the study of Chinese Chan poetry in the 21st century.5 ZHANG Jiemo in “Fayan, ‘muqian’ he ‘ge’ yu ‘buge’ – lun Wang Guowei shixue de yige Chanxue yuanyuan ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’– ” (2000) traced the origins of the Chan concepts of juyan , muqian , separation and non-separation in Wang Guowei’s Renjian cihua . LI Ruiming in “‘Huayan shi jing’: Shen Zengzhi shixue ‘sanguan’ shuo de yixiang ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ” (2001) discussed the theory of sanguan in Shen Zengzhi’s Yu Jin Rongjing taishou lun shi shu ,6 claiming that his ingenious new approach to poetry represented a “Huayan approach to poetry” that combined subjective sentiments and artistic intelligence. PI Chaogang in “Huayan jingjie yu Zhongguo meixue ” (2003) demonstrated the enormous influence of the Huayan school on ancient Chinese art theory, esthetics and artistic creativity. Huayan thought had not only influenced these aspects of Chinese art but embodied a rich esthetic content in itself too. It played an important role in the history of Buddhist esthetics in China and thus should be further explored to give its proper assessment. As a repository of literary writings with a large amount of literary patterns and references, Buddhist sūtras also had a great influence on Chinese literature. One study in this area was HOU Chuanwen’s “Huayan jing he Zhong Yin qiwu wenxue muti ” (1994) which explores the literary references of qiwu (apocalypse). SUN Changwu in “Su Shi yu fojiao ” (1994) discussed the connection between Su Shi and the Huayan school. Since Su Shi was a man of letters and Chinese men of letters had always been interested in books, he read many sūtras as part of his Buddhist practice. Judging from his writings, he not only loved 吴言生 禅诗研究 禅诗审美境界论 华严帝网印禅心 论华严经、华严宗对禅思禅诗的影响 禅诗理事圆融论 禅宗的诗学话语体系 禅思禅诗 曹洞宗 张节末 法眼、 目前 和 隔 与 不隔 论王国维诗学的 一个禅学渊源 具眼 目前 人间词 话 李瑞明 华严诗境 ：沈曾植诗学 三关 说的意向 三关 沈曾植 与金 蓉镜太守论诗书 美学 皮朝纲 华严境界与中国 侯传文 《华严经》与中印启悟文学母题 孙昌武 苏轼与佛教 5 6 Wu 2001b. The complete text of Sheng Zengzhi’s Yu Jin Tajing taishou lun shi shu can be found in Wang Yuanhua 1995: vol. 3, 116–117. 王元化 58 ZHU QINGZHI 灯史 reading Chan histories of lamp-transmission (dengshi ) and recorded sayings (yulu ), became very familiar with the Prajñā-pāramitā-sūtras, Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra, Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra and Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment, but was also heavily influenced by Huayan thought. Originally, Zongmi integrated teachings of both the Huayan and Heze (a branch of the Southern Chan) schools, thus his works incorporated Chan and Huayan ideas at the same time. Huayan assumed a perfectly interfused universe without obstruction, whereas Chan stimulated man’s subjective intellect. Both of these two approaches were important elements of Song lixue. Su Shi practiced Chan but at the same time he also practiced Huayan, a practice which accurately represented the ideological trend of his time. Other important studies on the relationship between Huayan and Chinese literature and art included ZHU Liangzhi’s “Lun Zhongguo yishulun zhong de yuan ‘ ’” (1994); XU Zong’s “Lun lixue wenhua guannian yu Songdai shixue ” (2000); QI Zhixiang’s “Fojiao ‘sanjie weixin’ lun yu ‘mei shi xinying’ shuo ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ” (1997) and “Zhongguo gudai meixue sixiang xitong zhengtiguan ” (2003). 语录 荷泽 朱良志 论中国艺术论中的 圆 许总 论理学文化观念与宋代诗学 祁志祥 佛教 三界唯心 论与 美是心影 说 中国古代美学 思想系统整体观 5. Huayan Chan Huayan Chan is an intermediary area between Huayan and Chan. The way lixue thinkers interpreted Chan was often rather an understanding of Huayan Chan, merging the philosophy of these two separate schools. It is likely that Huayan teachings served as an agent through which lixue proponents encountered and adopted general Buddhist ideology. DONG Qun in “Lun huayan chan zai foxue he lixue zhijian de zhongjie zuoyong ” (2000) described the situation of Huayan Chan in Song and Ming times, and the interaction between lixue and Huayan Chan. Using Zongmi as an example, the author explored the influence of Huayan Chan on lixue, thus providing an important contribution to the research on the relationship between Buddhism and lixue. XIANG Shiling in “Jian li jian xing yu qiong li jin xing – Chuantong ruxue, foxue (huayan chan) yu lixue – ” (2000) claimed that Huayan Chan had provided the theoretical foundation needed for the revival of various ideological trends in the form of Neo-Confucianism. Lixue was established on the basis of rediscovered pre-Qin Confucianism under the stimulation of Buddhist thought. Having been introduced to China in the Han dynasty, by Sui and Tang times Buddhism has undergone an unparalleled development, especially in the Huayan and Chan schools. However, Huayan Chan was not just a simple amalgamation of Huayan and Chan theories but a synthesis of Zongmi’s interpretation of these two, and many other, schools. Precisely for this reason, after the high Tang Huayan Chan became a popular trend amply manifesting the ideological dominance of Buddhism at the time and its privileged position in com- 董群 论华严禅在佛学和理学之间的中介作用 与理学 向世陵 见理见性与穷理尽性 传统儒学、佛学（华严禅） BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 59 parison with other schools of thought. Still, the complex assortment of Buddhist schools had no practical meaning for Confucianists who saw Buddhism merely as a heterodox faction with a comprehensive and consistent theoretical system. This was the reason behind the social impact and result of Huayan Chan. Another work in this area was JIANG Guicun’s Huayan chan yu Cheng Zhu lixue de bijiao yanjiu (1999). 蒋桂存 华严禅与程朱理学的比较研究 6. Comparison of Huayan Buddhism and Other Buddhist Schools LÜ Jianfu 吕建福 in “Mijiao zhexue de jiben lunti ji qi zhongyao gainian 密教哲学 的基本论题及其重要概念” (2002) discussed the influence of Huayan canonical works on the exoteric tradition. WANG Yueqing 王月清 in “Lun Zhongguo fojiao de renxing shan’e guan – yi tiantaizong wei zhongdian 论中国佛教的人性善恶观 – 以天台宗为重点” (1999) explored the influence of the Tiantai view of the goodness or evilness of human nature on the Fahua school. PAN Guiming’s “‘Xingju shixiang’ shuping ‘ ’ ” (1996) compared the Tiantai concept of nature-inclusiveness with the Huayan concept of nature-origination, claiming that the latter was a step backward from the former. Other works in this area included XU Kangsheng’s “Jianlun tiantaizong he huayanzong de fojiao sixiang ” (1993) and FANG Litian’s “Cong dilunshi yu shelunshi de xin shi benyuan zhi bian dao tiantai, huayan xinben shuo de chanfa ” (1998). 潘桂明 性具实相 述评 许抗生 简论天台宗和华严宗的佛教思想 从地论师与摄论师的心识本原之辨到天台、华严 心本说的阐发 7. The Huayan School and Politics HAN Ruichang 韩瑞常 in “Fojiao yu zhongshiji Dongbeiya de zhengzhi biange 佛教 与中世纪东北亚的政治变革” (1996) argued that medieval Buddhism entailed a special kind of social consciousness. The author explored the degree and nature of Buddhist influence on the political changes in Northeast Asia, as well as the merits and faults of Buddhism in this process. For example, the Huayan school propagated that all things were in harmony with each other, that many were in one and one was in many; this approach fitted well with the political needs of a monarch ruling a state. LI Guangliang in “Jindai ru fo guanxi shi shulüe ” (2000) discussed the impact of Huayan thought on the political philosophy of Kang Youwei . Other studies in this area included WEI Daoru’s “Zongjiao ronghe yu jiaohua gongneng – yi Songdai liang zhong huayan jingtu xinyang wei li – ” (2000); LI Shuangbi’s “Foxue 康有为 李广良 功能 以宋代两种华严净土信仰为例 近代儒佛关系史述略 宗教融合与教化 李双璧 60 ZHU QINGZHI 佛学思想之于维新志士： 以康、梁、谭为例 哈迎飞 鲁迅、尼采与佛教 鲁迅与佛教文化关 系论之一 李向平 人间佛教的现代转换及其意义 李明友 马一浮的儒佛会通观 sixiang zhi yu weixin zhishi: yi Kang, Liang, Tan wei li ” (1999); HA Yingfei’s “Lu Xun, Nicai yu fojiao – Lu Xun yu fojiao wenhua guanxi lun zhi yi – ” (2001); LI Xiangping’s “Renjian fojiao de xiandai zhuanhuan ji qi yiyi ” (1997). LI Mingyou’s “Ma Yifu de ru fo huitong guan ” (1995) discussed the Confucianist, Buddhist and Daoist aspects and associations in MA Yifu’s scholarship. The perfect interfusion of these three major schools of thought was a basic feature of lixue, which was a new form of Confucianism incorporating Buddhist and Daoist elements. Being a great master of contemporary lixue, MA Yifu’s scholarship inherited these features, while also enriching it with new elements. The analysis of the Confucianist and Buddhist associations in MA Yifu’s thought can help us to gain an overall picture of the process of modernization of traditional culture in China. 8. Huayan Buddhism and Ecology During the course of modernization in China, ecological environment has been more and more important, a trend also reflected in Huayan studies. WEI Dedong in “Fojiao de shengtai guan ” (1999) claimed that Buddhism had a rich, and unique, ecological content. Huayan scholars had used a set of sophisticated metaphors like pores (maokong ), minute dust (weichen ), lion’s fur (shizi mao ), Indra net (yintuoluo wang ), etc. to describe the relationship of “one” to “all,” showing their profound understanding of the holistic quality of the world. The Huayan jing used the metaphor of Indra net to explain how all things in the world were connected with each other in such an infinite and interactive relationship. Each and every thing included all the essences of the world, just as all things mutually included each other. LI Yaoxian in “Fojiao jiaoyi yu huanjing zhexue ” (1998) pointed out that the Nirvāṇa-sūtra (Niepan jing ) and the teachings of Buddha-nature and Buddha-body of the Fahua school, as well as the Huayan jing and dharma-realm origination of the Huayan school all manifested a typically Asian holistic world view which possessed positive connotation for the real-life world too. 魏德东 微尘 佛教的生态观 毛孔 因陀罗网 师子毛 李耀仙 佛教教义与环境哲学 涅盘经 9. Other WANG Hongbin 王鸿宾 in “Tan Jinci Cang Fengyu Huayan shijing 谈晋祠藏风峪 华严石经” (1997) introduced the background and significance of the Tang stone canon from Fengyu of Shanxi 山西. YAO Changshou 姚长寿 in “Fangshan shijing huayan dianji kao 房山石经华严 典籍考” (1998) utilized the Fangshan stone canon to reexamine the controversial BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 61 漩洑偈 一乘法界图合诗一印 何义壮 谈美国普林斯顿大学藏木活 works of the first and second Huayan patriarchs (i.e. Du Shun’s Xuanfuji and Zhiyan’s Yisheng fajie tu he shi yiyin ). CAO Shuwen and HE Yizhuang in “Tan Meiguo Pulinsidun daxue cang mu huozi ben Dafangguang fo Huayan jing ” (1992) introduced the Tangut version of vol. 77 of the Dafangguang fo Huayan jing found in July of 1990 in the Gest Oriental Library at Princeton University. The preliminary analysis of the sūtra revealed that it was printed in the Yuan dynasty in a wooden moveable type, making it the earliest wooden moveable type work in the world. CHEN Jingfu in “Wei huayanzong zuting zhengming ” (1997) raised doubts regarding the existing view that the Huayan temple located in Xi’an had in fact been the birth place of the Huayan school. The author examined biographical and historical documents to show that the Zhixiang temple in Zhongnanshan was a more likely candidate for this status. Finally, the modern Chinese translation of the Huayan jing by ZHANG Xinmin et at. was published under the title of Huayan jing jinyi (1994). 曹淑文 字本《大方广佛华严经》 陈景富 正名 至相寺 张新民 为华严宗祖庭 终南山 华严经今译 References 曹淑文、何义壮 谈美国普林斯顿大学藏木活字本《大方广佛华严经》 文物 中国 世纪佛学研究的成果 宗 为华严宗祖庭正名 文博 华严宗之法界观与判教 Cao Shuwen & He Yizhuang : “Tan Meiguo Pulinsidun daxue cang muhuoziben Dafangguang fo huanyanjing” [An introduction of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-mahāvaipulya-sūtra printed in a wooden moveable type collected by Princeton University]. Wenwu (1992) 4: pp. 87–90. Chen Bing : “Zhongguo 20 shiji foxue yanjiu de chengguo” 20 [The accomplishment of Chinese Buddhism study in the 20th century]. Zongjiaoxue yanjiu (1999) 3: pp. 57–65. Chen Jingfu : “Wei huayanzong zuting zhengming” [An examination into the originating place of the Huayan school]. Wenbo (1997) 4: pp. 48–50. Chen Peiran : “Huayanzong zhi fajie guan yu panjiao guan yanjiu” [A study of fajie guan and panjiao guan of Huayan school]. Ph.D. dissertation, Zhongshan daxue, 2002. Chen Yangjiong : “Chengguan pingzhuan” [The critical biography of Chengguan] Wutaishan yanjiu (1987) 3: pp. 6–18. Chen Yuanning : “Fojiao yu lixue zai bentilun shang de lianxi” [The ontological relation between Buddhism and New Confucianism]. Huxiang luntan (1995) 5: pp. 31–34. Chen Yunji : “Wang Wei yu huayanzong shi seng Daoguang” [Wang Wei and Huayan school’s poetic monk Daoguang]. Fudan daxue xuebao (1981) 3: pp. 52–57. Chen Yunji : Tang yin Fojiao biansi lu [Studies on the relationship between the poems of Tang dynasty and Buddhim]. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988. Chen Yunji : Gudian wenxue Fojiao suyuan shi lun [Ten disscussions on the Buddhist sources of Chinese classical literature]. Shanghai: Shanghai Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2002. 陈兵 教学研究 陈景富 陈沛然 观研究 陈扬炯 五台山研究 陈远宁 联系 湘论坛 陈允吉 陈允吉 陈允吉 澄观评传 佛教与理学在本体论上的 湖 王维与华严宗诗僧道光 复旦大学学报 唐音佛教辨思录 古典文学佛教溯缘十论 62 ZHU QINGZHI 崔大华 董平 展 浙江学刊 董平 孔子研究 董群 学和理学之间的中介作用 杜继文 佛教史 方立天 论理学之消化佛学 中国文化研究 论澄观对华严宗思想的发 Cui Dahua : “Lun lixue zhi xiaohua foxue” [On assimilation of New Confucianism from Buddhism]. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (1997) 3: pp. 4–11. Dong Ping : “Lun Chengguan dui huayanzong sixiang de fazhan” [On the contribution of Chengguan to Huayan school’s development]. Zhejiang xuekan (1995) 1: pp. 49–53. Dong Ping : “Xiangshan ‘xin ji li’ shuo de bentilun quanshi” “ ” [The ontological annotation of the notion xin ji li in Lu Xiangshang’s philosophy]. Kongzi yanjiu (1999) 2: pp. 76–83. Dong Qun : Lun huayan chan zai foxue he lixue zhijian de zhongjie zuoyong [The intermediary function of Huayan Chan between Buddhism and New Confucianism]. Zhongguo zhexue shi (2000) 2: pp. 35–43. Du Jiwen : Fojiao shi [The history of Buddhism]. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1991. Fang Litian : “Huayan jinshizi zhang shuping” [A review of the Huayan Golden Lion chapter] in Huayan jishizizhang Jiaoshi [The emendation of the Golden Lion chapter]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju; also in Lun Zhongguo zhexue shi [On the history of Chinese philosophy]. Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1983a. Fang Litian : Huayan jinshizi zhang jiaoshi [The emendation and annotation of the Huayan Golden Lion chapter]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983b. Fang Litian : “Huayanzong fojiao zhexue lilun goujia he fanchou tixi” [The system of the theory and category of Huayan school] in Zhongguo zhexue fanchou ji [Collection of categories in Chinese philosophy]. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1985a. Fang Litian : “Huayanzong zhexue fanchou tixi jianlun” [A brief introduction of Huayan school’s philosophical categories]. Chūgai nippō (1985b) 11/18; also Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1986) 2: pp. 24–27. Fang Litian : “Shixi huayanzong zhexue fanchou tixi“ [Analyses of Huayan school’s philosophical categories]. Zhexue yanjiu (1985c) 7: pp. 64–70. Fang Litian : “Lüetan huayanxue yu Wutaishan” [A brief introduction to the relation between Huayan school and Wutai Mountain]. Wutaishan yanjiu (1988) 1: pp. 22–16. Fang Litian : Fazang [Fazang]. Taibei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1991. Fang Litian : “Huayanzong xinxing lun shuping” [A review of the theory of mind-nature of Huayan school]. Zhonghua wenhua luntan (1994) 4: pp. 18–24. Fang Litian : “Cong dilunshi yu shelunshi de xinshi benyuan zhi bian dao tiantai, huayan xinbenshuo de chanfa” [From discussion about the essence of Dilun Master and Shelun Master to the explanation of xinben notion of Tiantai school and Huayan school]. Renhai deng (1998a) 4: pp. 2–16. Fang Litian : “Huayanzong de xianxiang yuanrong lun” [On the Huyan school’s idea of xianxiang yuanrong]. Wen shi zhe (1998b) 5: pp. 68–75. Fang Litian : “Zhencheng dui Sengzhao Wubuqian lun de piping” [Zhencheng’s criticism on Sengzhao’s Wubuqian lun]. Zhexue yanjiu (1998c) 11: pp. 55–60. Fang Litian : “Ru fo yi xinxinglun wei zhongxin de hudong hubu” [The Interaction and co-adjustment between Buddhism and New Confucianism in Song-Ming dynasty based on “mind-nature” theory]. Zhongguo zhexue shi (2000) 2: pp. 3–13. 哲学史 象山 心即理 说的本体论诠释 中国哲学史 华严金狮子章评述 华严金师子章校释 论华严禅在佛 论 中国 方立天 华严金狮子章校释 方立天 华严宗佛教哲学理 论构架和范畴体系 中国哲学范畴集 方立天 华严宗哲学范畴体系简论 中外日报 世界宗教研究 方立天 试析华严宗哲学范畴体系 哲学研究 方立天 略谈华严学与五台山 五台山研 究 方立天 法藏 方立天 华严宗心性论述评 中华文化论坛 方立天 从地论师与摄论师的心识本原之辨到天台、华严心本说的阐发 人海灯 方立天 华严宗的现象圆融论 文史哲 方立天 镇澄对僧肇《物不迁 论》的批评 哲学研究 方立天 儒、佛以心性论为中心 的互动互补 中国哲学史 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 方立天 63 中国佛教直觉思维的历史 哲学研 六世纪华严学传承考辩 世界宗教研究 《中国华严宗通史》编后记 回鹘文《八十华严》残经研究 民族语文 Fang Litian : “Zhongguo fojiao zhijue siwei de lishi yanbian” [The historical change of intuitive thoughts in Chinese Buddhism]. Zhexue yanjiu (2002) 1: pp. 38–44; (2002) 2: pp. 54–59. Feng Huanzhen : “Liu shiji huayanxue chuancheng kaobian” [On the succession of Huayan in the 6th century]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (2001) 2: pp. 40–50. Fu Jianming : “Zhongguo huayanzong tongshi bianhouji” . Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1999) 3: pp. 144–146. Geng Shimin : “Huihu wen Bashi Huayan canjing yanjiu” [A study of the incomplete Eighty Huayan in Uighur language]. Minzu yuwen (1986a) 3: pp. 59–65. Geng Shimin : “Gansu sheng bowuguan cang huihu wen Bashi Huayan canjing yanjiu 2” ( ) [A study of the incomplete Eighty Huayan in Uigur language collected in Gansu Museum II]. Zhongyang minzu xueyuan xuebao (1986b) 2: pp. 84–89. Guo Peng : Sui-Tang fojiao [Buddhism in the Sui and Tang Dynasties]. Ji’nan: Qilu shushe, 1980. Guo Shaoyu (ed.): Zhongguo lidai wenhua lunxuan [Analects of Chinese literary critical works in past dynasties]. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1998. Ha Yingfei : “Lu Xun, Nicai yu fojiao – Lu Xun yu fojiao wenhua guanxilun zhiyi” – [Lu Xun, Nietzsche and Buddhism: first one of the studies of the relation between Lu Xun and Buddhist culture]. Lu Xun yanjiu yuekan (2001) 1: pp. 20–27. Han Ruichang : “Fojiao yu zhongshiji dongbeiya de zhengzhi biange” [Buddhism and the political reform of north-east Asia in the Medieval times]. Qiushi xuekan (1996) 5: pp. 91–96. Hou Chuanwen : “Huayan jing yu Zhong Yin qiwu wenxue muti” [Huayan jing and the motif about apocalypse in the literature of China and India]. Nanya yanjiu (1994) 1: pp. 68–74. Hu Minzhong : “Chengguan foxue sixiang yanjiu” [Study of Chengguan’s Buddhist thought]. Ph. D. dissertation, Nanjing daxue, 2002. Huang Chanhua : “Xianshouzong” [Xianshou school] in Association of Buddhism of China (ed.): Zhogguo fojiao [Chinese Buddhism]. Beijing: Zhishi chubanshe, 1980. Jiang Guicun : “Huayan chan yu Cheng Zhu lixue de bijiao yanjiu” [A comparative study on Huayan chan and Cheng-Zhu’s New Confucianism of Song dynasty]. Ph. D. dissertation, Zhongguo renmin daxue, 1999. Jin Shen : “Jinzi Huayan jing lüetan” [A brief introduction to Huayan jing written by golden characters]. Wutaishan yanjiu (1987) 3: pp. 35. Kang Zhongqian : “Ru dao hubu xinlun – jian lun Zhongguo zhexue de luoji fazhan” – [A new review on the complementation between Confucianism and Daoism: the logical development of Chinese philosophy]. Renwen zazhi (1997) 2: pp. 26–31. Li Fuhua : “Zongmi he ta de chanxue” [Zongmi and his Chan theory]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1983) 1: pp. 95–106. Li Guangliang : “Jindai ru fo guanxishi shulüe” [A brief introduction to the relation between Confucianism and Buddhism in early modern times]. Xueshu yuekan (2000) 2: pp. 25–30. 演变 究 冯焕珍 府建明 世界宗教研究 耿世民 耿世民 甘肃省博物馆藏回鹘文《八十华严》残经研究 二 中央 民族学院学报 郭朋 隋唐佛教 郭绍虞 中国历代文论选 哈迎飞 鲁迅、 尼采与佛教 鲁迅与佛教文化关系论之一 鲁迅 研究月刊 韩瑞常 佛教与中世纪东北 亚的政治变革 求是学刊 侯传文 《华严经》与中印启悟 文学母题 南亚研究 胡民众 澄观佛学思想研究 黄忏华 贤首宗 中国佛教 蒋桂存 华严禅与程朱理学的 比较研究 金申 金字《华严经》略谈 五台山研究 康中干 儒道 互补新论 兼论中国哲学的逻辑发展 人文杂 志 李富华 宗密和他的禅学 世界宗教研究 李广良 近代儒佛关系史述略 学术月刊 64 ZHU QINGZHI 李利安 从华严经学到华严宗学 评魏道儒《中国华严宗通史》 中国禅学 李明友 马一浮的儒佛会通观 孔子研究 李瑞明 华严 诗境 ：沈曾植诗学 三关 说的意向 文艺理论研究 李双璧 佛学思 想之于维新志士：以康、梁、谭为例 贵州社会科学 李向平 人间佛教的现代转换及其 意义 世界宗教研究 李耀仙 佛教教义与环境哲学 中华文化论坛 李作勋 儒佛交融与朱熹心性 论的形成 贵州社会科学 刘春生 慧苑及《华严经音 义》的几点考证 贵州大学学报 刘孟骧 华严宗温和形而上学佛学理论的产生与发展 陕西师范大学学 报 楼宇烈 不由经教 与 由教悟宗 中国 禅学 吕建福 密教哲学的基本论题及其 重要概念 世界宗教研究 吕有祥 十年来中国佛 教研究述略 宗教学研究 聂清 神会与宗密 中国哲学史 潘桂明 性具实相 述评 世界宗教研究 皮朝纲 华严境界与中国美学 普门学报 祁志祥 佛教 三界唯心 论与 美是心影 说 苏州大学学报 Li Li’an : “Cong Huayan jing xue dao Huayanzong xue – ping Wei Daoru Zhongguo Huayanzong tongshi” – . Zhongguo chanxue (2002) 1: pp. 508–510. Li Mingyou : “Ma Yifu de ru fo huitong guan” [Ma Yifu’s view on the amalgamation of Confucianism and Buddhism]. Kongzi yanjiu (1995) 3: pp. 92–97. Li Ruiming : “ ‘Huayan shi jing’: Shen Zengzhi shixue ‘san guan’ shuo de yixiang” “ ” “ ” [Huayan shi jing: the intent of Shen Zengzhi’s poetics]. Wenyi lilun yanjiu (2001) 5: pp. 39–45. Li Shuangbi : “Foxue sixiang zhi yu weixin zhishi: yi Kang, Liang, Tan wei li” [Buddhism and the reformers: a case study of Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao and Tan Sitong]. Guizhou shehui kexue (1999) 1: pp. 107–112. Li Xiangping : “Renjian fojiao de xiandai zhuanhuan jiqi yiyi” [The modern change of humanistic Buddhism and its significance]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1997) 1: pp. 38–53. Li Yaoxian : “Fojiao jiaoyi yu huanjing zhexue” [On the doctrine of Buddhism and environmental philosophy]. Zhonghua wenhua luntan (1998) 2: pp. 102–105. Li Zuoxun : “Ru fo jiaorong yu Zhu Xi xinxing lun de xingcheng” [The blend of Buddhism and Confucianism and the completion of Zhu Xi’s “cittanature” theory]. Guizhou shehui kexue (1997) 2: pp. 27–32. Liu Chunsheng : “Huiyuan ji Huayan jing yin yi de jidian kaozheng” [Some textual studies of Huiyuan and his Huayan jing yin yi]. Guizhou daxue xuebao (1992) 2: pp. 65–68. Liu Mengxiang : “Huayanzong wenhe xingershangxue foxue lilun de chansheng yu fazhan” [On the formation and development of Huayan school’s mild metaphysical Buddhism theory]. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (2000) 2: pp. 17–22. Lou Yulie : “ ‘Bu you jing jiao’ yu ‘you jiao wu zong’” “ ” “ ” [“Not by the teaching of sūtras” and “to awaken the sect by the teachings”]. Zhongguo chanxue (2002) 1: pp. 32–37. Lü Jianfu : “Mijiao zhexue de jiben lunti jiqi zhongyao gainian” [The essential topics of Secret school’s philosophy and its important concepts]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (2002) 1: pp. 85–96. Lü Youxiang : “Shinian lai Zhongguo fojiao yanjiu shulüe (1987–1996)” (1987–1996) [A brief introduction to the study of Chinese Buddhism from 1987 to 1996]. Zongjiaoxue yanjiu (1997) 4: pp. 85–96. Nie Qing : “Shenhui yu Zongmi” [Shenhui and Zongmi]. Zhongguo zhexue shi (2000) 3: pp. 111–117. Pan Guiming : “‘Xingju shixiang’ shuping” “ ” [A review of the xing ju shixiang theory of Tiantai school]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1996) 1: pp. 40–48. Pi Chaogang : “Huayan jingjie yu Zhongguo meixue” [Huayan world and Chinese aesthetics]. Pumen xuebao (2003) 13: pp. 153–180. Qi Zhixiang : “Fojiao ‘san jie wei xin’ lun yu ‘mei shi xin ying’ shuo” “ ” “ ” [The theory of sanjie weixin and the notion of mei shi xin ying in Buddhism]. Suzhou daxue xuebao (1997) 2: pp. 71–73, 55. 65 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 祁志祥: “Zhongguo gudai meixue sixiang xitong zhengti guan” 中国古代美学思想系 统整体观 [The systematic view of Chinese aesthetics in ancient times]. Wenxue pinglun 文学 评论 (2003) 3: pp. 69–79. Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴: “Huayan zong zongzu Fazang de shengping jiqi sixiang” 华严宗宗祖法藏的 生平及其思想 [On the creator of Huayan school Fazang’s life and his thoughts]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 (1992) 3: pp. 57–66. Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴: “Li Tongxuan yu Fazang de foxue sixiang bijiao” 李通玄与法藏的佛学思 想比较 [A comparative study of Buddhist theory of Li Tongxuan and Fazang]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 (1998) 1: pp. 36–43. Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴: “Yi Yi jie Huayan jing – Li Tongxuan dui Huayan jing de xin quanshi” 以 《易》解《华严经》 – 李通玄对《华严经》的新诠释 [Understanding of Huayan jing through Yijing: Li Tongxuan’s new interpretation of Huayan jing]. Zhouyi yanjiu 周易研究 (2000a) 1: pp. 59–65. Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴: “Li Tongxuan foxue sixiang shuping” 李通玄佛学思想述评 [Commentary of Li Tongxuan’s Buddhist thoughts]. Ph. D. dessertation, Zhongguo renmin daxue, 2000b. Qian Zhonglian 钱仲联: Mengshaoan shihua 梦苕庵诗话 [Poetics of Mengshao An]. Ji’nan: Qilu shushe, 1986. Ren Jiyu 任继愈, Du Jiwen 杜继文 & Yang Zengwen 杨曾文 (eds.): Zhongguo fojiao shi 中国佛 教史 [The history of Chinese Buddhism, 8 vols]. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1981a. Ren Jiyu 任继愈: “Huayanzong zhexue sixiang lüelun” 华严宗哲学思想略论 [A brief study of philosophical thoughts in Huayan school] in Han-Tang fojiao sixiang lunji 汉唐佛教思想论集 Qi Zhixiang [Papers on the theory of Buddhism from Han to Tang Dynasties]. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1981b. Ren Jiyu (ed.): Zhongguo zhexue fazhanshi [The history of development of Chinese philosophy]. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1983. Shi Jun & Fang Litian : “Lun Sui-Tang fojiao zongpai de xingcheng” [On the formation of Buddhist schools in the Sui and Tang Dynasties]. Zhexue yanjiu (1981) 8: pp. 68–72, 52. Shi Jun & Fang Litian : “Lun Sui-Tang fojiao zongpai de sixiang tedian” [On the characters of the thoughts of Buddhist schools in Sui and Tang Dynasties]. Zhongguo zhexue shi yanjiu (1982) 4: pp. 36–45, 61. Sun Changwu : “Su Shi yu fojiao” [Su Shi and Buddhism]. Wenxue yichan (1994) 1: pp. 61–72. Tang Yijie : “Huayan ‘shixuanmen’de zhexue yiyi” “ ” [The philosophical significance of shixuanmen of Huayan school]. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (1995) 2: pp. 17–23. Tang Yongtong : Sui-Tang fojiao shigao [A History of Buddhism in Sui and Tang Dynasties]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982. Wang Hongbing : “Tan Jinci cang Fengyu huayan shijing” [On the Jinci collection of the stone inscription of Huayan jing from Fengyu]. Zhongguo shuhua (1997) 6: pp. 57–59. Wang Jie : “Huayanzong ‘weixin’ bianzhengfa sixiang shuping” ‘ ’ . http://www.siwen.org/zongjiao/hyzwxbzfsxsp.htm. Wang Song : “Guanyu Du Shun chuzu shuo de kaocha” [A study of the theory of Du Shun as the creator of Huayan school]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (2000) 1: pp. 49–55. 任继愈 石峻、方立天 派的形成 哲学研究 石峻、方立天 教宗派的思想特点 孙昌武 文学遗产 汤一介 研究 汤用彤 王鸿宾 中国书画 王杰 述评 王颂 中国哲学发展史 论隋唐佛教宗 中国哲学史研究 苏轼与佛教 华严 十玄门 的哲学意义 隋唐佛教史稿 论隋唐佛 中国文化 谈晋祠藏风峪华严石经 华严宗 唯心 辩证法思想 关于杜顺初祖说的考察 世界宗教研究 66 ZHU QINGZHI 王元化 学术集林 王月清 论中国佛教的人性善恶观 以天台宗为重点 Wang Yuanhua (ed.): Xueshu jilin [Academia Quarterly]. Shanghai: Shanghai yuandong chubanshe, 1995. Wang Yueqing : “Lun Zhongguo fojiao de renxing shan’e guan – yi tiantaizong wei zhongdian” – [On the humanity view of good and evil in Chinese Buddhism: based on Tiantai school]. Nanjing daxue xuebao (1999) 2: pp. 79–86. Wei Daoru : Zhongguo huayanzong tongshi [The general history of Huayan Buddhim of China]. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1998. Wei Daoru : “Dongjin nanbei chao huayanxue de fazhan quxiang” [The developing tendency of Huayan studies in the Eastern Jin and the Northern and Southern Dynasties]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1999) 1: pp. 65–72. Wei Daoru : “Zongjiao ronghe yu jiaohua gongneng – yi Songdai liangzhong huayan jingtu xinyang weili” – [On the function of amalgamation and moralization of religion: a case study of Huayan and Pure Land believes in Song Dynasty]. Zhonghua foxue xuebao (2000) 13: pp. 299–306. Wei Dedong : “Fojiao de shengtai guan” [The ecological ideas contained in Buddhism]. Zhongguo shehui kexue (1999) 5: pp. 105–117. Wen Yucheng : “Longmen suojian zhongwai jiaotong shiliao chutan” [A primary survey of the materials about the intercourse between China and foreign countries found in Longmen]. Xibei shidi (1983) 1: pp. 61–68. Wen Yucheng : “Huayanzong sanzu Kang Fazang shenshi de xin ziliao” [Some newly found historical documents about the life of the third patriarch of Huayan shool Kang Fazang]. Fayin (1984) 2: pp. 35–36. Wu Yansheng : “Caodongzong chanshi yanjiu” [A study of Caodong school’s Chan poems]. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (1999) 1: pp. 144–150. Wu Yansheng : “Chanshi shenmei jingjie lun” [On the aesthetic realm of Chan poems]. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (2000a) 1: pp. 61–67. Wu Yansheng : “Huayan diwang yin chan xin: lun Huayan jing huayanzong dui chansi chanshi de yingxiang” – [Huayan diwang yin Chan xin: on the influence of Huayan jing and Huayan school on Chan and Chan poems]. Renwen zazhi (2000b) 2: pp. 85–91. Wu Yansheng : “Chanshi lishi yuanrong lun” [On the Li shi yuanrong of Chan Poems]. Dongnan daxue xuebao (2000c) 2: pp. 111–116. Wu Yansheng : “Chanzong de shixue huayu tixi” [The expressing system of Chan poetics]. Zhexue yanjiu (2001a) 3: pp. 20–28. Wu Yansheng : Chanxue san shu : Chanzong sixiang yuanyuan ; Chanzong zhexue xiangzheng ; Chanzong shige jingjie . Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001b. Xiang Shiling : “‘Jian li jian xing’ yu ‘qiong li jin xing’ – chuantong ruxue, foxue (huayan chan) yu lixue” – ( ) [Jian li jian xing and qiong li jin xing: on the traditional Confucianism, Buddhism [Huayan Chan] and New Confucianism]. Zhongguo zhexue shi (2000) 2: pp. 26–34. Xiang Shishan : “Lun Zongmi de fangfalun moshi” [On the methodology type of Zongmi’s theory]. Zhongguo wenhua luntan (1998) 4: pp. 98–102. Xie Chongguang : “20 shiji guonei dui Sui-Tang Wudai fojiao zongpai jiqi sixiang xueshuo yanjiu zhi huigu 20” [A review of 魏道儒 魏道儒 发展趋向 魏道儒 中国华严宗通史 南京大学学报 东晋南北朝华严学的 世界宗教研究 宗教融合与教化功能 以宋代两种华严净土信仰为例 中华佛学学报 魏德东 佛教的生态观 中国社会科学 温玉成 龙门所见中外交通 史料初探 西北史地 温玉成 华严宗三祖康法 藏身世的新资料 法音 吴言生 曹洞宗禅诗研究 陕西师范大学学报 吴言生 禅诗审美境界论 陕西师范大学学报 吴言生 华严帝网印禅心 论华严经、华严宗对禅思禅诗的影响 人文杂志 吴言生 禅诗理事圆融论 东南大学学报 吴言生 禅宗的诗学话语体系 哲学研究 吴言生 禅学三书 禅宗思想渊源 禅宗哲学象征 禅宗诗歌境界 向世陵 见理见性与穷理尽性 传统儒学、佛学 华严禅 与理学 中国哲学史 向世山 论宗密的方法论模式 中华文化论坛 谢重光 世纪国内对隋唐五代佛教宗派及其思想学说研究之回顾 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 67 study on Chinese Buddhist schools in Sui and Tang and Five dynasties and their thoughts in 20 Century in mainland China], 2001. http://www.guoxue.com/www/xsxx/txt.asp?id=401. Xu Kangsheng : “Jian lun Tiantaizong he Huayanzong de fojiao sixiang” [A brief study of Tiantai and Huayan schools’ Buddhist thoughts] in Guogu zhi xin: Zhongguo chuantong wenhua de zai quanshi . Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1993. Xu Shaoqiang : “Fazang yuanrong zhexue de siwei tese” [The thinking character of Fazang’s Yuanrong theory]. Fayin (1991) 12: pp. 23–27. Xu Shaoqiang : “Fazang de ‘wujin yuanqi’ shuo [On the Fazang’s wujin yuanqi notion]. Foxue yanjiu (1996) 5: pp. 145–153. Xu Zong : “Lun lixue wenhua guannian yu Songdai shixue” [On the cultural idea of New Confucianism and poetics in Song Dynasty]. Xueshu yuekan (2000) 6: pp. 8–14. Yang Yi : “Lüelun dao fo er jiao de xianghu rongshe” [A brief study of the confliction and blending between Daoism and Buddhism]. Kaifang shidai (1996) 6: pp. 20–23. Yao Changshou : “Fangshan shijing Huayan dianji kao” [A textual study of Huayan scriptures of stone inscription sūtras in Yunju Temple of Fangshan]. Fayuan (1998) 16: pp. 25–37. Yao Weiqun : “Huayanzong yu bore zhongguan sixiang” [Huayan school and the ideas of Prajñā and Madhyamaka]. Zhonghua wenhua luntan (1996) 4: pp. 74–78. You Youwei : “Huayanzong de qiyuan, chuancheng, yanbian yu fuxing” [On the creation, bequeathing, development and renewal of Huayan school]. Fayin (1986) 5: pp. 9–16; 6: pp. 1–9. Zhang Chunbo & Li Xi : “Zongmi Chan Jiao yizhi shuo de shizhi” [The essence of Zongmi’s theory of unity of Chan and Teaching]. Wutaishan yanjiu (1991) 1: pp. 1–2. Zhang Liwen : “Fojiao yu Song Ming lixue de hehe renwen jingshen” [On Buddhism and the harmonious humanism of New Confucianism in Song and Ming dynasties]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1996) 2: pp. 2–6. Zhang Jiemo : “‘Fayan’, ‘muqian’ he ‘ge’ yu ‘buge’ – lun Wang Guowei shixue de yige chanxue yuanyuan” “ ” “ ” “ ” “ ” – [On the fayan, muqian, and ge and buge: The Chan origin of Wang Guowei’s poetics]. Wenyi yanjiu (2000) 3: pp. 38–49. Zhang Wenxun : “Cong Huayan jinshizi zhang kan fojiao zhexue de meixue yiyi” [On the aesthetic significance of Buddhist philosophy according to Huayan jinshizi zhang]. Sixiang zhanxian (1991) 4: pp. 30–37. Zhang Xinmin : Huayan jing jin yi [The modern Mandarin translation of Huayan jing]. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1994. Zhou Qun : “Zongmi chan jiao heyi sixiang lunxi” [Analysis of Zongmi’s idea about the identity of Chan and Teachings]. Nanjing shifan daxue xuebao (1991) 4: pp. 56–60. Zhu Liangzhi : “Lun zhongguo yishu lun zhong de ‘yuan’” “ ” [On the yuan [circle] of Chinese art theory]. Anhui shifan daxue xuebao (1994) 4: pp. 390–400, 410. 许抗生 严宗的佛教思想 月刊 代 法源 徐绍强 徐绍强 许总 杨毅 姚长寿 姚卫群 佛学研究 简论天台宗和华 国故知新：中国传统文化的再诠释 法藏圆融哲学的思维特色 法音 法藏的无尽缘起说 论理学文化观念与宋代诗学 学术 略论道佛二教的相互融摄 开放时 房山石经华严典籍考 华严宗与般若中观思想 中华文化论坛 华严宗的起源、 游有维 传承、演变与复兴 法音 张春波、李曦 宗密禅教一致 说的实质 五台山研究 张立文 佛教与宋明理学的 和合人文精神 世界宗教研究 张节末 法眼 、 目前 和 隔 与 不隔 论王国维诗学的一个禅学渊源 文艺研究 张文勋 从《华 严金师子章》看佛教哲学的美学意义 思想战线 张新民 华严经今译 周群 宗密禅教合一思想论析 南京 师范大学学报 朱良志 论中国艺术论中的 圆 安徽师范大学学报 CHOE YEONSHIK HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA From antiquity to the very present, Huayan (kor. Hwaŏm) thought has played a very important role among Korean Buddhists. Ever since Ŭisang studied under Zhiyan and transmitted Huayan to the Korean peninsular in the latter half of the 7th century A.D., Huayan has been the strand of thought most commonly studied in Korea. Moreover, after the decline of the doctrinal traditions and their merger within the Sŏn school in the 15th century, research on the Huayan jing or Huayan thought was considered an undispensible part of education and practice of monks also in Korean Buddhism, and this trend persists within the present Buddhist traditions. Due to these circumstances, Huayan has been receiving relatively high interest in comparison to other fields of Buddhist studies not only among researchers, but also among the general public. However, in comparison to this interest, one may hardly consider extant research sufficient. Although, just as other fields of study, Korean Buddhology had its (partial) precursors in the first half of the 20th c., it yet seems to be related to what actually only was to begin in the 1960s, when the colonial rule and the Korean War had just been overcome. Of course, during these more than 50 years quite a few studies appeared, but against the backdrop of a more or less absent academic basis it was difficult to accomplish research on a higher level. Initial research concentrated on elaborating on very basic contents, or introducing works of the foreign academia, and only after the end of the 80s a situation had arisen in which one had overcome the beginners’ level, and studies which tried to formulate own views began to appear. The research on Huayan thought also did not deviate significantly from this general trend of research in the study of Buddhism. Although from the 1960s onwards quite a number of research articles did appear, in comparison to the achievements of the foreign academia both in terms of quantity and quality again one may hardly take to the view that a satisfactory standard was achieved. Fortunately, after the end of the 80s diversified research on a wide range of topics related to Huayan thought came to be advanced, and the number of researchers interested in the study of Huayan increased. On the basis of this research, I do expect that in the near future more advanced studies will be presented. 70 CHOE YEONSHIK In a way, academic research on Huayan thought since the 1960s did not just perpetuate the current of traditional Huayan learning carried out in temples, and rather build upon research results which had been achieved in the Buddhological academia abroad from the 1920s onwards, and in particular continued currents of Japanese research. I. e., different from traditional research on Huayan, which has regarded the understanding of the original text of the Huayan jing important and thus has made the study of the commentarial works on the Huayan jing – mainly those authored by Chengguan – its main object, in modern research on Huayan thought rather centers on the theory contained in the teachings of Huayan patriachs such as Zhiyan, Fazang and Chengguan. As a result, one may have the impression that research on Huayan teachings done in the temples since the latter half of the 20th century and studies on Huayan thought done mainly in the universities have been carried out in separation. Nevertheless, although only partially, there have been attempts to carry out both in parallel, and in particular with researchers from the monks’ ranks emerging, a tendency to put more importance on the understanding of the sūtra itself is showing strongly. The academic study of Huayan thought, which is the topic of this paper, by large may be divided into research on Huayan teachings and research on Korean Hwaŏm thought: the former consisting of studies investigating the special thought characteristics of the Huayanjing and the theoretical system of the Chinese Huayan lineage; the latter of studies on the contents of thought of Korean Hwaŏm thinkers and the developments of the Hwaŏm lineages and institutions. In the beginning, research on Korean Hwaŏm flourished, but from the 1990s onwards research on the Huayan teachings also has been carried out actively. As contemporary research on Korean Buddhism is not confined to Buddhology, but has become a field within classical and Korean studies, in research on Korean Hwaŏm thought not only understanding the contents of the canon of Korean Hwaŏm learning, but research on the characteristic features of Korean Hwaŏm thought setting it apart from Chinese Huayan thought, or the social role of Hwaŏm thought and Hwaŏm institutions in Korean society has become important. 1. Research on Huayan teachings As a work belonging to the earliest period of research on Huayan teachings, one may name KIM Ying-seuk’s [Kim Ingsŏk] Hwaŏmhak kaeron [An outline of Huayan learning, 1960]. Not only comprehensively covering the special thought characteristics of the Huayan jing and the teaching system of Chinese Huayan thought, but also – in a comparatively detailed way – the development of Korean Hwaŏm thought from the latter half of the 7th through to the 19th century, this monograph provides a comprehensive introduction to Huayan/Hwaŏm thought. Although it is a study of the initial phase, it displayed an understanding of Huayan 金芿石 華嚴學槪論 71 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA thought on a quite high level, and set the basic direction for the research carried out afterwards. The author had studied Buddhology at a Japanese university during the latter half of the 1920s, and as if it reflects this circumstance, in his elucidations on the teaching system of the Huayan lineage quite a few of the research results achieved by the early 20th century Japanese academia are contained. Nevertheless, until the 1980s research on the Huayan teachings was not that active. Researchers majoring in Huayan teachings were extremely few, and the subjets of their studies could not be that broadly oriented. A representative researcher in Huayan teachings of the 1960s and 1970s, CHANG Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu] published articles such as “Posal sibji sŏl-ŭi chŏn’gae-e taehan koch’al” [An inquiry into the development of expositions on the ten Bodhisattva stages, 1964], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi sasang ch’egye-wa kŭ chŏn’gae: Indo py’ŏn” : [The thought system of the Huayan jing and its development: India, 1970], “Hwaŏm kyohak wŏnsŏnggi-ŭi sasang yŏn’gu: Pangŭi-ŭi samsa-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [On the thought of the period of completion of the Hwaŏm teachings: focusing on three masters also to be relied on, 1974], “Hwaŏmhak-ŭi taesŏngja Pŏbjang-ŭi kyohak sasang” [The doctrinal thought of Fazang, the systematizer of the Hwaŏm teachings, 1976-77], “Hwaŏm-jong susŏnggi-ŭi kyohak sajo” [The thought currents of the conservative period of the Huayan lineage, 1978], “Kyubong-ŭi kyohak sasang-gwa i su sa ka-ŭi Hwaŏm-jong chaehŭng” [Guifeng’s doctrinal thought and the renewed flourishing of the Huayan lineage under the ‘four houses and the two waters’, 1979] and thus helped to broaden the understanding of the contents of the Huayanjing and especially of the doctrinal particularities among the Chinese Huayan thinkers. Besides, there were authors such as SIN Dong-sik [Sin Tongsik] , who clarified Fazang’s positon towards Tathāgatagarbha and Vijñaptimātratā thought in articles such as “Hwaŏmhag-e issŏ yŏraejang sasang-ŭl mae’ge han konggwan-ŭi ch’ŏri – Pŏbjang-ŭi Hwaŏmhak-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” [A treatment of emptiness con– templation as an intermediary of Tathāgatagarbha thought in Huayan learning: focusing on Pŏbjang’s [view on the] Hwaŏmgyŏng, 1972] and “Hwaŏmhag-e issŏ yusik-ŭi ch’ŏri munje – Pŏbjang-ŭi samsŏngsŏl-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” – [Problems in the treatment of Vijñaptimātratā in Hwaŏm learning, 1973], or KIM Ha-woo [Kim Hau] , who – originally being a scholar of Sanlun – compared the thought system of the Huayan thinkers with Sanlun thought in studies such as “Samnon-gwa Hwaŏmgye (Wŏnhyo, Pŏbjang kye)-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” ( · ) [Methods leading towards awakening in the Sanlun and Huayan/Hwaŏm (Wŏnhyo, Fazang) lineages,1982], “Pŏbjang-ŭi pulsang chi pangsik” [Fazang’s method of knowledge denying characteristics, 1985], “Pŏbjang-ŭi muŭi pangsik” [Fazang’s method of not having something to depend 菩薩十地說의 展開에 대한 考察 華嚴經의 思想體系와 그 展開 印度篇 華嚴敎學 完成期의 思想 硏究 傍依의 三師를 중심으로 華嚴學의 大成者 法藏의 敎學思想 華嚴宗 守成期의 敎學思潮 圭峰의 敎學思想과 二水四家의 華嚴宗再興 申洞湜 화엄학에 있어 如來藏思想을 媒介한 空觀의 처리 法藏의 華嚴學을 중심으로 唯識의 處理 問題 法藏의 三性說을 中心으로 法藏의 無依方式 華嚴學에 있어 金夏雨 三論과 華嚴系 元曉 法藏系 의 轉悟 方式 法藏의 不相 知方式 72 CHOE YEONSHIK 澄觀의 轉悟方式 on, 1985], or Chinggwan-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik [Chengguan’s method of leading towards awakening, 1987]. The until then only insufficiently developed research on doctrinal teachings of Huayan really gained momentum when from the end of 1980s onwards, one after the other, numerous studies began to appear. Understanding nature-origination (xingqi ) as the core of Huayan thought, JEONG Soon-il [Chŏng Sunil] investigated the contents of nature-origination thought and its development process within the Huayan teachings in his “Hwaŏm sŏnggi sasangsa yŏn’gu – Chungguk Hwaŏmjong-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” [A study on the history of thought on nature-origination in Huayan – focusing on the Chinese Huayan lineage, 1989]. Soon afterwards, KWON Tan-joon’s [Kwŏn T’anjun] “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi Yŏrae ch’ulhyŏn sasang y’on’gu” [A study on the thought [related to] the appearance of the Tathāgata in the Huayan jing] and LEE Hyo-kul’s [Yi Hyogŏl] “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi sŏngnip pae’gyŏnggwa kujo ch’egye” [The background of the formation of the Huayan jing and its structural system, 1991] were published, emphasizing that the thought of the Huayan jing and the teachings of the Chinese Huayan lineage should be distinguished. Different from previous studies, which focused on the thought system of the Chinese Huayan teachings, these two Ph.D. theses centered on the elucidation of the formation process of the Huayan jing itself and the special characteristics of its thought. This interest in the contents of the Huayan jing itself showed in full-scale with monk researchers. Bon-gak [Pon’gak] (JIN Youngyou [Chin Yŏngyu] ), being very much interested in the practice of the contemplation method showing in the Huayanjing, published articles such as “Hwaŏm kwanpŏb-e issŏsŏ konggwan-ŭi ŭiŭi” [The significance of the emptiness contemplation in the contemplation on the dharmas in Huayan, 1994], “Hwaŏm kyŏngryu-ŭi kyehak-e kwanhan yŏn’gu” [A study on the Vinaya learning of the Hwaŏm class of sūtras, 1998], “Hwaŏm kyohak-ŭi pŏpkye ŭi-ŭi koch’al” [An investigation of the meaning of dharmadhātu in the Huayan teachings, 1998], “Hwaŏm sibjung yusikkwan” [The contemplation of Mind-Only on ten levels in Huayan, 2000], etc, while Do-eop [Toŏp] (LEE Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ] published articles such as “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan chŏngt’o sasang” [The Pure Land thought showing in the Huayan jing, 1989], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan Pŏpsin Pul sasang” [The thought on the Dharmakāya Buddha showing in the Huayan jing, 1993], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan posal sasang” [The Bodhisattva thought showing in the Huayan jing, 1994-5], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan yusik sasang” [The thought on Mind-only showing in the Huayan jing, 1996], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan yŏn’gi sasang” [The thought on conditional arising showing in the Huayan jing 1997 ], and “Hwaŏm kyohak-ŭi ilsim sasang” [The thought on onemind within the Huayan teachings, 2001]. 性起 鄭舜日 華嚴性起思想史硏究 中國華嚴宗을 中心으로 李孝杰 華嚴經의 成立背景과 構造體系 陳永裕 權坦俊 華嚴經의 如來出現思想硏究 本覺 華嚴觀法에 있어서 空觀의 意義 華嚴經類의 戒學에 관한 연구 華嚴敎學의 法界義의 고찰 華嚴十重唯識觀 道業 李杏九 華嚴經에 나타난 淨土思想 華嚴經에 나타난 法身 佛思想 華嚴經에 나타난 菩薩思想 華嚴經에 나타난 唯心思想 華嚴經에 나타난 緣起思想 년 華嚴敎學의 一心思想 73 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA Research on the thought of the patriarchs of Chinese Hwaŏm likewise came to be actively pursued, and also in this field the role of monk researchers was prominent: Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (CHANG Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ) investigated Fazang’s writings in synthesis and published articles such as “Pŏpjang-ŭi Ilsŭng sasang” [Fazang’s one-vehicle thought, 1990], “Pŏbjang-ŭi kyo sangjŭk kwanbŏb-e taehayŏ” [On the contemplation method of mutual identity in Fazang’s teachings, 1993], “Pŏbjang kyohag-ŭi simsŏngnon yŏn’gu” [A study on the theory of the nature of mind in Fazang’s teachings, 1995], “Pŏbjang-ŭi Hwaŏm konggwan-e taehan so’go” [An investigation of Fazang’s Hwaŏm emptiness contemplation, 1997], “Pŏbjang kyohak-kwa Kisillon“ [Fazang’s teachings and the Qixin lun, 1999], “Pŏpjang-ŭi ‘Taesŭng kisillon ŭigi’ ch’ansul-e taehan koch’al” [An investigation of the creation of Fazang’s Dasheng qixin lun yiji, 2000], etc. Hye-nam [Hye’nam] (ROH Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ) published as basic studies on Chengguan’s biography and thought “Chinggwan-ŭi Yudo pip’an” [Chengguan’s criticism against Confucianism and Daoism, 1996], “Ch’ŏngnyang Chinggwan-ŭi chŏn’gi-e taehan chae’go” [A reconsideration of Qingliang Chengguan’s biography, 1998], “Chinggwan-ŭi Odaesan ip san-gwa Hwaŏmgyŏng Hwaŏmgyŏng so ch’o-ŭi chŏjak” [Chengguan’s retreat to Mt. Wutai and the creation of his commentaries on the Hwaŏmgyŏng, 1998 ], “Chinggwangŭi Odaesan sinang” [Chengguan’s beliefs concerning Mt. Wutai, 1999], etc. Also, Jung-om [Chŏngŏm] (SŎ Hae-gi [Sŏ Hae’gi] ) published “Chinggwan-ŭi Sŏn-jong kwan” [Chengguan’s view on the Chan lineages, 2001] and “Chinggwan-ŭi Haeinsammae kwan-e taehayŏ” [On Chengguan’s view on the ocean-seal samādhi, 2001]. Concerning Zongmi, more than his Hwaŏm thought as such, his thoughts directed at the fusion of Chan and doctrinal Buddhism, or the fusion of the Three teachings received attention: SHIN Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] published “In’gannon-e taehan Chongmi-ŭi ihae – Wŏninnon-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” – [Zongmi’s understanding of the human being – focusing on the Yuanren lun, 1994], “Sŏn-jong-ŭi simsŏng non – Kyubong Chongmiŭi ipchang-ŭl pip’anhanda” – [Discourse on the nature of mind in the Chan school – criticising Guifeng Zongmi’s standpoint, 1996], “Pulgyo-ŭi Chunggukhwa – Kyubong Chongmil-ŭi cha-a ihae-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” – [The sinification of Buddhism – focusing on Guifeng Zongmi’s understanding of the ego, 1997], “Chongmil-ŭi suhaeng iron – ton-chŏm kwan-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” – [Zongmi’s theory of practice – focusing on his view on the sudden and the gradual, 2000 ], etc. CHO Yoon-ho [Cho Yunho] published the articles “Chongmil tono-chŏmsu sŏng-pul non ch’egye-ŭi hyŏngsŏng-gwa ŭiŭi” [The Formation and meaning of the 法藏의 一乘思想 戒環 張愛順 法藏의敎 相卽觀法에 대하여 法藏敎學의 心性論 硏究 法藏의 華嚴空觀에 대한 小考 法藏敎學과 起信論 法藏의 『大乘起信論義記』찬술에 대한 고찰 慧南 盧在性 澄觀 澄觀의 儒道 批判 淸凉澄觀의 傳記 에 대한 再考 澄觀의 五臺山 入山과 『華嚴經疏鈔』의 著作 년 澄觀의 五臺山 信仰 淨嚴 徐海基 澄觀의 禪宗觀〉 澄觀 의 海印三昧觀에 대하여 辛奎卓 人間論에 대한 宗密 의 理解 『原人論』을 중심으로 禪宗의 心性論 圭峰宗密의 입장을 비판한다 佛敎의 中國化 圭峰宗密의 自我理解를 중심으로 宗密의 修行理論 頓漸觀을 중심으로 년 曺潤鎬 宗密 頓悟漸修 成佛論 체계의 형성과 의의 74 CHOE YEONSHIK system of Zongmi’s theory of realizing Buddhahood by sudden awakening and gradual cultivation, 1998], and “Chongmi-ŭl t’onghaesŏ pon Chungguk chŏnt’ong sasang-gwa Pulgyo-ŭi mannam” [The encounter of traditional Chinese thought and Buddhism as seen through Zongmi, 1999]. Likewise, with the increase of research on Huayan thought in the latter half of the 1990s, introductory monographs on Huayan thought following the lead of KIM Ying-seuk’s [Kim Ingsŏk] Hwaŏmhak kyeron made their appearance. Thus, Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (CHANG Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ) authored Chungguk Hwaŏm sasangsa yŏn’gu [Studies in the history of thought of Chinese Huayan, 1996], in which he reviewed the development process of Chinese Hwaŏm, and Hae-joo [Haeju] (JEON Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ) published Hwaŏm-ŭi segye (1998), which, easily understandable by the general audience, introduces in outline the contents of the Huayan jing and covers the development process of Huayan/Hwaŏm thought in China and Korea. 宗密을 통해서 본 중국 전통사상과 불교의 만남 金芿石 順 全好蓮 戒環 華嚴學槪論 中國華嚴思想史硏究 海住 화엄의 세계 張愛 2. Research on Korean Huayan thought Research on Korean Hwaŏm thought also began in the 1960s: Thus, one may consider the “Han’guk-ŭi Hwaŏmgyo sa” [A History of Hwaŏm learning in Korea) contained in KIM Ying-seuk’s [Kim Ingsŏk] Hwaŏmhak kaeron, as the groundlaying study, in as much as it extensively deals with the relevant materials and provides a systematic treatment of the development process of Korean Hwaŏm thought. In addition, KIM Ying-seuk also published “Pojo Kuksa-ŭi Hwaŏmgwan” [The national preceptor Pojo’s view on Hwaŏm, 1959–1960], in which he clarified the representative 13th c. Sŏn monk Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought. More thorough research on Korean Hwaŏm thought, however, began from the 1970s onwards with studies on Ŭisang’s and Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought: KIM Jigyeon [Kim Chigyŏn] published “Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo yŏn’gu ch’o” [Some research on the Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo, 1971], “Silla Hwaŏmhak-ŭi kyebo-wa sasang” [The lineages and thought of Huayan learning in Silla, 1973], “Han’guk Hwaŏmhak-ŭi churyu ko” [An investigation of the main currents of Korean Hwaŏm learning, 1975] and other articles, showing that Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought differed from Wŏnhyo’s and that Korean Hwaŏm thought of later periods followed Ŭisang’s thought. In the already mentioned article “Hwaŏm kyohak wŏnsŏnggi-ŭi sasang yŏn’gu: Pangŭi-ŭi samsa-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” : by CHANG Won-kyu [Chang Wŏngyu] , the theoretical systems of Ŭisang’s and Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought became clarified together with that of Li Tongxuan. Furthermore, RHI Ki-young [Yi Kiyong] , who had con- 韓國의 華嚴敎史 普照國師의 華嚴觀 金知見 華嚴一乘法界圖硏究抄 韓國華嚴學의 主流考 의 三師를 중심으로 新羅華嚴學의 系譜와 思想 華嚴敎學 完成期의 思想 硏究 傍依 張元圭 李箕永 75 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA centrated on Wŏnhyo’s thought since the 1960s, made mention of Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought in his “Kyop’an sasang-eso pon Wŏnhyo-ŭi wich’i” [Wŏnhyo’s position as viewed from his thought on the classification of teachings, 1974]. From the latter half of the 1970s, research on Korean Hwaŏm thought became more diversified, expanding in a way that it no longer only took Wŏnhyo and Ŭisang, but also their followers up to the Hwaŏm thinkers of the Koryŏ dynasty as its objects. Also, research methodology deepened through an understanding of the political and social circumstances under which such thoughts took shape, going beyond investigations of thought contents as such. First, in research on Hwaŏm thought during the Silla period, deepened studies on Ŭisang’s and Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought appeared. On the basis of previous studies, Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought was more systematically clarified in CHŎNG Pyŏngjo’s “Ŭisang Hwaŏmgyo-ŭi che munje” [Various issues in Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm teachings, 1976] and Inhwan’s (CHAE T’aeksu ) “Ŭisang Hwaŏmhak-ŭi t’ŭksŏng” [The special character of Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm teachings, 1982], and in the already mentioned “Samnon-gwa Hwaŏmgye (Wŏnhyo, Pŏbjang kye)-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” ( · ) [Methods leading towards awakening in the Sanlun and Huayan/Hwaŏm (Wŏnhyo, Fazang) lineages,1982] by KIM Ha-woo [Kim Hau] , Chinese Sanlun thought and Wŏnhyo’s thought were reviewed from a comparative perspective. KOH Ik-jin [Ko Ikchin] , the researcher who in the 1980s reviewed Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought most comprehensively, in his “Wŏnhyo-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought, 1982] made a detailed investigation from the viewpoint that the special characteristic of Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought is a synthesis with the thought of the Dasheng qixin lun, and in his “Silla chungdae Hwaŏm sasang-ŭi chŏn’gae-wa kŭ yŏnghyang” [The development of Hwaŏm thought in the middle period of Silla and its effects, 1987– 1988] compared the contents of Wŏnhyo’s and Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought with the thought system of the Huayan masters of China, showed their special characteristics and reviewed how these were continued in the later thought tradition of Silla. One after the other, Ph.D. theses on Ŭisang’s and Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought were brought forward. Concerning Ŭisang’s thought, there were Hae-joo’s [Haeju] [JEON Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ) “Silla Ŭisang-ŭi Hwaŏmhak yŏn’gu: Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo-ŭi sŏnggi sasang-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study on the Hwaŏm thought of Ŭisang from Silla: focusing on the nature-origination thought of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo, 1989], who understood the concept of nature-origination as Ŭisang’s special characteristic and analyzed the formative process of this thought and its influence on later Korean Hwaŏm thought, and JUNG Byung-sam’s [Chŏng Pyŏngsam] “Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: kŭ sasangsa-jŏk ŭiŭi-wa sahoe-jŏk sŏnggyŏk” : [A study on Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought: Its significance in the history of thought and its social character, 1991]. Concerning Wŏn- 柄朝 系 의 轉悟方式 元曉의 華嚴思想 鄭 義湘 華嚴敎學의 諸問題 印幻 蔡澤洙 義湘華嚴敎學의 特性 三論과 華嚴系 元曉 法藏 金夏雨 高翊晉 新羅中代華嚴思想의 展開와 그 影響 海住 全好蓮 一乘法界圖의 性起思想을 中心으로 그 思想史的 意義와 社會的 性格 新羅 義湘의 華嚴敎學 硏究 鄭炳三 義相 華嚴思想 硏究 76 CHOE YEONSHIK hyo’s Hwaŏm thought there were “Wŏnhyo-ŭi Taejung kyohwa-wa sasang ch’egye” [Wŏnhyo’s prosyletizing among the masses and his system of thought, 1995] by NAM Dong-shin [Nam Tongsin] , who wanted to clarify that Hwaŏm thought and prosyletizing among the masses were related, and “Wŏnhyo-ŭi pobŏp Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu” [A study on Wŏnhyo’s Universal Dharma – Hwaŏm thought, 2003] by Seok Gil-am [Sŏk Kiram] , who wanted to point out the Universal Dharma as the special characteristic of Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought. In the course of this progress in research on Wŏnhyo’s and Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thoughts, also in historical studies interest in the Hwaŏm thought of the Silla period became manifest: KIM Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] brought the currents of the Hwaŏm factions during Silla dynasty systematically into an orderly perspective through studies such as “Silla Hwaŏmhak sŭng-ŭi kyebo-wa kŭ hwaldong” [The genealogy of the monks of Hwaŏm lineage in Silla and their activities, 1984] and Silla Hwaŏm sasangsa y’on’gu [Studies in the history of Silla Hwaŏm thought, 1991]. Also, KIM Bok-soon [Kim Poksun] dealt with arranging the materials on the Hwaŏm lineage of the Silla period, which stretched from the 7th to the 10th century, in his “Silla chungdae Hwaŏm-jong-gwa wanggwŏn” [The Hwaŏm lineage of the middle period of Silla and royal power, 1988] and his monograph Silla Hwaŏmjong yŏn’gu [Studies in the Hwaŏm lineage of Silla, 1990], etc. Among one part of the academia in historical studies, especially the tendency to explain Hwaŏm thought as deeply connected with political forces pursuing centralized power was strong. However, KIM Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] in his “Silla chungdae chŏnche wanggwŏn-gwa Hwaŏm-jong” [Autocratic royal power in the middle period of Silla and the Hwaŏm-jong, 1984] pointed out that such explainations arose from one-sided prejudices concerning the historic realities of those times and misunderstandings concerning Hwaŏm thought itself. As for research on the Hwaŏm thought of Silla period beyond Wŏnhyo and Ŭisang, there is KIM In-duk’s [Kim Indŏk] “P’yowŏn-ŭi Hwaŏmhak” [P’yowŏn’s Hwaŏm learning, 1982] and HWANG Kyu-chan’s [Hwang Kyuch’an] Silla Py’owŏn-ŭi Hwaŏmhak [The Hwaŏm learning of P’yowŏn from Silla, 1998], which analyze the Hwaŏm thought of P’yowŏn, who flourished around the middle of the 8th c. The mutual intellectual influence of Hwaŏm thought and the Sŏn lineages after their introduction in the 9th c. are analyzed in Hae-joo’s [Haeju] “Han’guk Hwaŏm Sŏn-ŭi hyŏngsŏng-gwa chŏn’gae (1)” (1) [The formation and development of Korean Hwaŏm Sŏn (1), 1995] and In-kyung’s [Ingyŏng] (KIM Hyoung-rok [Kim Hyŏngnok] ) “Na-mal Ryo-ch’o Hwaŏmgyodan-gwa Sŏnjong-ŭi che munje” [Various issues related to the institutions of the Hwaŏm teaching and the Sŏn lineages, 2001]. On the other hand, CHOE Yeonshik [Ch’oe Yŏnsik] analyzed the tendency of 9th to 10th century Hua- 元曉의 大衆敎化와 思想體系 石吉岩 南東信 元曉의 普法華嚴思想 硏究 金相鉉 嚴學僧의 系譜와 그 活動 金福順 新羅華嚴宗硏究 新羅華 新羅華嚴思想史硏究 新羅中代 華嚴宗과 王權 新羅中代 專制王權과 華嚴宗 의 華嚴學 黃圭燦 金仁德 新羅 表員의 華嚴學 海住 韓國華嚴禪의 形成과 展開 金炯錄 羅末麗初 華嚴敎團과 禪宗의 諸問題 崔 鈆植 印鏡 表員 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 77 yan thought, which hitherto had not received attention, in his articles “Kyŏndung-ŭi chŏsul-gwa sasang” [The works and thought of Kyŏndŭng, 2001] and “‘Kŏnna p’yoha ilsŭng suhaengja pimil ŭigi’-wa Na-mal Ryo-ch’o Hwaŏmhak-ŭi ildonghyang” [The Kŏnna p’yoha ilsŭng suhaengja pimil ŭigi and one tendency of Hwaŏm learning at the end of Silla and the beginning of Koryŏ, 2004]. Concerning the Hwaŏm thought of the Koryŏ dynasty, research has been done on the thoughts of Kyunyŏ and Chinul, who were active during the 10th and 13th c., respectively. First, on Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm thought there were KIM Dujin’s [Kim Tujin] Kyunyŏ Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: Sŏng-sang yunghoe sasang : [A study on Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm thought: The melting together and unifying of nature and characteristics, 1983], CHOE Yeonsik’s “Kyunyŏ Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: Kyop’an non-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study on Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm thought: focusing on his theory on the classification of teachings, 1999], and KIM Chon-hak’s [Kim Ch’ŏnhak] “Kyunyŏ-ŭi Hwaŏm ilsŭng ŭi yŏn’gu: Kŭn’gi non-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study on Kyunyŏ’s meaning of the one-vehicle of Hwaŏm: focusing on the theory of “root and mechanism”, 1999], etc. KIM Dujin interpreted Kyuny’o’s Hwaŏm thought as politically significant, i.e. deeply connected with the 10th c. Koryŏ government’s policy of centralization of power. By contrast, CHOE Yeonsik and KIM Chon-hak denied such an understanding and put emphasis on clarifying the independent characteristics showing in Kyuny’ŏ’s Hwaŏm thought. According to their research, Kyunyŏ united the thought of Ŭisang and Pŏbjang and established an independent thought system, not seldom giving terms and concepts of the existing Hwaŏm thought original explanations. In CHOE Yeonsik’s research it is said that Kyunyŏ puts emphasis on making known the absolute superiority of Hwaŏm thought, while Kim Chon-hak says that Kyunyŏ dedicates his interest on leading all people to awakening. Although Chinul was a Sŏn monk, he held Huayan thought, and in particular Li Tongxuan’s Hwaŏm thought in high esteem. Continuing KIM Ying-seuk’s [Kim Ingsŏk] pioneering research, YI Chongik’s “Chinul-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought, 1975] and “Pojo Sŏn-gwa Hwaŏm” [Pojo’s Sŏn and Hwaŏm, 1982], as well as KIM Ji-gyeon’s [Kim Chi’gyŏn] “Chinul-eso-ŭi Sŏn-gwa Hwaŏm-ŭi sangŭi” [The mutual dependence of Sŏn and Hwaŏm in Chinul’s [works], 1989], and SIM Jae-ryong’s [Sim Chaeryong] “Chinul-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought, 1991] came to be published. While all these studies pointed out the influence, which Li Tongxuan’s Huayan thought exerted on Chinul’s thought, Kim Ji-gyeon emphasized that Chinul continued Ŭisang’s thought and considered nature-origination as important. Meanwhile, research on Hwaŏm thought of the Koryŏ period within the academia of historical studies mainly put attention on the tendency of the institution of the Hwaŏm lineage. 動向 見登의 著述과 思想 《健拏標訶一乘修行者秘密義記》와 羅末麗初 華嚴學의 一 金杜珍 硏究 性相融會思想 均如華嚴思想 均如 華嚴思想硏究 敎判論을 중 金天鶴 均如의 華嚴一乘義硏究 심으로 根機論을 中心으로 華嚴思想 華嚴 金知見 李鍾益 沈在龍 知訥의 普照禪과 知訥에서의 禪과 華嚴의 相依 知訥의 華嚴思想 78 CHOE YEONSHIK 崔柄憲 高麗時代 華嚴學의 變遷 均如派와 義天派의 對立을 中心으로 CHOI Byung-hun [Ch’oe Pyŏnghŏn] made clear through studies such as “Koryŏ sidae Hwaŏmhak-ŭi pyŏnch’ŏn: Kyunyŏ-p’a-wa Ŭich’ŏn-p’a-ŭi taerip-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [The change of Hwaŏm learning during the Koryŏ period: focusing on a juxtaposition of Kyunyŏ’s and Ŭich’ŏn’s factions, 1980], “Koryŏ sidae Hwaŏm chongdan-ŭi chŏn’gae kwajŏng-gwa kŭ yŏksa-jŏk sŏnggyŏk” [The development of the Hwaŏm lineage during the Koryŏ period and its historical character, 1990], “Ŭich’ŏn-i Kyunyŏ-rŭl pip’an han iyu: Chin’gak Kuksa munjip kwŏn 16 si sinsu hakto chi cho-ŭi punsŏk“ –: 16 [The reason why Ŭich’ŏn criticised Kyunyŏ: An explanation of the entry on the newly involved adherents in kwŏn 16 of the Chin’gak Kuksa munjip, 1991], etc. that at the beginning of the Koryŏ period those continuing Kyunyŏ’s thought were the main current within the Hwaŏm lineage, whereas in the latter part of the 11th c. the followers of Ŭich’ŏn, who emphasised the thought of Chengguan took over the lead. On the other side, HEO Heung-sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] in his “Koryŏ chunggi Hwaŏm chongp’a-ŭi kyesung: Wŏn’gyŏng Wangsa-rŭl chingsim-ŭro” : [The succession within the Hwaŏm lineage during the middle period of Koryŏ: focusing on the royal preceptor Wŏn’gyŏng, 1985] and “Hwaŏm-jong-ŭi kyesung-gwa sosok sawŏn: Koryŏ-ŭi sa tae chongp’awa sosok sawŏn” : [The succession of the Hwaŏm lineage and the temples belonging to it: focusing on the four great lineages of Koryŏ dynasty and the temples belonging to them, 1986] investigated in detail the temples belonging to the Hwaŏm lineage of Koryŏ dynasty, and CHAE Sangsik in his “Ch’ew’on-ŭi chŏsul-gwa Hwaŏm sasang” [Ch’ewŏn’s works and Hwaŏm thought, 1982] made an investigation of the development of the 13th c. Hwaŏm lineage. Research on Huayan thought during the Chosŏn period, when the Hwaŏm tradition had disappeared and only the Sŏn tradition remained, has not been that much actively pursued. The Huayan thought of the 15th c. monk Solcham, who has left annotations to Ŭisang’s Pŏpkyedo behind, became the main object of research: There are MOK Jeong-bae’s [Mok Chŏngbae] “Sŏlcham-ŭi Pŏpkyedo chu go” [An inquiry into Sŏlcham’s Pŏpgyedo chu, 1982], HAN Jongman’s [Han Chongman] “Sŏlcham-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Sŏlcham’s Hwaŏm thought, 1991], KIM Ji-gyeon’s [Kim Chigyŏn] “Sŏlcham-ŭi Hwaŏm-gwa Sŏn-ŭi segye” [Sŏlcham’s world of Hwaŏm and Sŏn, 1983], etc. In the latter’s research, it is said that the particular thought characteristic of the representative Hwaŏm scholars of Korea, continuing from Ŭisang, over Chinul to Sŏlcham, is “nature-origination” (sŏnggi ) thought. This position of KIM Ji-gyeon has exerted strong influence on some researchers who, from the end of the 1980s onwards, in their research on Huayan thought considers nature-origination particularly important. Besides, YI Yŏngmu in his “Yŏndam sagi-rŭl t’onghae pon Chosŏn sidae-ŭi Hwaŏmhak” 高麗時代 華嚴宗團의 展開過程 과 그 歷史的 性格 유 眞覺國師文集 卷 示 新參學徒緇 條의 分析 義天이 均如를 비판한 이 許興植 嚴宗派의 繼承 元景王師를 중심으로 高麗中期 華 華嚴宗의 繼承과 所屬寺院 高麗의 四大宗派와 所屬寺院 蔡尙植 述과 華嚴思想 雪岑의 法界圖注考 體元의 著 韓鍾萬 睦楨培 雪岑의 華嚴과 禪의 世界 雪岑의 華嚴思想 金知見 性起 李英茂 蓮潭私記를 통해 본 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 79 朝鮮時代의 華嚴學 [The Hwaŏm learning of the Chosŏn period as seen through the Yŏndam sagi, 1982] investigated the Hwaŏm thought of Yŏndam, who is the representative Hwaŏm scholar-monk of the 18th c. A selection of secondary literature on Huayan in Korean language 本覺 陳永裕 華嚴觀法에 있어서 空觀의 意義 論文集 中央僧伽大 本覺 陳永裕 華嚴經類의 戒學에 관한 연구 論文集 中央僧伽大 本覺 陳永裕 華嚴敎學의 法界義의 고찰 論文集 中央僧伽大 本覺 陳永裕 華嚴十重唯識觀 明星스님古稀記念論文集刊行委 員會 明星스님古稀記念 佛敎學論文集 雲門寺 蔡尙植 體元의 著述과 華嚴思想 東國大佛敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏 究 菩薩十地說의 展開에 대한 考察 佛敎學報 華嚴經의 思想體系와 그 展開 印度篇 佛敎學報 華嚴敎學 完成期의 思想 硏究 傍依의 三師를 중심으로 佛敎學報 華嚴學의 大成者 法藏의 敎學思想 佛敎學報 華嚴宗 守成期의 敎學思潮 佛敎學報 圭峰의 敎學思想과 二水四家의 華嚴宗再興 佛敎 學報 Bon-gak [Pon’gak] (Jin Young-you [Chin Yŏngyu] ): “Hwaŏm kwanpŏb-e issŏsŏ konggwan-ŭi ŭiŭi” [The significance of the emptiness contemplation in the contemplation on the dharmas in Huayan]. Nonmunjip , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1994) 3. Bon-gak [Pon’gak] (Jin Young-you [Chin Yŏngyu] ): “Hwaŏm kyŏngryu-ŭi kyehak-e kwanhan yŏn’gu” [A study on the Vinaya learning of the Hwaŏm class of sūtras]. Nonmunjip , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1998) 6. Bon-gak [Pon’gak] (Jin Young-you [Chin Yŏngyu] ): “Hwaŏm kyohak-ŭi pŏpkye ŭiŭi koch’al” [An investigation of the meaning of dharmadhātu in the Huayan teachings]. Nonmunjip , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1998) 7. Bon-gak [Pon’gak] (Jin Young-you [Chin Yŏngyu] ): “Hwaŏm sibjung yusikkwan” [The contemplation of Mind-only on ten levels in Huayan] in Myŏngsŏng Sŭ’nim kohŭi ki’nyŏm nonmunjip kanhaeng wiwŏnhoe (eds.): Myŏngsŏng Sŭ’nim kohŭi ki’nyŏm: Pulgyohak nonmunjip : . Unmun-sa , Kyŏngsang-bukto: Unmunsa Sŭngga Taehak ch’ulp’anbu, 2000. Chae Sang-sik [Ch’ae Sangsik] : “Ch’ew’on-ŭi chŏsul-gwa Hwaŏm sasang” [Ch’ewŏn’s works and Hwaŏm thought] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982. Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Posal sibji sŏl-ŭi chŏn’gae-e taehan koch’al” [Note on Bodhisattvabhūmi doctrine]. Pulgyo hakpo (1964) 2. Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi sasang ch’egye-wa kŭ chŏn’gae: Indo py’ŏn” : [The Avataṃsaka philosophy and its development]. Pulgyo hakpo (1970) 7. Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Hwaŏm kyohak wŏnsŏnggi-ŭi sasang yŏn’gu: Pangŭi-ŭi samsa-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study on the Avataṃsaka philosophy of its comsummation period]. Pulgyo hakpo (1974) 11. Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Hwaŏmhak-ŭi taesŏngja Pŏbjang-ŭi kyohak sasang” [The great Huayan master Fazang’s thoughts]. Pulgyo hakpo (1976-77) 13–14. Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Hwaŏm-jong susŏnggi-ŭi kyohak sajo” [Doctrinal trend of Avataṃsaka school in its conservative period]. Pulgyo hakpo (1978) 15. Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Kyubong-ŭi kyohak sasang-gwa i su sa ka-ŭi Hwaŏm-jong chaehŭng” [Huayan master Guifeng’s thoughts and following six (2- shui 4-jia) scholars’ revitalization of Huayan school]. Pulgyo hakpo (1979) 16. 80 CHOE YEONSHIK 曺潤鎬 宗密 頓悟漸修 成佛論 체계의 형성과 의의 韓國佛敎學 曺潤鎬 宗密을 통해서 본 중국 전통사상과 불교의 만남 불교학연구 崔鈆植 均如 華嚴思想硏究 敎判論을 중심으로 崔鈆植 見登의 著述과 思想 韓國史硏究 崔鈆植 健拏標訶一乘修行者秘密義記와 羅末麗初 華嚴學의 一動向 韓國史硏究 崔柄憲 高麗時代 華嚴學의 變遷 均如派와 義天派의 對立을 中心으로 韓國史研究 崔柄憲 高麗時代 華嚴宗團의 展開過程과 그 歷史的 性格 韓國史論 崔柄憲 義天이 均如를 비판한 이유 眞 覺國師文集 卷 示 新參學徒緇 條의 分析 大韓傳統佛敎硏究院 國際佛敎學術會議 第 回 亞 亞細亞에 있어서 華嚴의 位相 道業 李杏九 華嚴經에 나타난 淨土思想 佛敎學報 李道業 華 嚴經思想硏究 道業 李杏九 華嚴經에 나타난 法身佛思想 佛敎學報 李道業 華嚴經思想硏究 ］ 道業 李杏九 華嚴經에 나타난 菩薩思想 佛敎學報 道業 李杏九 華嚴經에 나타난 唯心思想 佛敎學報 道業 李杏九 華嚴經에 나타난 緣起思想 Cho Yoon-ho [Cho Yunho] : “Chongmil tono-chŏmsu sŏng-Pul non ch’egye-ŭi hyŏngsŏnggwa ŭiŭi.” [The formation of sudden enlightenment and gradual practice theory in Zongmi]. Han’guk pulgyohak (1998) 24. Cho Yoon-ho [Cho Yunho] : “Chongmi-ŭl t’onghaesŏ pon Chungguk chŏnt’ong sasanggwa Pulgyo-ŭi mannam” [Meeting of Chinese thought and Buddhism in case of Zongmi]. Pulgyohak yŏn’gu (1999) 1. Choe Yeonshik [Ch’oe Yŏnsik] : “Kyunyŏ Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: Kyop’an non-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study of of Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm theory – seen from his theory of doctrinal classification]. Ph.D. dissertation, Seoul Taehakkyo, 1999. Choe Yeonshik [Ch’oe Yŏnsik] : “Kyŏndung-ŭi chŏsul-gwa sasang” [Reexamining Kyŏndung’s writings and his thoughts]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu (2001) 115. Choe Yeonshik [Ch’oe Yŏnsik] : “‘Kŏnna p’yoha ilsŭng suhaengja pimil ŭigi’-wa Na-mal Ryo-ch’o Hwaŏmhak-ŭi ildonghyang” [Korean Huayan thought during the 10th century as found in the Geonnapyoha ilseung suhaengja bimil uigi]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu (2004) 126. Choi Byung-hun [Ch’oe Pyŏnghŏn] : “Koryŏ sidae Hwaŏmhak-ŭi pyŏnch’ŏn: Kyunyŏ-p’awa Ŭich’ŏn-p’a-ŭi taerip-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study of the Hwaŏm Buddhism in the Koryŏ dynasty]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu (1980) 30. Choi Byung-hun [Ch’oe Pyŏnghŏn] : “Koryŏ sidae Hwaŏm chongdan-ŭi chŏn’gae kwajŏng-gwa kŭ yŏksa-jŏk sŏnggyŏk” [The development of the Hwaŏm lineage during the Koryŏ period and its historical character]. Han’guk saron (1990) 20. Choi Byung-hun [Ch’oe Pyŏnghŏn] : “Ŭich’ŏn-i Kyunyŏ-rŭl pip’an han iyu: Chin’gak Kuksa munjip kwŏn 16 si sinsu hakto chi cho-ŭi punsŏk” : 16 [The reason why Ŭich’ŏn criticised Kyunyŏ: An explanation of the entry on the newly involved adherents in kwŏn 16 of the Chin’gak Kuksa munjip] in Taehan chŏnt’ong Pulgyo yŏn’guhoe (eds.): Kukche Pulgyo haksul hoegang. Che-10 hoe: Asia-e issŏsŏ Hwaŏm-ŭi wisang . 10 : . Seoul: Tongbangwŏn, 1991. Do-eop [Toŏp] (Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan chŏngt’o sasang” [The Pure Land faith as manifested in Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Pulgyo hakpo (1989) 26. [repr. in Yi Toŏp : Hwaŏmgyŏng sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998.] Do-eop [Toŏp] (Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan Pŏpsin Pul sasang” [The idea of Dharmakāya Buddha in the Avataṃsakasūtra]. Pulgyo hakpo (1993) 30. [repr. in Yi Toŏp : Hwaŏmgyŏng sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998. Do-eop [Toŏp] (Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan posal sasang” [The idea of Dharmakāya Buddha in the Avataṃsakasūtra the bodhisattva thought showing in the Huayan jing]. Pulgyo hakpo (1994– 1995) 31–32. Do-eop [Toŏp] (Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan yusik sasang” [The thought on Mind-only showing in the Huayan jing]. 1996. Pulgyo hakpo (1996) 33. Do-eop [Toŏp] (Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan yŏn’gi sasang” [A study of paticcasamuppāda thought in Avataṃsaka- HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 81 佛敎學報 李道業 華嚴經思想硏究 道業 李杏九 華 嚴敎學의 一心思想 海住 全好蓮 新羅 義湘의 華嚴敎學 硏究 一乘法 界圖의 性起思想을 中心으로 全好蓮 義湘華嚴思想史硏究 海住 全好蓮 韓國華嚴禪의 形成과 展開 韓國思想史學 海住 全好蓮 화엄의 세계 韓鍾萬 雪岑의 華嚴思想 大韓傳統佛敎硏究院 國際佛敎學術 會議 第 回 亞細亞에 있어서 華嚴의 位相 許興植 高麗中期 華嚴宗派의 繼承 元景王師를 중심으로 韓國史硏究 許興植 華嚴宗의 繼承과 所屬寺院 高麗의 四大宗派와 所屬寺院 sūtra]. Pulgyo hakpo (1997) 34. [repr. in Yi Toŏp : Hwaŏmgyŏng sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998.] Do-eop [Toŏp] (Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏm kyohak-ŭi ilsim sasang” [The thought on one-mind within the Huayan teachings]. Wŏnhyo yŏn’gu (2001) 6. Hae-joo [Haeju] (Jeon Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ): “Silla Ŭisang-ŭi Hwaŏmhak yŏn’gu: Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo-ŭi sŏnggi sasang-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study on the Hwaŏm thought of the Silla dynasty Monk Ŭisang]. Ph.D. dissertation, Tongguk Taehakkyo, 1989. [repr. as Jeon Hae-joo [Chŏn Haeju] : Ŭisang-ŭi Hwaŏm sasangsa yŏn’gu . Seoul: Minjoksa, 1993.] Hae-joo [Haeju] (Jeon Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ): “Han’guk Hwaŏm Sŏn-ŭi hyŏngsŏng-gwa chŏn’gae (1)” (1) [The formation and development of Avataṃsaka Sŏn in Korea]. Han’guk sasang sahak (1995) 7. Hae-joo [Haeju] (Jeon Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ): Hwaŏm-ŭi segye [The world of Hwaŏm]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998. Han Jong-man [Han Chongman] : “Sŏlcham-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Sŏlcham’s Hwaŏm thought] in Taehan chŏnt’ong Pulgyo yŏn’guhoe (eds.): Kukche Pulgyo haksul hoegang. Che-10 hoe: Asia-e issŏsŏ Hwaŏm-ŭi wisang . 10 : . Seoul: Tongbangwŏn, 1991. Heo Heung-Sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] : “Koryŏ chunggi Hwaŏm chongp’a-ŭi kyesung: Wŏn’gyŏng Wangsa-rŭl chingsim-ŭro” : [The inheritance relationship of the group ‘Hwaŏm Jong’]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu (1985) 35. Heo Heung-Sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] : “Hwaŏm-jong-ŭi kyesung-gwa sosok sawŏn: Koryŏ-ŭi sa tae chongp’a-wa sosok sawŏn” : [The succession of the Hwaŏm lineage and the temples belonging to it: focusing on the four great lineages of Koryŏ dynasty and the temples belonging to them] in Heo Heung-Sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] : Koryŏ Pulgyosa yŏn’gu . Seoul: Ilchogak, 1986. Hwang Kyu-chan [Hwang Kyuch’an] : Silla Py’owŏn-ŭi Hwaŏmhak [A study of Pyowon’s Hwaom-youi-mundap in Silla]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998. Hye-nam [Hye’nam] (Roh Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ): “Chinggwan-ŭi Yudo pip’an” [Chengguan’s criticism against Confucianism and Daoism]. Nonmunjip , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1996) 5. Hye-nam [Hye’nam] (Roh Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ): “Ch’ŏngnyang Chinggwanŭi chŏn’gi-e taehan chae’go” [A reconsideration of Qingliang Chengguan’s biography]. Nonmunjip , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1998) 6. Hye-nam [Hye’nam] (Roh Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ): “Chinggwan-ŭi Odaesan ip san-gwa Hwaŏmgyŏng Hwaŏmgyŏng so ch’o-ŭi chŏjak” [Chengguan’s retreat to Mt. Wutai and the creation of his commentaries on the Huayan jing]. Nonmunjip , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1998) 7. Hye-nam [Hye’nam] (Roh Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ): “Chinggwang-ŭi Odaesan sinang” [Chengguan’s beliefs concerning Mt. Wutai]. Nonmunjip , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1999) 8. Inhwan (Chae T’aeksu ) “Ŭisang Hwaŏmhak-ŭi t’ŭksŏng” [The special character of Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm teachings] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982. 許興植 慧南 澄觀의 儒道 批判 文集 慧南 黃圭燦 高麗佛敎史硏究 盧在性 新羅 表員의 華嚴學 論 中央僧伽大 盧在性 淸凉澄觀의 傳記에 대한 再考 論文集 中央僧伽大 慧南 盧在性 澄觀의 五臺山 入山과 『華嚴經疏 鈔』의 著作 論文集 中央僧伽大 慧南 盧在性 澄觀의 五臺山 信仰 論文集 中央僧伽大 印幻 蔡澤洙 義湘華嚴敎學의 特性 東國大佛敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究 82 CHOE YEONSHIK 印鏡 金炯錄 羅末麗初 華嚴敎團과 禪宗의 諸問題 韓國禪學 鄭柄朝 義湘 華嚴敎學의 諸問題 東洋文化 嶺南大學教東洋文化硏究所 鄭舜日 華嚴性起思想史硏究 中國華嚴宗을 中心으로 趙明基 義湘의 傳記와 著書 鄭炳三 義相 華嚴思想 硏究 그 思想史的 意義와 社會的 性格 鄭炳三 의상화엄사상연구 淨嚴 徐海基 澄觀 의 禪宗觀 불교학연구 淨嚴 徐海基 澄觀의 海印三昧觀에 대하여 大覺思想 金福順 新羅中代 華嚴宗과 王權 韓國史硏究 金福順 新羅華嚴宗硏究 金天鶴 均如의 華嚴一乘義 硏究 根機論을 中心으로 In-kyung [Ingyŏng] (Kim Hyoung-rok [Kim Hyŏngnok] ): “Na-mal Ryo-ch’o Hwaŏmgyodan-gwa Sŏnjong-ŭi che munje” [The relations between Sŏn and Huayan teaching in the end of Silla dynasty]. Han’guk sŏnhak (2001) 2. Jeong Byong-jo [Chŏng Pyŏngjo] : “Ŭisang Hwaŏmgyo-ŭi che munje” [Various issues in Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm teachings]. Tongyang munhwa , Yŏngnam Taehakkyo Tongyang munhwa yŏn’guso (1976) 17. Jeong Soon-il [Chŏng Sunil] : “Hwaŏm sŏnggi sasangsa yŏn’gu – Chungguk Hwaŏm-jongŭl chungsim-ŭro” [A study on the history of the Huayan xingqi thought]. Ph.D. dissertation, Wŏn’gwang Taehakkyo, 1989. Joh Myong-kee [Cho Myŏnggi] : “Ŭisang-ŭi chŏn’gi-wa chŏsŏ” [Ŭisang’s life and works]. Ilgwang, Chungang Pulgyo chŏnmun hakkyo kyouhoe (1939) 9. Jung Byung-sam [Chŏng Pyŏngsam] : “Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: kŭ sasangsa-jŏk ŭiŭi-wa sahoe-jŏk sŏnggyŏk” : [A study on Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought]. Ph.D. dissertation, Seoul Taehakkyo, 1991. [repr. as Jung Byungsam [Chŏng Pyŏngsam] : Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu. Seoul: Seoul Tae ch’ulp’anbu, 1998.] Jung-om [Chŏngŏm] (Sŏ Hae-gi [Sŏ Hae’gi] ): “Chinggwan-ŭi Sŏn-jong kwan” [Chengguan’s view of the Chan school]. Pulgyohak yŏn’gu (2001) 3. Jung-om [Chŏngŏm] (Sŏ Hae-gi [Sŏ Hae’gi] ): “Chinggwan-ŭi Haeinsammae kwan-e taehayŏ” [On Chengguan’s view on the ocean-seal samādhi]. Tae’gak sasang (2001) 4. Kim Bok-soon [Kim Poksun] : “Silla chungdae Hwaŏm-jong-gwa wanggwŏn” [Hwaŏm school in the age of Middle Silla and the sovereign power]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu (1988) 63. Kim Bok-soon [Kim Poksun] : Silla Hwaŏm-jong yŏn’gu [Studies in the Hwaŏm lineage of Silla]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1990. Kim Chon-hak [Kim Ch’ŏnhak] : “Kyunyŏ-ŭi Hwaŏm ilsŭng ŭi yŏn’gu: Kŭn’gi non-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study on Kyunyŏ’s meaning of the one-vehicle of Hwaŏm: focusing on the theory of “root and mechanism”]. Ph.D. dissertation, Han’gukhak Taehakwŏn, 1999. Kim Dujin [Kim Tujin] : Kyunyŏ Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: Sŏng-sang yunghoe sasang : [A study on Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm thought: the melting together and unifying of nature and characteristics]. Seoul: Ilchogak, 1983. Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] : “Samnon-gwa Hwaŏmgye(Wŏnhyo, Pŏbjang kye)-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” ( · ) [Methods leading towards awakening in the Sanlun and Huayan/Hwaŏm (Wŏnhyo, Fazang) lineages]. Ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu (1982) 7. Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] : “Pŏbjang-ŭi pulsang chi pangsik” [Fazang’s method of knowledge denying characteristics]. Inmun nonch’ong , Koryŏ Tae mun’gwa taehak (1985) 30. Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] : “Pŏbjang-ŭi muŭi pangsik” [Fazang’s method of not having something to depend on]. Chunggukhak nonch’ong , Koryŏ Taehakkyo Chunggukhak yŏn’guhoe (1985) 2. Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] : “Chinggwan-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” [Chengguan’s method of leading towards awakening]. Ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu (1987) 16-17. Kim In-duk [Kim Indŏk] : “P’yowŏn-ŭi Hwaŏmhak” [P’yowŏn’s Hwaŏm learning] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982. 金杜珍 華嚴思想硏究 性相融會思想 金夏雨 三論과 華嚴系 元曉 法藏系 의 轉悟方式 金夏雨 法藏의 不相知方式 人文論叢 高麗大 文科大學 金夏雨 法藏의 無依方式 中國學論叢 高麗大學校 中國學硏究會 金夏雨 澄觀의 轉悟方式 金仁德 表員의華嚴學 東國大佛敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究 均如 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 83 金知見 華嚴一乘法界圖 硏究抄 金知見 新羅華嚴學의 系譜와 思想 學術院論文集 人文 金知見 韓國華嚴學의 主流 考 崇山朴吉眞博士華甲紀念事業會 崇山朴吉眞博士華甲紀念 韓國佛敎思想 史 金知見 雪岑의 華嚴과 禪의 世界 道原柳承國博士華甲紀念論文集編纂委員會 道原 柳承國博士華甲紀念論文集 東方思想論攷 金知見 知訥에서의 禪과 華嚴의 相依 普照思想 金相鉉 新羅 華嚴學僧의 系譜와 그 活動 新羅文化 金相鉉 新羅中代 專制王權과 華嚴宗 東方學志 金相鉉 新羅華嚴思想史硏究 金芿石 華嚴學槪論 金芿石 普照國師의 華嚴觀 現代佛敎 金映遂 華嚴思想의 硏究 白性郁博士頌壽記念事業委 員會 白性郁博士頌壽記念 佛敎 學論文集 高翊晉 元曉의 華嚴思想 東國大佛敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究 高翊晉 韓國古代 佛敎思想史 高翊晉 新羅中代華嚴思想의 展開와 그 影響 佛敎學報 權坦俊 華嚴經의 如來出現思想硏究 Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] : “Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo yŏn’gu ch’o” [Some research on the Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo]. Pŏpsi (1971) 79. Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] : “Silla Hwaŏmhak-ŭi kyebo-wa sasang” [The lineages and thought of Huayan learning in Silla]. Haksulwŏn nonmunjip (inmun) ( ) (1973) 12. Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] : “Han’guk Hwaŏmhak-ŭi churyu ko” [An investigation of the main currents of Korean Hwaŏm learning] in Sungsan Pak Kilchin Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm saŏphoe (eds.): Sungsan Pak Kilchin Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm: Han’guk Pulgyo sasangsa : . Iri: Wŏn Pulgyo sasang yŏn’guwŏn, 1975. Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] : “Sŏlcham-ŭi Hwaŏm-gwa Sŏn-ŭi segye” [Sŏlcham’s world of Hwaŏm and Sŏn] in Towŏn Yu Sŭngguk Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm nonmunjip py’ŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe (eds.): Towŏn Yu Sŭngguk Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm nonmunjip: Tongbang sasang non’go : . Seoul: [unknown publ.], 1983. Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] : “Chinul-eso-ŭi Sŏn-gwa Hwaŏm-ŭi sangŭi” [The mutual dependence of Sŏn and Hwaŏm in Chinul’s works]. Pojo sasang (1989) 1. Kim Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] : “Silla Hwaŏmhak sŭng-ŭi kyebo-wa kŭ hwaldong” [The genealogy of the monks of Hwaŏm lineage in Silla and their activities]. Silla munhwa (1984) 1. Kim Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] : “Silla chungdae chŏnche wanggwŏn-gwa Hwaŏm-jong” [The Hwaŏm Buddhism and the autocracy in the middle period of Silla]. Tongbang hakchi (1984) 44. Kim Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] : Silla Hwaŏm sasangsa y’on’gu [A study on the Hwaŏm thought in Silla]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1991. Kim Ying-seuk [Kim Ingsŏk] : Hwaŏmhak kaeron [An outline of Huayan learning]. Seoul: Pŏmnyunsa, 1960. Kim Ying-seuk [Kim Ingsŏk] : “Pojo Kuksa-ŭi Hwaŏmgwan 1-3” 1–3 [Huayan thought of National Preceptor Bojo 1–3]. Hyŏndae Pulgyo , Hyŏndae Pulgyo sa (1959–1960) 1, 3, 5. Kim Young-soo [Kim Yŏngsu] : “Hwaŏm sasang-ŭi yŏn’gu” [A study on Huayan thought] in Paek Sŏnguk Paksa ki’nyŏm saŏp wiwŏnhoe (eds.): Paek Sŏnguk Paksa ki’nyŏm: Pulgyohak nonmunjip : . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo, 1959. Koh Ik-jin [Ko Ikchin] : “Wŏnhyo-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Wŏnhyo’s Huayan thought] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982. [repr. in [Ko Ikchin] et. al.: Han’guk kodae Pulgyo sasangsa . Seoul: Tongguk Tae ch’ulp’anbu, 1989.] Koh Ik-jin [Ko Ikchin] : “Silla chungdae Hwaŏm sasang-ŭi chŏn’gae-wa kŭ yŏnghyang 1–2” 1–2 [The development of Huayan thought in the first half of the unified Silla and its effects]. Pulgyo hakpo (1987–1988) 24– 25. Kwon Tan-joon [Kwŏn T’anjun] : “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi Yŏrae ch’ulhyŏn sasang y’on’gu” [A study on the idea of Tathagāta-utpāda in the Avataṃsakasūtra]. Ph.D. dissertation, Tongguk Taehakkyo, 1991. 84 CHOE YEONSHIK 戒環 張愛順 法藏의 一乘思想 韓國佛敎學 戒環 張愛順 法藏의敎 相卽觀法에 대하여 韓國佛敎學 戒環 張愛順 法藏敎學의 心性論 硏究 韓國佛敎學 戒環 張愛順 中國華嚴思想史硏究 戒環 張愛順 法藏의 華嚴空觀에 대한 小考 東國論叢 戒環 張愛順 法藏敎學과 起信論 佛敎硏究 戒環 張愛順 法藏의 『大乘起信論義記』찬술에 대한 고찰 韓國佛敎學 李孝杰 華嚴 經의 成立背景과 構造體系 高麗大學教 李英茂 蓮潭私記를 통해 본 朝鮮時代의 華嚴學 東國大佛 敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究 睦楨培 雪岑의 法界圖注考 東國大佛敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究 南東信 元曉 의 大衆敎化와 思想體系 李箕永 敎判思想에서 본 元曉의 위치 東洋學 檀國大東洋學硏究 所 石吉岩 元曉의 普法華 嚴思想硏究 東國大學教 沈在龍 知訥의 華嚴思想 大韓傳統佛敎硏究院 國際佛敎學術會議 第 回 亞亞細亞에 있어서 華嚴의 位相 Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏpjang-ŭi ilsŭng sasang” [Fazang’s one-vehicle thought]. Han’guk pulgyohak (1990) 14. Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏbjang-ŭi kyo sangjŭk kwanbŏb-e taehayŏ” [On the contemplation method of mutual identity in Fazang’s teachings]. Han’guk pulgyohak (1993) 18. Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏbjang kyohag-ŭi simsŏngnon yŏn’gu” [A study on the theory of the nature of mind in Fazang’s teachings]. Han’guk pulgyohak (1995) 20. Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): Chungguk Hwaŏm sasangsa yŏn’gu [Studies in the history of thought of Chinese Huayan]. Seoul: Pulgwang ch’ulp’anbu, 1996. Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏbjang-ŭi Hwaŏm konggwan-e taehan so’go” [An investigation of Fazang’s Hwaŏm emptiness contemplation]. Tongguk nonch’ong (1997) 36. Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏbjang kyohak-kwa Kisillon” [Fazang’s teachings and the Qixin lun]. Pulgyo yŏn’gu (1999) 16. Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] (Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏpjang-ŭi ‘Taesŭng kisillon ŭigi’ ch’ansul-e taehan koch’al“ [A study of Fa-tsang’s writing of Dasheng qiein lun yi ji]. Han’guk pulgyohak (2000) 26 Lee Hyo-kul [Yi Hyogŏl] : “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi sŏngnip pae’gyŏng-gwa kujo ch’egye” [The formative background and systems of the Avataṃsakasūtra]. Ph.D. dissertation, Koryŏ Taehakkyo , 1991. Lee Young-moo [Yi Yŏngmu] : “Yŏndam sagi-rŭl t’onghae pon Chosŏn sidae-ŭi Hwaŏmhak” [The Hwaŏm learning of the Chosŏn period as seen through the Yŏndam sagi] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982. Mok Jeong-bae [Mok Chŏngbae] : “Sŏlcham-ŭi Pŏpkyedo chu go” [An inquiry into Sŏlcham’s Pŏpgyedo chu] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982. Nam Dong-shin [Nam Tongsin] : “Wŏnhyo-ŭi Taejung kyohwa-wa sasang ch’egye” [Wŏnhyo’s drive for people’s enlightenment and philosophical system]. Ph.D. dissertation, Seoul Taehakkyo, 1995. Rhi Ki-young [Yi Kiyong] : “Kyop’an sasang-eso pon Wŏnhyo-ŭi wich’i” [Wŏnhyo’s position as viewed from his thought on the classification of teachings]. Tongyanghak , Tan’guk Taehakkyo Tongyanghak yŏn’guso (1974) 4. Seok Gil-am [Sŏk Kiram] : “Wŏnhyo-ŭi pobŏp Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu” [Research on Wŏnhyo’s idea of pobŏp Hwaŏm]. Ph.D. dissertation, Tongguk Taehakkyo , 2003. Shim Jae-ryong [Sim Chaeryong] : “Chinul-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought] in Taehan chŏnt’ong Pulgyo yŏn’guhoe (eds.): Kukche Pulgyo haksul hoegang. Che-10 hoe: Asia-e issŏsŏ Hwaŏm-ŭi wisang . 10 : . Seoul: Tongbangwŏn, 1991. HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 85 申洞湜 화엄학에 있어 如來藏思想을 媒 介한 空觀의 처리 法藏의 華嚴學을 중심으로 啓明論叢 申洞湜 華嚴學에 있어 唯識의 處理 問題 法藏의 三性說을 中心으로 東西文 化 啓明大學教人文科學硏究所 辛奎卓 人間論에 대한 宗密의 理解 『原人論』을 중심으로 東洋古典硏究 辛奎卓 禪宗의 心性論 圭峰宗密의 입장을 비판한다 東洋哲學 韓國東洋哲學會 辛奎卓 佛敎의 中國化 圭峰宗密의 自我理解를 중심으로 白蓮佛教論集 辛奎卓 宗密의 修行理論 頓漸觀을 중심으로 普照思想 李鍾益 知訥의 華嚴思想 崇山朴吉眞博士華甲紀念事業會 崇山朴吉眞博士華甲 紀念 韓國佛敎思想史 李鍾益 普照禪과 華嚴 東國大佛敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究 Sin Dong-sik [Sin Tongsik] : “Hwaŏmhag-e issŏ yŏraejang sasang-ŭl mae’ge han konggwan-ŭi ch’ŏri – Pŏbjang-ŭi Hwaŏmhak-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” [A treatment of emptiness contemplation as – an intermediary of Tathāgatagarbha thought in Huayan learning: focusing on Pŏbjang’s [view on] the Hwaŏmgyŏng]. Cho’myŏng nonch’ong (1972) 8. Sin Dong-sik [Sin Tongsik] : “Hwaŏmhag-e issŏ yusik-ŭi ch’ŏri munje – Pŏbjang-ŭi samsŏngsŏl-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” – [Problems in the treatment of Vijñapti-mātratā in Hwaŏm learning]. Tong-Sŏ munhwa , Chomyŏng Taehakkyo Inmun kwahak yŏn’guso (1973) 6. Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] : “In’gannon-e taehan Chongmi-ŭi ihae – Wŏninnon-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” – [Zongmi’s understanding of the human being – focusing on the Yuanren lun]. Tongyang kojŏn yŏn’gu (1994) 3. Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] : “Sŏn-jong-ŭi simsŏng non – Kyubong Chongmi-ŭi ipchangŭl pip’anhanda” – [Discourse on the nature of mind in the Chan school – criticising Guifeng Zongmi’s standpoint]. Tongyang ch’ŏrhak , Han’guk Tongyang Ch’ŏrhakhoe (1996) 6. Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] : “Pulgyo-ŭi Chunggukhwa – Kyubong Chongmil-ŭi cha-a ihae-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” – [The sinification of Buddhism – Focusing on Guifeng Zongmi’s understanding of the ego]. Paengnyŏn pulgyo nonjip (1997) 7. Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] : “Chongmil-ŭi suhaeng iron – ton-chŏm kwan-ŭl chungsimŭro” – [The practical theory of Guifeng Zongmi]. Pojo sasang yŏn’gu (2000) 14. Yi Chongik : “Chinul-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought] in Sungsan Pak Kilchin Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm saŏphoe (eds.): Sungsan Pak Kilchin Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm: Han’guk Pulgyo sasangsa : . Iri: Wŏn Pulgyo sasang yŏn’guwŏn, 1975. Yi Chongik : “Pojo Sŏn-gwa Hwaŏm” [Pojo’s Sŏn and Hwaŏm] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982. ŌTAKE SUSUMU ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA Introduction In this paper I will investigate the origin and early development of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra by examining the history of the term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” which is widely found in the Indian, Tibetan, and Chinese Buddhist canons. As is well known, the entire body of this sūtra has come down to us in two Chinese versions, one of which being translated by Buddhabhadra in 418–420, the other by Śikṣānanda in 695–699, as well as a Tibetan version translated by Jinamitra et al. at the end of ninth century. Hereafter I will refer to these texts as the large Buddhāvataṃsakas. Among the large Buddhāvataṃsakas, the reliability of the Tibetan version is sometimes questioned, for the Zhiyuan fabao kantong zonglu , a thirteenth century Buddhist catalogue which compares Chinese and Tibetan translations, states that the Tibetan version was translated from the Chinese version1. However this is not a plausible statement. A comparative reading of the Chinese and Tibetan versions reveals that the Tibetan version disagrees greatly with the Chinese versions. When commenting on Śikṣānanda’s version, Huiyuan’s commentary (Xu Huayan jing lüeshu kanding ji )2 often provides transcriptions or literal translations of Sanskrit words, and points out that Śikṣānanda’s version does not strictly follow the Sanskrit original. I have confirmed that the Tibetan version agrees very well with Huiyuan’s transcriptions or literal translations. I have prepared a detailed study of the information contained in Huiyuan’s commentary. Since I am convinced that the Tibetan version was translated directly from Sanskrit, in this paper I will use the Tibetan version as a source equal in importance to the Chinese versions. 至元法寶勘同總録 續華嚴經略疏刊定記 慧苑 What is the Sanskrit Equivalent for the Chinese “Huayan”? In the Chinese Buddhist tradition, the Sanskrit equivalent for the Chinese “Huayan” is considered to be “Gaṇḍavyūha”, while in the Tibetan Buddhist tradition the 1 2 T Shōwa Hōbō Sōmokuroku 2, 25, 190b. XZJ vol. 5. ŌTAKE SUSUMU 88 Sanskrit equivalent for this term is understood as “Avataṃsaka”. Since the Meiji era, this discordance has attracted the attention of the Japanese academic world. As is well known, the Chinese “Huayan” was first identified with the Sanskrit “Gaṇḍavyūha” by Fazang in his commentary on the Huayan jing (Huayan jing tanxuan ji ).3 In this connection, Divākara’s Chinese translation of the Ghanavyūha-sūtra, which Fazang lent assistance in translating, has the term “Huayan” as the equivalent of the Tibetan “Sdong pos brgyan” (Skt. *Gaṇḍavyūha): 華嚴經探玄記 法藏 十地花嚴等 大樹與神通 勝鬘及餘經 皆從此經出 4 sa bcu pa yi mdo mchog dang // sdong pos brgyan dang dru ma yi // gang yang rnam par sprul pa’i mdo // dpal gyi phreng ba la bshad dang // rnam par snang ba’i mdo sde dang // sgyu ma dpa’ las ’gro ba sogs // mdo sde rnam pa sna tshogs dag // stug po’i rgyan nas rnam par ’byung //5 This is a solid piece of example in support of Fazang’s belief that the Chinese “Huayan” is identical to the Sanskrit “Gaṇḍavyūha”. Yet despite his belief, this identification is somewhat problematic. Sakurabe Hajime has dealt with the two occurrences of the term “fo huayan sanmei” in the Huayan jing itself and pointed out that their Tibetan equivalents are “sangs rgyas tshogs kyi ting nge ’dzin” and “sangs rgyas phal po che zhes bya ba’i ting nge ’dzin”, where both mean “a meditation named Buddhāvataṃsaka”.6 This proves that when the Huayan jing was translated, the translators rendered the Sanskrit text’s “Avataṃsaka” with “Huayan”. 佛華嚴 三昧 華嚴三昧 佛華嚴三昧 其三昧名佛華嚴 廣大三昧 7 Buddhabhadra’s translation: huayan sanmei 8 Śikṣānanda’s translation: fo huayan sanmei Tibetan translation: sangs rgyas tshogs kyi ting nge ’dzin9 Buddhabhadra’s translation: qi sanmei ming fo huayan Śikṣānanda’s translation: guangda sanmei ming fo hua zhuangyan 名佛華莊嚴 11 10 Tibetan translation: ting nge ’dzin chen po sangs rgyas phal po che zhes bya ba12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 10 11 12 T 1733: 35.121a. T 681: 16.729c. P 778: Cu 20b6–8 Sakurabe 1969. T 278: 9.434c. T 279: 10.74a. P 761: Yi 241a2. T 278: 9.631c. T 279: 10.279b. P 761: Shi 145a2. ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 89 Sakurabe’s statement is supported also by a Sanskrit fragment of the Samantabhadracaryānirdeśa chapter from the Huayan jing, which ends with the following colophon: Explication of the practice of Samantabhadra, chapter 30 of the great vaipulya sūtra Buddhāvataṃsaka in 100,000 lines, has ended. //31// Buddhāvataṃsake mahāvaipulyasūtre śatasahasrike granthe samantabhadracaryānirdeśaparivartto nāma triṃśatimaḥ samāptaḥ //31// This fragment once belonged to Dalai Lama XII and is now preserved in St. Petersburg.13 According to the colophon, the Sanskrit equivalent for the Chinese “Huayan” is not “Gaṇḍavyūha” but “Avataṃsaka”. As shown above, the number ’31’ added to the end of the colophon is different from the chapter number ’30’. MATSUDA Kazunobu examined the colophon and pointed out that if the chapter number ’30’ were emended to ’31’, it would agree with the number of the chapter in Buddhabhadra’s translation.14 Another interesting point provided by the colophon is that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka is said to consist of 100,000 lines. Additionally, the postscript to Buddhabhadra’s translation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka states that the Sanskrit original of the Huayan jing consisted of 100,000 lines, though the Khotan manuscript of the Huayan jing from which Buddhabhadra’s translation was made had only 36,000 lines: The Sanskrit original of the Huayan jing has about 100,000 lines. Years ago the lay Buddhist Zhi Faling brought these 36,000 lines from Khotan. 華嚴經梵本凡十萬偈。昔道人支法領從于闐國得此三萬六千偈。 15 What does the Term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” Mean? Being influenced by the East Asian Buddhist tradition, modern scholars tend to call this sūtra “Huayan” or “Avataṃsaka”. In contrast, Sakurabe pointed out the importance of the compound “fo huayan” or “buddhāvataṃsaka”. Bearing this in mind, what does the term “buddhāvataṃsaka” mean? Sakurabe addressed this question by focusing his attention on the so-called Śrāvastī miracle. When the Buddha forbade monks to exercise supernatural powers, heretics challenged the Buddha to exercise his own supernatural powers. He accepted the challenge and performed a miracle at Śrāvastī. According to the Pāli tradition, the miracle was the yamakapāṭihāriya (Skt. yamakaprātihārya) or “the miracle of double appearances”. When the Buddha performed this miracle, flames of fire and a stream of water appeared alternatively from the upper parts and lower parts of his body. Flames of fire and streams of water were 13 Mironov 1914: no.422. 14 Matsuda 1988. 15 T 278: 9.788b. ŌTAKE SUSUMU 90 also produced alternatively from the right side of his body and from the left. In this tradition, it is said that the yamakapāṭihāriya can only be performed by the Buddha. However, according to the Sarvāstivāda tradition (for example, the Divyāvadāna XI Prātihārya-sūtra), the miracle then performed by the Buddha was the Buddhāvataṃsaka or “legion of Buddhas”. When the Buddha performed this miracle, a large number of emanation Buddhas seated on lotus blossoms materialized. And each of these emanation Buddhas in turn produced a large number of emanation Buddhas seated on lotus blossoms. In this way, a legion of Buddhas which reached as far as the Akaniṣṭha heaven appeared. In this tradition, it is said that the yamakaprātihārya can be performed by both the Buddha and śrāvakas, while the Buddhāvataṃsaka can only be performed by the Buddha. In the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, the term Buddhāvataṃsaka is not dealt with in any detail. For this reason, Sakurabe did not mention the relationship between the Sarvāstivāda literature and the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. However, I have found some interesting passages in the Bhadraśrī, a chapter of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, whose focus is to deliniate the superior miracle made manifest by the bodhisattva’s meditations such as the “Buddhāvataṃsaka meditation” and the “Ocean Seal meditation”. When appraising the miracle, the text makes use of images similar to the Sarvāstivāda literature’s Buddhāvataṃsaka miracle16: Buddhabhadra’s translation: 若具衆相三十二 八十種好自莊嚴 八十種好自莊嚴 其身光明無有量 若身光明無有量 光明莊嚴難思議 若光莊嚴難思議 則出無量寶蓮華 若出無量寶蓮華 一一華坐無量佛 普現十方無量刹 教化度脱一切衆 17 Śikṣānanda’s translation: 若相莊嚴三十二 則具隨好爲嚴飾 若具隨好爲嚴飾 則身光明無限量 若身光明無限量 則不思議光莊嚴 若不思議光莊嚴 其光則出諸蓮華 其光若出諸蓮華 則無量佛坐華上 示現十方靡不遍 悉能調伏諸衆生 Tibetan translation: mtshan rab sum bcu gnyis dang su ldan pa // de dag dpe byad bzang pos lus kyang bris // dpe’ byad bzang pos gang gi lus bris pa // de dag lus ’od kun tu mtha’ yas so // gang gis lus ’od kun tu mtha’ yas pa // de dag ’od gzer brgyan kyang bsam mi khyab // gang la ’od gzer bsam yas rgyan yod pa // de dag ’od las pad mo mang po ’byung // gang gi ’od las pa dmo mang ’byung ba // 16 For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 336. 17 T 278: 9.434a. 18 T 279: 10.73b. 18 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 91 de dag rgyal ba pad mo’i gdan bzhugs te // ston cing phyogs bcu’i ’jig rten kun tu yang // don yod rnam par spyod cing sems can ’dul //19 Having accessed the superior miracle given to the bodhisattva, the chapter regards the Yamakaprātihārya as an inferior miracle of the śrāvaka.20 Buddhabhadra’s translation: 得八解脱心自在 一身能作無量身 以無量身作一身 於虚空中入火定 身上出水身下火 身上出火身下水 行住坐臥虚空中 於一念中自在變 彼不具足大慈悲 不爲衆生求佛道 尚能示現難思議 況大饒益自在力 21 Śikṣānanda’s translation: 聲聞心住八解脱 於虚空中入火定 如是皆於一念中 尚能現此難思事 所有變現皆自在 能以一身現多身 復以多身爲一身 行住坐臥悉在空 身上出水身下火 身上出火身下水 種種自在無邊量 彼不具足大慈悲 不爲衆生求佛道 況大饒益自在力 22 Tibetan translation: sems kyi lam la rnam thar brgyad gnas pa’i // nyan thos gcig tu gyur cing mang por ’gyur // mang por gyur cing be bzhin gcig gyur te // nam mkha’ ’di la bsam gtan ’chang zhing ’bar // ’og nas me ’bar steng nas chu’i rgyun // steng nas me ’bar ’og nas chu’i rgyun // ’gro ’dug nyal zhing ’greng ba de bzhin te // skad cig gcig la lus ’phrul bsam mi khyab // de ni snying rje chen po ldan ma yin // byang chub mi tshol ’jig rten yal bar gzhog // ’on kyang lus ’phrul bsam gyis mi khyab ston // ’jig rten phan tshol ci’i phyir de mi ston //23 Sanskrit fragment (The second verse that describes the Yamakaprātihārya is omitted): te ca vaśe sthita aṣṭa vimokṣāḥ śrāvaka ekabhavī bahu bhontī / bhūtva bahuḥ puna eka bhavitvā dhyāyati prajvalate gaganasmin // te hi mahākaruṇāya vihīnā bodhi anarthiku loka upekṣī / darśayi kāyavikurva acintyā kasya na darśayi lokahitaiṣī //24 It is clear that the Sarvāstivāda literature and the Bhadraśrī chapter of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka share the term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” which indicates a miracle no one is able to perform besides the Buddha. 19 20 21 22 23 24 P 761: Yi 239a6–239b1. For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 359. T 278: 9.439a–b. T 279: 10.78b–c. P 761: Yi 252a2–5. Ś 345, 13–16. ŌTAKE SUSUMU 92 Was the Large Buddhāvataṃsaka Compiled in Central Asia? It is a matter of common knowledge that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka is a compendium of a number of texts, most of which originally circulated as sūtras in their own right. In Indian Buddhist texts, there are hardly any references to a collection bearing the name Buddhāvataṃsaka. Both Buddhabhadra’s and Śikṣānanda’s translation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka were made from manuscripts brought from Khotan, in Central Asia. A chapter from this sūtra, entitled the “Dwelling places of bodhisattvas” (Pusa zhuchu pin ; Byang chub sems dpa’i gnas), refers to China and Kashgar in Central Asia. Judging from such circumstantial evidence, some contemporary scholars have argued that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka was compiled and partly amended in Central Asia. In opposition to this view, HIRAKAWA Akira says: “the Sanskrit text upon which the Tibetan translation was based was probably brought from India, not Central Asia. The possibility of Central Asian augmentation to the text requires further investigation”.25 I, too, agree that there is still room for argument concerning the site of compilation. While the large Buddhāvataṃsaka must have been a popular collection in Central Asia, there does exist a small amount of sound evidence that confirms India as the location of its assembly. Here I would like to offer a few examples. First, as HADANI Ryōtai26 and TERAMOTO Enga27 have indicated, the large Buddhāvataṃsaka is not familiar with the geography of Central Asia. The chapter entitled the “Dwelling places of bodhisattvas” states that Mount Gośīrṣa (Gośṛiṅga) is located in Kashgar. However this mountain is, in fact, located in Khotan. Given that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka was compiled and partly appended in Central Asia, such a mistake should not have occurred. Thus it seems quite probable that this sūtra was not compiled in Central Asia, but was brought to Central Asia from elsewhere. Second, let us take a look at the following episode found in Jizang’s (549– 623) treatise on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (Jingming xuan lun ): 菩薩住處品 淨名玄論 吉藏 Question: Why does the Huayan [jing] uniquely not contain an explanation of its own title? Answer: Although this sūtra consists of 100,000 lines, [Buddhabhadra’s Chinese] translation is not complete. The explanation of the title must be contained in a latter part [which is still as yet untranslated]. When I went to Chang’an, I met the Dharma master Sengtan who had returned from Khotan. There [he] had seen a biography of Nāgārjuna, which ran [as follows]: There are three texts of the Huayan [jing]. The large text bears as many lines as the amount of dust found in 1,000,000,000 worlds, and [includes] chapters as large as the amount of dust ranging over 4 continents. The middle text has 498,800 lines and 1,200 chapters. Both of these two texts are preserved in the dragon’s palace, and were not brought [to the human world] by Nāgārjuna. [He] brought only the small text which has 100,000 lines and 36 chapters. In this country (China), nothing exists but a translation 25 Hirakawa 1990: 280. 26 Hadani 1914: 343. 27 Teramoto 1921: 129; 135–136. ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 93 which consists of 36,000 lines and 34 chapters. Therefore we should understand that, regarding the Huayan [jing], the explanation of its own title must be included in that latter part. 問。華嚴一部何故文無立名。答。此經凡有十萬偈傳譯未尽。立名當在後也。至長安 見僧曇法師從于闐還。於彼處見龍樹傳云。華嚴凡有三本。大本有三千大千世界微 塵偈一四天下微塵品。中本有四十九萬八千八百偈一千二百品。此二本並在龍宮龍 樹不誦出也。唯誦下本十萬偈三十六品。此土唯有三萬六千偈三十四品。故知華嚴 名數在數（後？）分矣。 28 Jizang introduces this episode in his commentary on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (Weimo jing yi shu )29 and commentary on Nāgārjuna’s Twelve Gates Treatise (Shi’er men lun shu )30 as well. Fazang, in his commentary on the Huayan jing (Huayan jing tanxuan ji ),31 also refers to this account of the three Huayan jings being transmitted from the western regions.32 Sengtan is one of the eleven monks who traveled to Central Asia between 575 and 582 for the purpose of obtaining Indic sūtras. In fact, he brought back to 33 China 260 sūtras (See the Lidai sanbao ji ). As we see, Jizang seems to have been acquainted with Sengtan. This episode demonstrates that the Khotanese people regarded their large Buddhāvataṃsaka in 100,000 lines as an incomplete text. It seems quite probable that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka was not compiled in Central Asia, but was brought to Central Asia from elsewhere. Third, in the Mahāyānasaṃgraha X.30 when commenting on the words “the sūtra in 100,000 lines, being a Bodhisattvapiṭaka”, Paramārtha’s translation of the Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya furnishes the interpretation that the Bodhisattvapiṭaka (basket of bodhisattva practices) here implies the Huayan jing having 100,000 lines ( ).34 Although this interpretation is not found in any other translation of the Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya, this attitude which regards the Buddhāvataṃsaka as a Bodhisattvapiṭaka is also found in the following colophon of a Dunhuang manuscript: 維摩經義疏 十二門論疏 華嚴經探玄記 僧曇 歴代三寶紀 又華嚴經有百千偈故名百千經 Explication of the ten stages, entitled the “Creator of Wisdom of the Omniscient Being by Degrees”,35 a chapter of the great vehicle sūtra Bodhisattvapiṭaka Buddhāvataṃsaka, has ended. 28 29 30 31 32 T 1780: 38.863b. T 1781: 38.913c. T 1825: 42.180a. T 1733: 35.122b. Fazang’s Huayan jing zhuanji (T 2073: 51.153a) and Sengxiang’s Fahua zhuanji (T 2068: 51.153ab) attribute a similar account to Paramārtha. 33 T 2034: 49.104b. 34 T 1595: 31.263a. 35 This title may agree with Dharmarakṣa’s Chinese translation of the Daśabhūmika: Jianbei yiqie zhi de jing . 法華傳記 漸備一切智徳經 華嚴經傳記 僧詳 ŌTAKE SUSUMU 94 byang chub sems dpa’i sde snod / sangs rgyas phal po che theg pa chen po’i mdo la rims kyis / thams cad mkhyen pa’i ye shes kyi ’byung gnas zhes bya ba sa bcu pa bstan pa’i le’u rdzogs so //36 Judging from the argument above, we may suppose the possibility that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka was known not only in Central Asia but also in southern India where Paramārtha was from.37 In this connection, I recently found an interesting passage in a commentary on the Mahāyānasaṃgraha, namely the Vivṛtaguhyārthapiṇḍavyākhyā (VGPV) preserved in the Tibetan Tanjur. When commenting on the passage: “And they (i.e., the ten themes treated by the Mahāyānasaṃgraha) show the superiority of the Great Vehicle. The Bhagavat reserves the teaching only for bodhisattvas” in the Mahāyānasaṃgraha Prastāvanā 3, the VGPV states as follows: This means that [the Great Vehicle is] superior because its listeners are superior. That is to say, according to disciples’ grades, [the Buddha’s] teaching is [classified as] inferior and superior. For example, the inferior was taught to the merchants Trapuṣa and Ballika because they were ordinary men; the middle was taught to a group of five [men] because they were at the stage of saints; the eightfold Prajñāpāramitās were taught to bodhisattvas, and [the Prajñāpāramitās] are superior in eliminating conceptually-imagined forms. The eightfold [Prajñāpāramitās] are the teachings of the Prajñāpāramitās as follows: the Triśatikā, Pañcaśatikā, Saptaśatikā, Sārdhadviśatikā, Aṣṭasāhasrikā, Aṣṭādaśasāhasrikā, Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā, and Śatasāhasrikā. The teaching of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka and the like is superior to all because, in these [sūtras], by teaching the one-vehicle the people of undetermined gotra are led [to the bodhisattva’s gotra]. The teaching of the Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra and the like is the most excellent because in these [sūtras] it is taught that Tathāgatas remain and deliver people as long as the world exists. Teaching the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra is the most excellent and superior because this sūtra was taught immediately after the Tathāgata attained enlightenment, only to those bodhisattvas all over the world who possess the supernatural power of the ten stages. ’dis ni gdul ba mchog nyid kyi phyir mchog nyid do zhes bya ba’i tha tshig go // ’di ltar gdul ba’i dbang gis kyang bstan pa dman pa dang mchog [D : P ad. pa dang] nyid yin te / dper na so so’i skye bo yin pa’i phyir [D : P om. phyir] tshong pa ga gon dang mdzes ldan dag gi ched du ni dman pa bstan / ’phags pa’i skabs yin pas lnga sde’i dbang du mdzad nas ni ’bring / byang chub sems rnams kyi dbang du mdzad nas ni / shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa rnam pa brgyad bstan te / brtags pa’i rnam pa dgag pa’i sgo nas mchog go // rnam pa brgyad ni shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa sum brgya dang / lnga brgya dang / bdun brgya pa dang / nyis stong lnga brgya pa dang / brgyad stong pa dang / khri brgyad stong pa dang / nyi khri lnga stong pa dang / ’bum pa bstan pa yin no // dam pa’i chos pa dma dkal po la sogs pa bstan pa ni rab kyi mchog yin te / ’di ltar de las ni theg pa gcig bstan pas ma nges pa’i rigs can rnams kyang de las ’dren to // mya ngan las ’das pa chen po’i mdo la sogs pa bstan pa ni rab kyi phul yin te / ’di ltar de las ni de bzhin gshegs pa rnams ’khor ba ji srid par bzhugs shing sems can gyi don mdzad par bstan to // sangs rgyas phal po che’i mdo bstan pa ni rab kyi phul gyi mchog yin te / ’di ltar mdo de ni de bzhin gshegs pa 歴代三寶紀 36 de la Vallée Poussin 1962: no.132. 37 According to the Lidai sanbao ji (T 2034: 49.88b), Paramārtha brought Sanskrit manuscripts of the Huayan jing, Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra and Suvarṇaprabhāsa-sūtra ( ) to China. 槃金光明 華嚴涅 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 95 mngon par rdzogs par sangs rgyas nas ring po ma lon par phyogs bcu na gnas pa’i byang chub sems dpa’ sa bcu’i dbang phyug rnams la la na cig tu [P : D om. tu] rab tu bstan to //38 Here we meet with a kind of doctrinal classification. Trapuṣa and Ballika are the first lay Buddhists who supplied food to the Buddha when he attained enlightenment. The group of five men are the monks to whom the Buddha gave his first sermon. Most interesting in the previous discussion is the reference to the large Buddhāvataṃsaka as representing the most superlative teaching of Buddhism. Given that the VGPV was produced in India, this passage furnishes a piece of evidence that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka had circulated in India. The VGPV is extant only in Tibetan. Neither its author nor its translator is known. The only certain date of completion is 824, when the Ldan dkar ma catalogue in which the VGPV is listed was compiled. In an earlier article, I supposed that the VGPV was produced in sixth century Central Asia, where the large Buddhāvataṃsaka had enjoyed popularity.39 However this remains but a hypothesis. At the present, I am still investigating the origin of the VGPV through an analysis of its contents. Regardless of whether the VGPV was compiled in India or Central Asia, it is likely that such a high assessment of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka in the western region influenced Chinese Buddhism. The rise of Huayan worship in China may have been based on admiration for the large Buddhāvataṃsaka in the western regions. The Original Buddhāvataṃsaka Group (1) Modern scholars tend to think that various sūtras each bearing its own name (Daśabhūmika, etc.) were collected and then that collection was entitled the Buddhāvataṃsaka. In other words, the title Buddhāvataṃsaka is not the name of each included sūtra but the name of the collection as a whole. However careful examination of the related materials leads us to conclude that before the compilation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka a kind of sūtra was in circulation which, while each bore its own individual name on one hand, also shared the alternate title Buddhāvataṃsaka on the other. Some of these texts are not included in the current large Buddhāvataṃsakas, yet they seem to have been the precursors of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. I would like to refer to these texts as the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group and suppose that this group contains at least the following four sūtras: Sūtra 1 Fo shuo dousha jing and 189) 佛説兜沙經 (T 280. Translated by Lokakṣema between 146 38 D 4052: Ri 301a3–301b1; P 5553: Li 362a3–362b1. 39 Ōtake 2002. ŌTAKE SUSUMU 96 如來名號品 Rulai minghao pin (Chapter 3 of Buddhabhadra’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka; Chapter 7 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka) Sangs rgyas kyi mtshan shin tu bstan pa or *Buddhalakṣaṇaprakāśa (Chapter 12 of the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka) Sūtra 2 信力入印法門經 Xinli ruyin famen jing (T 305. Translated by Dharmaruci in 504) Dad pa’i stobs bskyed pa la ’jug pa’i phyag rgya zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo (Śraddhābalādhānāvatāramudrā nāma mahāyāna-sūtram) Sūtra 3 度諸佛境界智光嚴經 佛華嚴入如來徳智不思議境界經 大方廣入如來智徳不思議經 Du zhufo jingjie zhiguangyan jing (T 302. Translator unknown) Fo huayan ru rulai de zhi busiyi jingjie jing (T 303. Translated by Jñānagupta between 581 and 601) Dafangguang ru rulai zhi de busiyi jing (T 304. Translated by Śikṣānanda between 652 and 710) De bzhin gshegs pa’i yon tan dang ye shes bsam gyis mi khyab pa’i yul la ’jug pa bstan pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo (Tathāgataguṇajñānācintyaviṣayāvatāranirdeśa nāma mahāyāna-sūtram). Sūtra 4 佛藏大方等經 菩薩明難品 菩薩問明品 問明 Fozang dafangdeng jing (Alternative title: Wen mingxian jing . Translator unknown; not extant) Pusa mingnan pin (Chapter 6 of Buddhabhadra’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka) Pusa wenming pin (Chapter 10 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka) Byang chub sems dpa’s dris pa snang ba or *Bodhisattvapraśnāloka (Chapter 15 of the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka) 顯經 佛説兜沙經 Concerning Sūtra 1, Lokakṣema’s Fo shuo dousha jing , the earliest translation of Sūtra 1, deserves our notice. Modern scholars have identified “dousha”40 hypothetically with the Sanskrit “toṣa”, “tathāgata”, “daśottama”, “daśaka” and so on. However it seems to me natural to identify this transcription with “avataṃsaka” or its Prākrit form, something like “avataṃsa” or “vataṃsa” in the Pāli language. With respect to Sūtra 2, I have located an Indian Buddhist treatise which calls this sūtra the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The Sūtrasamuccaya attributed to Nāgārjuna, quotes three times from the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Sangs rgyas phal po che’i 40 According to W. South Coblin’s reconstruction, the transcription nounced “*tou sla” in Eastern Han. See Coblin 1983: 248. 兜沙 may have been pro- 97 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA mdo),41 and they all correspond with Sūtra 2.42 Along the same lines, what the Huayan jing liangjuan zhigui (HLZh), a sixth century text attributed to Sanzang Fotuo (the Tripiṭaka Master Buddha), has to say on Sūtra 2 rates attention: 三藏佛陀 華嚴經兩卷旨歸 The Śraddhābalādhānāvatāramudrā[dharmaparyāya]-sūtra was preached at the meeting held in the Hall of Brightness; it is a detached part of the Huayan [jing]. 信力入印法門經普光會訖是華嚴別傳。 43 This “Hall of Brightness” is the name of the hall where the large Buddhāvataṃsaka is said to have been partly preached (for further information, see below). As Ishii Kōsei44, who edited and annotated the concerned text, pointed out, this statement is referred to in the Huayan jing zhuanji : 華嚴經傳記 The Xinli ruyin famen jing in five volumes was translated in the Yuan Wei era by Dharmaruci of southern India, whose name can be rendered into Chinese as Xifa. Concerning the above-mentioned sūtra, the old masters have said that this is a part of the Huayan [jing] which has been separated from it. [However,] once we examine its contents carefully throughout the text, it turns out that there is nothing resembling the Huayan [jing] at all. Recently I checked a Sanskrit manuscript [of the Huayan jing] and found that there is also no chapter like this. Further investigation is required. 信 力 入印 法 門經 五卷 元 魏南 天竺 曇 摩流 支魏 云 希法 譯 右件 經古 徳 相傳 云是 華 嚴別 品。詳其文句始終 総無華嚴流類。近勘梵本 亦無此品。請後人詳 究。 45 Although the Huayan jing zhuanji questioned the affiliation of Sūtra 2 with the Huayan jing, what the HLZh says is, as we have already seen, corroborated by the Sūtrasamuccaya. Having remarked on the absence of Chinese thought in the HLZh, Ishii Kōsei inferred that this text was based partly on accounts from foreign monks.46 Ishii’s hypothesis might be supported by the fact I have pointed out above. With respect to Sūtra 3, we find the suffix fo huayan in the title of Jñānagupta’s version. This must be a translation of Buddhāvataṃsaka. Along with bearing its own title as the Tathāgataguṇajñānācintyaviṣayāvatāranirdeśa, this sūtra seems to have been given the alternate title of Buddhāvataṃsaka as well. With respect to Sūtra 4, the Fozang dafangdeng jing or the Wen mingxian jing requires our attention. This translation was first recorded as an anonymous translation in Fajing’s catalogue of sūtras, Zhongjing mulu 47 which was compiled in 594. Another catalogue, the Lidai sanbao ji compiled in 597, ascribes this translation to Daoyan in the Liusong 佛華嚴 經目録 三寶紀 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 問明顯經 法經 D ki 198a8–198b5; 213a7–214b5; 214b6–215a4. Dharmaruci’s translation: T 305: 10.945c–946a; 952ab; 958b. Ishii 1996: 533. Ishii 1996: 28–29. T 2073: 51.156a. Ishii 1996: 67. T 2146: 55.119c 佛藏大方等經 道嚴 衆 歴代 劉 ŌTAKE SUSUMU 98 宋 era (420–478), 48 though its status remains uncertain because this catalogue is, as is well known, full of unwarranted attributions. I regard the title Fozang dafangdeng jing as a translation of *Buddhāvataṃsaka nāma mahāvaipulya-sūtram, because we find that an old translation of the Lokottaraparivarta, the Du shi pin jing translated by Dharmarakṣa in 291, renders Buddhāvataṃsaka with Fozang : 度世品經 佛藏 佛蔵三昧正受 其三昧名佛華嚴 廣大三昧 Dharmarakṣa’s translation: Fozang sanmei zhengshou Buddhabhadra’s translation: Qi sanmei ming fo huayan Śikṣānanda’s translation: Guangda sanmei ming fo hua zhuangyan 名佛華莊嚴 51 49 50 Tibetan translation: ting nge ’dzin chen po sangs rgyas phal po che zhes bya ba52 Along with bearing its own title as the *Praśnāloka-sūtra, this sūtra seems to have been given the alternate title of “Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra as well. In addition to the above-mentioned alternate title common to the four sūtras, we find at least three relationships between these four texts: First, at the end of Sūtra 1, ten bodhisattvas, one from each of the ten worlds, come to our world. Sūtra 4 was preached by these bodhisattvas. Second, at the beginning of Sūtras 2 and 3, the Buddha’s twenty-one qualities are enumerated.53 The first ten qualities also appear at the beginning of Sūtra 1. This may indicate that Sūtra 1 precedes Sūtras 2 and 3. Third, each sūtra is said to have been preached at the meeting held in the *Samantaprabhaḥ prāsādaḥ or the Hall of Brightness. Sūtra 1 光景甚明 普光法堂 普光明殿 Lokakṣema’s translation: Guangjing shenming Buddhabhadra’s translation: Puguang fatang Śikṣānanda’s translation: Puguang mingdian Tibetan translation: Pho brang kun tu ’od 57 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 54 55 56 T 2034: 49.94a. T 292: 10.618a. T 278: 9.631c. T 279: 10.279b. P 761: Shi 145a2. These twenty-one qualities seem to have attracted the attention of the Yogācāra school, for the same qualities are quoted in the Mahāyānasaṃgraha I.33 and employed also in the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra and the Buddhabhūmi-sūtra, both produced by that school. T 280: 10.445a. T 278: 9.418c. T 279: 10.57c. P 761: Yi 189b5. ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA Sūtra 2 Dharmaruci’s translation: Puguang fadian guangjing shenming 景甚明 58 99 普光法殿光 Tibetan translation: Kun nas ’od kyi khang pa59 Sūtra 3 光明宮殿 普光堂 普光明殿 Anonymous translation: Guangming gongdian 61 Jñānagupta’s translation: Puguang tang Śikṣānanda’s translation: Puguangming dian Tibetan translation: Kun du ’od kyi khang bzangs63 60 62 Sūtra 4 (In the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, this is included in a series of the sermons held in the Hall of Brightness Puguang fatang hui .) 普光法堂會 To the best of my knowledge, among the Buddhist sūtras, the name of the location *Samantaprabhaḥ prāsādaḥ occurs only in the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, Sūtra 2 and Sūtra 3. When expounding on this place, Fazang, in his commentary on the large Buddhāvataṃsaka (Huayan jing tanxuan ji ), introduces the following legend: 華嚴經探玄記 Tradition says: the Hall of Brightness lies about three miles southeast of the bodhi-tree and on the bank of the river Hiraṇyavatī. When the Buddha attained his first enlightenment, dragons saw the Buddha’s sitting outside under the tree, and thus made this hall for Him. This is indeed because dragons are apt to shelter someone when they admire him. 相 傳。普光堂 在 菩 提 樹 東 南 可 三 里 許 熙 連 河 曲 内。佛 初 成 道 諸 龍 見 佛 樹 下 露 坐 遂 爲佛 造 此 法 堂。良 以 諸 龍 多 爲 陰覆 供 養 故 耳。 64 This legend may have originated in India. However, we should not take the legend as indicating that such a hall ever existed in India as a matter of historical fact. Among the translations of Sūtra 1 Lokakṣema’s translation has only the expression guangjing shen ming (the spectacle was very bright) as an equivalent to other translations’ Hall of Brightness. This suggests that when the oldest translation of Sūtra 1 was produced, the sūtra spoke only of the brightness of the Buddha’s enlightenment, and did not make use of the proper noun the Hall of Brightness. This is also the case in the Dengmu pusa suowen sanmei jing 光景甚明 等目菩薩所問三昧經 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 T 305: 10.928c. P 867: Tsu 15. T 302: 10.912a. T 303: 10.917b. T 304: 10.924b. P 852: Mu 116a5. T 1733: 35.167b. 100 ŌTAKE SUSUMU (*Samantanetraparipṛcchāsamādhi-sūtra), translated by Dharmarakṣa, which was later incorporated into both Śikṣānanda’s and the Tibetan versions of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka as the chapter entitled the Ten Meditations (Shiding pin ; Ting nge ’dzin bcu). Dharmarakṣa’s translation has, instead of the other translation’s Hall of Brightness, the expression guangwei mingyao (the light was very bright). I will compare them below. In any event, we should conclude that the Hall of Brightness did not historically exist. In fact, it must have been an imaginary construction derived from the brightness of the Buddha’s enlightenment. Among these four sūtras Sūtra 2 and Sūtra 3 are not included in the large Buddhāvataṃsakas extant in both Chinese and Tibetan. However, concerning Sūtra 3, let us take note of the following passage from Zhiyan’s Kong mu zhang : 光煒明燿 智儼 十定品 孔目章 As far as the Sanskrit manuscript preserved in the great Ci’en temple is concerned, the ninth meeting should be added [to the Huayan jing]. There the Buddha stayed under the tree and in the Hall of Brightness, and then preached on the Rulai gongde jingjie shang jingjie ru pin. 若依大慈恩寺梵本増第九會。佛遊於樹下及普光堂處説如來功徳境界上境界入品。 65 如來功徳境界上境界入品 This Rulai gongde jingjie shang jingjie ru pin may correspond to our Sūtra 3.66 This view is supported by the Huayan jing zhuanji which states that some Sanskrit manuscripts of the Huayan jing included Sūtra 3 as a chapter. Of the translations of Sūtra 3, the text relates the follows: 經傳記 華嚴 不思議境界 Although the above-mentioned sūtras such as the Busiyi jingjie are not included in the current [Chinese] Huayan [jing], all Sanskrit manuscripts [of the Huayan jing] have them. They must be detached parts of this sūtra (Huayan jing). Since the Sanskrit manuscripts do not give [them] any chapter numbers, we should not incorporate [them] into the large [Huayan] collection. 右已上不思議境界等經現本華嚴内雖無此等品然勘梵本並皆具有。固是此經別行品 會。爲梵本不題品次不編入大部。 67 This suggests that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka first incorporated Sūtra 3 in the early half of the seventh century. To sum up, Sūtras 1, 3 and 4 had been referred to by the title Buddhāvataṃsaka even before they were incorporated into the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, and Sūtra 2 was called the Buddhāvataṃsaka even though it was never assimilated into the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. Based on these facts, it should be clear that a group of sūtras sharing the alternate title Buddhāvataṃsaka existed before the compilation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. 65 T 1870: 45.587c. 66 At the very least, it does not correspond to either the Da fangguang Huayan jing busiyi fo jingjie fen translated by Devaprajñā (T 300) or to the Da fangguang rulai busiyi jingjie jing translated by Śikṣānanda (T 301), for both those sūtras were not taught in the Hall of Brightness. 67 T 2073: 51.156a. 大方廣華嚴經不思議佛境界分 大方廣如來不思議境界經 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 101 The Original Buddhāvataṃsaka Group (2) Besides Sūtras 1–4, we may add the following three Sūtras (5–7) to the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group, though I have yet to succeed in finding any evidence that they shared the alternate title Buddhāvataṃsaka. Sūtra 5 賢首菩薩品 賢首品 Xianshou pusa pin (Chapter 8 of Buddhabhadra’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka) Xianshou pin (Chapter 12 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka) Bzang po’i dpal or *Bhadraśrī (Chapter 17 of the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka) Sūtra 6 等目菩薩所問三昧經 Dengmu pusa suowen sanmei jing (T 288. Translated by Dharmarakṣa in 291) Shiding pin (Chapter 27 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka) Ting nge ’dzin bcu or *Daśasamādhi[ka] (Chapter 33 of the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka) 十定品 Sūtra 7 度世品經 離世間品 Du shi pin jing (T 292. Translated by Dharmarakṣa in 291) Li shijian pin (Chapter 33 of Buddhabhadra’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka; Chapter 38 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka) ’Jig rten las ’das pa; Cited in a large number of Sanskrit texts as the Lokottaraparivarta (Chapter 44 of the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka) My view which regards them as belonging to the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group is based on the following reasons: First, these three sūtras are, like Sūtras 1–4, said to have been preached at the meeting held in the Hall of Brightness. Sūtra 5 (In the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, this is included in the series of the sermons held in the Hall of Brightness Puguang fatang hui .) 普光法堂會 Sūtra 6 光煒明燿 普光明殿 68 Dharmarakṣa’s translation: Guangwei mingyao 69 Śikṣānanda’s translation: Pu guangming dian Tibetan translation: pho brang ’od thams cad kyi snying po can70 68 T 288: 10.574c. 69 T 279: 10.211a. 70 P 761: Li 174b3. 102 ŌTAKE SUSUMU Sūtra 7 普光講堂 普光法堂 普光明殿 71 Dharmarakṣa’s translation: Puguang jiangtang 72 Buddhabhadra’s translation: Puguang fatang 73 Śikṣānanda’s translation: Pu guangming dian 74 Tibetan translation: pho brang ’od kun nas ’byung ba Second, Sūtra 5 is said to have been preached by *Bhadraśrī, one of the ten bodhisattvas who came to the world at the end of Sūtra 1. Third, at the beginning of Sūtra 7, just like Sūtras 1–3, the Buddha’s twenty-one qualities are enumerated. Fourth, Sūtras 5 and 7 are, as we have seen above, the only two places in which the term “Buddhāvataṃsaka meditation” appears. Of far greater interest is that with respect to the description of meditation there is an obvious parallelism between Sūtras 5 and 6. Let us compare three passages from Sūtras 5 and 6 by using both Śikṣānanda’s and the Tibetan translations: Passage 175 Sūtra 5 Śikṣānanda’s translation: 有妙蓮華光莊嚴 量等三千大千界 其身端坐悉充滿 是此三昧神通力 76 Tibetan translation: de dag pad mo mdzes pa stong gsum rtsam // ’od kyis rnam rgyan byin gyis brlab byas shing // lus gcig skyil mo krung gi pad mo de // yongs su rgyas ston ting ’dzin rnam par ’phrul //77 Sanskrit fragment: te trisahasrapramāṇu vicitraṃ padmam adhiṣṭhihi raśmiviyūhāḥ / kāyaparyaṅka parisphuṭa padmaṃ darśayi eṣa samādhivikurvā //78 71 72 73 74 75 T 292: 10.617b. T 278: 9.631b. T 279: 10.279a. P 761: Shi 142b2. For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 355, 17–20 and Cleary 1986: 131. 76 T 279: 10.77c. 77 P 761: Yi 249b4–5. 78 Ś 343, 13–14. ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 103 Sūtra 6 Śikṣānanda’s translation: 佛子。菩 薩 摩 訶 薩 以 三 千 大 千 世界 爲一蓮 華 現 身 遍 此 蓮 華 之 上結 跏 趺 坐。 79 Tibetan translation: ’di la byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ chen po / stong gsum gyi stong chen po’i ’jig rten gyi khams pad mo’i gcig tu byin gyis rlabs te / pad mo gcig de rang gi skyil mo krung gis rgyas par khyab par byin gyis rlab bo //80 Passage 281 Sūtra 5 Śikṣānanda’s translation: 或於東方入正定 而於西方從定出 或於西方入正定 而於東方從定出 或於餘方入正定 而於餘方從定出 如是入出遍十方 是名菩薩三昧力 82 Tibetan translation: de dag shar gyi phyogs su mnyam bzhag cing // dpa’ bo de dag nub kyi phyogs nas ldang // nub kyi phyogs su de bzhin mnyam bzhag cing // shar gyi phyogs nas bdag nyid che ba ldang // de bzhin phyogs bcu kun tu ’jug byed de // phyogs rnams kun tu mnyam par gzhag byas shing // ye shes yon tan mang po gzhan nas ldang // drang srong ting ’dzin rnam ’phrul de ’dra’o //83 Sūtra 6 Śikṣānanda’s translation: 佛子。此菩薩摩訶薩有十種入三昧差別智。何者爲十。所謂。東方入定西方起。西方 入定東方起。南方入定北方起。北方入定南方起。東北方入定西南方起。西南方入定 東北方起。西北方入定東南方起。東南方入定西北方起。下方入定上方起。上方入定 下方起。是爲十。 84 79 T 279: 10.213b. 80 P 761: Li 184b1–2. 81 For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 355, 41–356, 5 and Cleary 1986: 131. 82 T 279: 10.77c. 83 P 761: Yi 250a1–3. 84 T 279: 10.213b. ŌTAKE SUSUMU 104 Tibetan translation: kye rgyal ba’i sras dag bcu po dag ’di rnams ni byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ chen po rnams kyi ting nge ’dzin gyi bye brag la ’jug pa’i ye shes te / bcu gang zhe na ’di ltar [1.] shar phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te lho phyogs nas rnam par ldang ba dang / [2.] lho phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / shar phyogs nas rnam par ldang ba dang / [3.] shar dang byang mtshams su snyoms par zhugs te lho nub kyi phyogs nas rnam par ldang ba dang / [4.] lho nub kyi phyogs mtshams su snyoms par zhugs te / shar phyogs dang byang gi phyogs mtshams nas ldang ba dang / [5.] lho phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / byang phyogs nas rnam par ldang dang / [6.] byang phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / lho phyogs nas rnam par ldang dang / [7.] nub dang byang gi phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / shar dang lho’i phyogs mtshams nas rnam par ldang dang / [8.] shar dang lho’i phyogs mtshams su snyoms par zhugs shing / nub dang byang gi mtshams nas rnam par ldang dang / [9.] ’og gi phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / steng gi phyogs nas rnam par ldang dang / [10.] steng gi phyogs su sntoms par zhugs shing / ’og gi phyogs nas rnam par ldang ste / kye rgyal ba’i sras ’di rnams ni byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ chen po dag gi ting nge ’dzin gyi bye brag la ’jug pa’i ye shes so //85 Passage 386 Sūtra 5 Śikṣānanda’s translation: 阿脩羅 蹈 剛際海 海 深僅 半 首共須彌正齊 彼有貪欲瞋恚癡 尚能現此大神通 況伏魔怨照世燈 而無自在威神力 如 變作身 金 中立 水至 其 等 87 Tibetan translation: sgra bsnyan ci dga’ tshul dang lus rdzu na // rdo rje gzhi la rkang pa’i mthil bor ni // rgya mtsho’i zabs ring lta bar phyed cam byed // ri rab rtse dang nyid kyi mgo yang snyom // de ni ’dod chags zhe sdang gti mug can // ’on kyang de ’dra’i rdzu ’phrul ston byed na // ’jig rten sgron ma bdud rnams yongs ’dul ba // rdzu ’phrul mtha’ yas ci’i phyir ston mi byed //88 Sanskrit fragment: rāhu yathe[ṣa] ya nirmaṇi kāyaṃ kurvati vajrapade talabandham / darśana sāgaru nābhipramāṇaṃ bhoti sumerutale sama śīrṣaḥ // so ’pi sarāgu sadoṣa samoho rāhu nidarśayi īdṛśa ṛddhī / mārapramardana lokapradīpa kasya na darśayi ṛddhi anantā //89 85 P 761: Li 184a1–8. 86 For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 361, and Cleary 1986: 131, 25 f. 87 T 279: 10.79a. 88 P 761: Yi 253a6–7. 89 Ś 346,11–14. ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 105 Sūtra 6 Śikṣānanda’s translation: 佛子。如羅喉阿脩羅王本身長七百由旬化形長十六萬八千由旬於大海中出其半身與 須彌山而正齊等。佛子。彼阿脩羅王雖化其身長十六萬八千由旬然亦不壞本身之相 諸蘊界處悉皆如本心不錯亂不於變化身而作他想於其本身生非己想本受生身恒受諸 樂。化身常現種種自在神通威力。佛子。阿脩羅王有貪恚癡具足憍慢尚能如是變現 其身。何況菩薩摩訶薩 90 Tibetan translation: kye rgyal ba’i sras dag / ’di lta ste dper na / lha ma yin gyi dbang po sgra can zhes bya ba yod de / de’i rang bzhin gyi lus ni dpag tshad bdun brgya’o // de’i sprul pa’i lus ni dpag tshad brgya stong drug bcu rtsa brgyad de / de’i lus phyed rgya mtsho chen po’i nang na / ’dug kyang lus kyi stong gyen du ’phags pa ri rab kyi rtsa mo dang snyam pa yang / kye rgyal ba’i sras lha ma yin gyi dbang po sgra can de sprul pa’i lus tshad brgya stong phrag drug bcu rtsa brgyad pa des sngon gyi lus ’jig par mi byed do // sngon skye ba’i phung po dang khams dang skye mched kyang yongs su nyams par mi ’gyur ro // lus chen po de yod pas kyang sprul pa’i lus gzhan du ’du shes par mi ’gyur te / lus snga ma shi ’phos pa’i ’du shes kyang med la bsar du skyes pa’i lus kyis kyang nyams dga’ ba rab tu thos pa yin no // sprul pa’i lus des mthu dang dbang byed par dbang sbyar bar yang yang dag par ston na / rmongs shing ’khrul par gyur pa ’ang med de / lha ma yin gyi dbang po sgra gcan de ni ’dod chags can / zhe sdang can / gti mug can te de brgyal dang dregs pa dang / ldan yang rgya mtsho’i nang na gnas shing rgya mtsho’i nang gi khyim na ’du // bzhin du rnam pa de lta bu’i sprul pa’i lus kyis mngon par ’phags te / byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ chen po…91 In short, sūtras that belong to the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group share some characteristics and are roughly connected each other. It is quite possible that the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group played a leading role in the compilation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. Conclusion My suggestions in this paper are as follows: 1. The Sanskrit equivalent for the term “Huayan” is not “Gaṇḍavyūha” but “Avataṃsaka”; 2. The Sarvāstivāda literature and the Bhadraśrī chapter of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka share the term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” which indicates a miracle no one is able to perform besides the Buddha; 90 T 279: 10.213b–c. 91 P 761: Li 184b7–185a5. ŌTAKE SUSUMU 106 3. The large Buddhāvataṃsaka does not seem to have been compiled in Central Asia; 4. Before the compilation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, some sūtras sharing the alternate title “Buddhāvataṃsaka” were in circulation. I designated these sūtras as the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group. The majority of this group was later incorporated into the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. It seems likely that this group was a precursor to the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. Although most of the sūtras of the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group appear to have formed the nucleus of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, this fact does not imply that such sūtras belong to the oldest strata of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. Every sūtra in this group explicitly refers to the ten stages (daśabhūmi), so it is certain that at least the Daśabhūmika predates the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group. In a future paper I will go into more detail concerning the results of my research on the formation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. References Cleary, Thomas, trans.: The Flower Ornament Scripture volume 1. Boston and London: Shambhala publications, 1985. Cleary, Thomas, trans.: The Flower Ornament Scripture volume 2. Boston and London: Shambhala publications, 1986. Coblin, South W.: A Handbook of Eastern Han Sound Glosses. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1983. : Saiiki no Bukkyō [Buddhism of Western Regions]. Kyoto: Hadani Ryōtai Hōrinkan, 1914. Hirakawa Akira : A History of Indian Buddhism (translated by Paul Groner). Hawaii: University of Hawaii press, 1990. Ishii Kōsei : Kegon shisō no kenkyū [A study of Kegon thought]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1996. Matsuda Kazunobu : “Darairama jūsansei kizō no ichiren no nepāru shahon ni tsuite” 13 [Concerning the Nepalese manuscript presented by the 13th Dalai Lama]. Nippon seizō gakkai nenpō (1988) 34: pp. 16–20 (L). Mironov, N.D.: Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Indicorum qui in Academiae Imperialis Scientiarum Petropolitanae Museo Asiatico. Petropoli, 1914. : “Vivṛtaguhyārthapiṇḍavyākhyā no in’yō bunken” VivṛtaguhyārthaŌtake Susumu piṇḍavyākhyā [Texts quoted in the Vivṛtaguhyārthapiṇḍavyākhyā]. Tōhōgaku (2002) 106: pp. 138–124. de la Vallée Poussin, Louis: Catalogue of the Tibetan manuscripts from Tun-Huang in the India Office Library. London: Oxford University Press, 1962. 羽渓了諦 西域の仏教 平川彰 石井公成 華厳思想の研究 松田和信 ダライラマ 世寄贈の一連のネパール写本について 方学 大竹晋 の引用文献 日本西蔵学会年報 東 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 櫻部建 寺本婉雅 華厳という語について 107 Sakurabe Hajime : “Kegon to iu go ni tsuite” [Concerning the word Kegon]. Ōtani gakuhō (1969) 181, 49–1: pp. 26–34. Teramoto Enga : Uten koku shi [History of Khotan]. Kyoto: Chōjiyashoten, 1921. 大谷学報 于闐国史 JAN NATTIER INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT: NEW LIGHT FROM CHINESE SOURCES* 華嚴經 The scripture known as the Buddhāvataṃsaka1 (Huayan jing , Jpn. Kegonkyō) has long played a major role in East Asian Buddhism. Two complete translations of the sūtra are extant in Chinese, one produced by the Indian translator Buddhabhadra in the early fifth century CE (Dafangguang fo huayan jing , *Mahāvaipulya-buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra)2 and another by the same title produced by the Khotanese translator Śikṣānanda at the end of the seventh century CE.3 These two translations inspired numerous commentaries composed in East Asia, and they were widely cited in other texts. And in the well-known systems of doctrinal taxonomy (panjiao ) that were widely employed in East Asia as a means of organizing the chaotic richness of the Buddhist scriptures, the Huayan jing holds pride of place as the first discourse preached by the Buddha after his awakening. No Indic-language version of the Buddhāvataṃsaka as a whole has been preserved, though two separate texts now included within this voluminous scripture – the Daśabhūmika and the Gaṇḍavyūha – are still extant in Sanskrit. A Tibetan translation of the Buddhāvataṃsaka was also produced around 800 CE (Sangs-rgyas phal-po-che zhes-bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa chen-po’i mdo),4 but it never approached the level of popularity of the Huayan jing in China. It is only natural, therefore, that most of the papers in this volume should be devoted to the legacy of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in East Asia. The Buddhāvataṃsaka, however, also belongs to the literary heritage of India, and it is from this angle that I would like to approach the text here. An insuperable obstacle to such an investigation might seem to be posed, at first glance, by the fact that most of the text has not been preserved in any Indic language. There is, how- 佛馱跋陀羅 方廣佛華嚴經 實叉難陀 大 判教 * 1 2 3 4 I would like to thank to John R. McRae, Peter Skilling and Stefano Zacchetti for helpful comments and suggestions on an earlier draft of this paper. Any errors that remain, of course, are my own. On the rationale for using this title, rather than the more common Avataṃsaka-sūtra, see Sakurabe 1969 and the paper by ŌTAKE Susumu in this volume. T 278. T 279. Peking/Ōtani 761. 110 JAN NATTIER ever, a group of Chinese translations that have preserved the content of this text at an early stage of its development. Indeed, there is reason to think that these translations can reveal the shape of what might be called the “Proto-Buddhāvataṃsaka.” In this paper, therefore, I will focus on what the content of these early translations can tell us about the antecedents of Huayan thought in India and about the early literary history of the Buddhāvataṃsaka itself. For this purpose our most important sources are not the Chinese and Tibetan translations of the large (the so-called “complete”) Buddhāvataṃsaka, nor even the two parts of the text that have survived in Sanskrit. Instead, for the study of the antecedents of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in India it is a group of early Chinese translations – often (and, as we shall see, erroneously) described as excerpts from the larger text – which provide our earliest window into the content of what would eventually develop into the text known as the Buddhāvataṃsaka.5 Surprisingly, these texts have received little serious scholarly attention to date, despite the fact that they are not only vital to our understanding of the early development of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in India but were actively appropriated by the composers of indigenous scriptures (both Buddhist and Daoist) in China.6 The oldest of these texts is the Dousha jing (T 280), produced by Lokakṣema in the latter part of the second century CE; the next is the Pusa benye jing (T 281), translated by Zhi Qian in the early to midthird century. There is considerable overlap between these two texts, for the first third of Zhi Qian’s translation contains material that corresponds in its general content (though not in its precise wording) to Lokakṣema’s Dousha jing. The Dousha jing as we have it, however, is not the complete text of Lokakṣema’s original translation. As has long been noted, the sūtra breaks off abruptly, giving the impression that it is only part of a larger work. In an earlier paper I have provided a detailed study of the Dousha jing and related texts, offering evidence that the remaining portion of the text has been preserved in the scriptures now entitled Zhu pusa qiu fo benye jing (T 282) and Pusa shizhu xingdao pin (T 283), respectively.7 Whether deliberately or inadvertently, Lokakṣema’s translation appears to have been separated into three pieces at an early stage of its circulation in China. The opening section has been preserved under the title Dousha jing (T 280), while the other two sections circulated separately and were eventually given titles of their own and assigned to other translators in medieval Chinese catalogues. Since I have provided a detailed discussion of the rationale for this reconstruction in the paper mentioned above, I will not deal extensively with this issue here. In summary form, however, the evidence for this scenario is as follows: 兜沙經 支婁迦讖 菩薩本業經 菩薩十住行道品 5 6 7 支謙 諸菩薩求佛本業經 For an overview of various scholarly positions on the relationship of these early translations to the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka see Kimura 1984. For details on borrowings from these early translations see Appendix 2. Nattier 2005. 111 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT (1) T 280 begins in normal fashion, but ends suddenly without anything resembling a conclusion; T 282 both begins and ends abruptly, while T 283 has no proper beginning and has at least a semblance of an ending. Each of these three texts, in sum, gives the impression not of being a complete sūtra, but a fragment. (2) When these texts are arranged in the sequence T 280 + T 282 + T 283 this anomaly disappears; in fact, when read as a continuous text these three works (which we may refer to as the “Dousha jing group”) offer a parallel to all of the material contained in Zhi Qian’s Pusa benye jing (T 281). The Dousha jing group, in other words, comprises another complete Chinese translation (based on a different Indic-language recension) of the scripture translated by Zhi Qian. (3) The attributions of T 282 and T 283 to translators other than Lokakṣema are late and unreliable, and they need not detain us from considering the possibility that both of these texts were originally part of Lokakṣema’s translation of the Dousha jing. (4) The language used in all three parts of the Dousha jing group is quite typical of Lokakṣema’s vocabulary and style. Indeed, some terms used in T 282 and T 283 are so rare – appearing exclusively, or nearly so, in works translated by Lokakṣema – that they serve as virtual fingerprints of Lokakṣema’s activity. (5) Finally, there is clear continuity within the Dousha jing group, both in the flow of the narrative (which, as noted above, parallels that found in T 281) and in the names of the main characters. A relatively little-known bodhisattva introduced in T 280, Jñānaśrī (Re’nashili ), reappears to ask a question of Mañjuśrī at the beginning of T 282. The bodhisattva Dharmamati (Tanmeimoti ), introduced at the end of T 282, becomes in turn the main character in T 283, where he enters into samādhi and returns to describe what he has experienced there. In sum, there is every reason to treat the three members of the Dousha jing group as three parts of an originally continuous text translated by Lokakṣema. The fact that this version exhibits several small but significant differences in content from the scripture subsequently translated by Zhi Qian as the Pusa benye jing makes it all the more valuable, since it offers testimony that, at the time these scriptures were transmitted to China, the sūtra was already circulating in India in more than one recension.8 Comparing these two scriptures – the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha jing group – with the material found in the Chinese translations of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka, we find an interesting pattern of correspondence. The shorter texts do not correspond to a single section of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka; on the contrary, their content appears in widely separated sections of the larger sūtra. Significantly, these various “pieces” occur in precisely the same sequence in the Pusa benye jing and in the Dousha jing group as they do in the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka translations. Using 惹那師利 8 曇昧摩提 Though Zhi Qian is renowned for having revised earlier Chinese translations of Indian Buddhist texts, there is no evidence that his Pusa benye jing was based on Lokakṣema’s earlier translation; indeed, the two texts appear to be quite independent. For further details see Nattier 2005. 112 JAN NATTIER the section divisions employed in my earlier study and treating the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha jing group together as representing two different recensions of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, these corrrespondences are the following:9 Smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka Buddhabhadra’s Huayan jing Śikṣānanda’s Huayan jing §§1–3 first part of chapter 3 first part of chapter 7 §4 opening lines of chapter 5 opening lines of chapter 9 §§5–6 chapter 7 chapter 11 §7 beginning of chapters 9 & 10 beginning of chapters 13 & 14 §§8–9 beginning of chapter 11 beginning of chapter 15 §10 no precise equivalent no precise equivalent The content of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, in other words, does not correspond to just one section of the larger sūtra, but parallels material that is widely scattered in these larger (and later) texts. This comparison exhibits a pattern that is reminiscent of the relationship between the “Smaller Perfection of Wisdom” (the Aṣṭasāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā, or Xiaopin ) and the “Larger Perfection of Wisdom” (Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā, or Dapin ). In the latter case an early (smaller) sūtra has been expanded through countless interpolations interspersed here and there throughout the text, with hardly any material from the earlier work being lost in the process.10 It seems likely that we are observing another example of the same process at work in the formation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka. In sum, there is every reason to think that the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka grew out of a text whose content resembled that of the Pusa benye jing and the (reassembled) Dousha jing. What we have in these two Chinese translations, in other words, are two exemplars, based on two different Indian recensions, of an Indian ancestor of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka. It is important to add, however, that the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka as we have it is not necessarily the “original.” There may well have been antecedents of the smaller text as well, and there is no way to locate its ultimate point of origin. Among extant texts, however, no scripture has yet been identified that can take us to an ear- 小品 大品 19 For a chart of the page and line numbers corresponding to these section numbers see Appendix 1. 10 Elsewhere I have described this as the “club-sandwich” mode of textual expansion. See Nattier 2003a, p. 62, n. 19 for a discussion of this process, which is also found in the Ugraparipṛcchāsūtra. 113 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT lier point. Thus it seems reasonable to take the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, as preserved in the translations by Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian, as the logical point of departure for a discussion of the early history of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in India. The Smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka: An Overview The sūtra opens – as does the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka itself11 – at the site of the Buddha Śākyamuni’s awakening in Māgadha (§1a). In recognition of his accomplishment a large group of bodhisattvas with only one more life to live before the attainment of Buddhahood (yisheng buchu , *ekajātipratibaddha) come to the site. The text does not say where these bodhisattvas have come from, nor does it provide any of their names, but it is effusive in its praise of their paranormal powers, their comprehension of the Dharma,12 and their ability to teach others (§1b). The bodhisattvas think to themselves “The Buddha is mindful of us!” (fo nian wudeng in T 281; in T 280, fo ai wocaodengbei “The Buddha loves us!”), and they then reflect that they want the Buddha to show them all the buddha-fields (§1c), as well as the various qualities and activities of a bodhisattva (§1d). The list of these items varies from one recension to the other, but both versions mention several sets of ten, including ten stages (T 280 shi fa zhu , T 281 shi di ), ten practices (T 280 shi fa suoxing , T 281 shi xing ) ten samādhis (T 280 shi sanmei , T 281 shi ding ). In addition the bodhisattvas wish to be shown the qualities of a Buddha, which include the four things a Buddha does not need to guard, the four fearlessnesses, and so on (§1e). The Buddha, knowing what the bodhisattvas are thinking, responds by illuminating the universe.13 For each of the ten directions the text provides the names of the Buddha and the bodhisattva residing there, as well as the name of the buddha-field itself (§2a–j). These ten bodhisattvas then arrive to join the others at the site of the Buddha’s awakening, each accompanied by an unimaginably large number of other bodhisattvas.14 Each of these bodhisattvas salutes the Buddha Śākyamuni and sits down on a lotus seat (according to T 281) or on a lion seat that spontaneously appears (according to T 280).15 一生補處 佛念吾等 十行 十地 佛愛我曹等輩 十三昧 十法所行 十定 十法住 11 This scene actually occurs several times in the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka; see below, p. 144. 12 More specifically, their comprehension of the “inner and outer dharmas” and the dharmas of the past, future, and present (“three roads” in T 281; for a discussion of the use of tu “road” as a translation of adhvan in the sense of “time” in Zhi Qian’s version see Shi 2000, pp. 43–45. 13 That this is the Buddha’s doing is made explicit only in T 280 at the end of §1e. 14 The arrival of the bodhisattvas is mentioned at the end of each section (§2a–j) in T 280, but only at the end of §2j (in reference, however, to all ten directions) in T 281. 15 The spontaneous appearance of lion seats occurs in other early Chinese Buddhist translations as well; see for example Zhi Qian’s translation of the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (T 474: 14.519b28) and Dharmarakṣa’s translations of the Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra (T 263: 9.63b29) and the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā (T 222: 8.147b9–10). 途 114 JAN NATTIER Mañjuśrī, who appeared near the beginning of the sūtra as the bodhisattva of the eastern direction, then begins to speak (both versions specify that he does so by the Buddha’s power, *buddhānubhāvena). He first exclaims how marvelous this is (§3a), then goes on to remark on the fact that in these buddha-fields beings have different appearances, speak different languages, and so on (§3b). As an example he offers a long list of epithets of the Buddha, stating that different names are used in different places (§3c).16 The Buddha then emits a ray of light from the bottom of his foot,17 illuminating all the features of his own buddha-field: its oceans, mountains, and its four continents (§4a), as well as its various heaven-realms (§4b).18 After noting that each buddha-field has such components (§4c, T 280 only), he then divides his body so as to manifest his form in each of the ten koṭis of buddha-fields, so that all the gods and humans of those realms are able to see him as if he were close by (§4d). At this point T 280 (alone among the various versions of the smaller and larger Buddhāvataṃsaka) recapitulates the list of names of the bodhisattvas and Buddhas of the ten directions, in all probability in lieu of an ending, since the remainder of the text had somehow come to be separated from it. The second part of the text, however (now catalogued in the Taishō edition of the canon as T 282), continues to match the content of T 281, opening this section with a question by the bodhisattva Jñānaśrī, who had been introduced previously in both T 280 (as Re’nashili ) and T 281 (as Zhishou ) as the bodhisattva of the nadir. When Jñānaśrī asks Mañjuśrī about the conduct of the bodhisattva (§5), Mañjuśrī praises him for his question, saying that he will explain the actions of body, speech and mind that enable a bodhisattva to attain good qualities, the implication being that this will enable them, in turn, to eventually attain a buddha-field (§6a). He then gives Jñānaśrī an extended list of prescriptions for how a bodhisattva should practice, describing the good wishes they should direct toward living beings while engaging in a wide range of activities. Of these wishes eleven are to be performed by the householderbodhisattva (§6b), while the vast majority (well over a hundred in each of the two 師利 智首 惹那 16 It is perhaps appropriate, given the emphasis on diversity in this passage, that the list of names given in T 280 does not agree at all with the one found in T 281. For a discussion of the epithets found in Zhi Qian’s list, see Shi 2000: 43 and Nattier 2003b: 234–235. 17 This is somewhat unusual; more commonly Buddhas emit light from the head (as is indeed the case in the “upgraded” echo of this opening scene that occurs at the beginning of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra). The motif of emitting light from the bottom of the foot does occur elsewhere, however; see for example Lokakṣema’s translation of the Ajātaśatru-sūtra (T 626: 15.393c10). In the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā the same event occurs, but it is followed by the emission of light from other parts of the body (including the head) as well; see the Chinese translations by Dharmarakṣa (8.147b14–15), Mokṣala (8.1b10), and Kumārajīva (8.217b12), as well as the Sanskrit (Dutt ed., p. 6, lines 2–10). (I would like to thank Stefano Zacchetti for calling my attention to the occurence of this motif in the Pañcaviṃśati.) 18 It is interesting that there is no mention of the hells (or for that matter, of the lower realms) in this display. 115 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT recensions) are to be carried out after the bodhisattva has left home to become a monk (§6c). The text then states that in this Sahā world-system, hundreds of koṭis of Śakralords (Śakra-devānām indra)19 will create seven-jeweled lion seats for the Buddha. Knowing their thoughts, the Buddha again divides his body in order to manifest himself in each place. The Śakras, in turn, rejoice at the sight (§7a). At this point another group of bodhisattvas arrives from the buddha-fields of the ten directions (§7b). One of these, Dharmamati (T 282 Tanmeimoti , T 281 Fayi ), will be the primary speaker in the following section. When these newly arrived bodhisattvas have assembled Dharmamati goes into a state of samādhi (§8a), during which the Buddhas of the ten directions pat him on the head and congratulate him (§9a).20 Saying that they will teach him about the ten stages of the bodhisattva path, they ask him to pass this information on to others (§9a). Emerging from samādhi, Dharmamati recounts the names of the ten bodhisattva stages (§9b), then provides details concerning the practices appropriate to each (§9b–l). Having done so, he has carried out his assignment, and the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka ends (§10). 曇昧摩提 法意 The Smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka: Major Themes Now that it is clear that the Dousha jing group and the Pusa benye jing are not excerpts from some version of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka, but are translations of an Indian scripture that circulated on its own, we are in a position to ask new questions about its content. How, we may ask, did its authors view the role of the bodhisattva, and how did they envision the universe in which they lived? What kinds of practices were important to them, and how did they understand the meaning of the “Mahāyāna”? In the following discussion I will attempt to sketch the outlines of several themes that now appear, when we read the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka on its own, to have been among the major concerns of its authors. Buddhas of the Ten Directions The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka envisions a vast and symmetrical universe, with buddha-fields located throughout the ten directions. It provides the names of these fields (in transcription in T 280, in translation in T 281), as well as the name of the 19 There should, of course, be only one such figure per world-system (though he can have countless minor gods as his attendants). 20 Considerable additional detail is provided in T 280 (§8b–c). 116 JAN NATTIER presiding Buddha in each. The text also gives the name of one bodhisattva from each world-system, an issue to which we will return below. In tabular form (with the transcriptions from T 280 given first, followed by the translations from T 281) they are the following: E: S: W: N: NE: SE: SW: NW: Nadir: Zenith: Buddha Bodhisattva Buddha-field 阿逝墮/入精進 阿泥羅墮羅 /不捨樂 阿斯墮陀 / 習精進 阿闍墮 /行精進 阿輪那墮國陀/悲精進 阿旃陀墮陀 /盡精進 鬱沈墮大 /上精進 阿波羅墮 /一乘度 楓摩墮羅 /梵精進 墮色 /至精進 文殊師利/敬首 佛陀師利/覺首 羅鄰師利 /寶首 檀那師利 /慧首 群那師利 /德首 那涅羅師利 /目首 惟闇師利 /明首 曇摩師利 /法首 惹那師利 /智首 那軷陀師利 /賢首 訖連桓 / 香林 樓耆洹/ 樂林 波頭洹 /華林 占倍洹 /道林 優彼洹 /青蓮 犍闍洹 /金林 羅憐洹 /寶林 活逸洹 /金剛 潘利洹 /水精 儨提捨洹 /欲林 21 The underlying Indian referents of many of these names are not immediately apparent, but with the help of the Chinese and Tibetan translations of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka (as well as the readings found in certain Buddhist and Daoist texts composed in China that borrowed this list from Zhi Qian’s Pusa benye jing; see Appendix 2), they can be reconstructed with some degree of confidence as follows:22 E: S: W: N: NE: SE: Acalaveda Anelaveda Asitaveda Ācāraveda Aruṇaveda Atyantaveda 洹 Mañjuśrī Buddhaśrī Ratnaśrī Dhanaśrī Guṇaśrī Netraśrī Hiraṇyavarṇa Rucivarṇa Padmavarṇa Campakavarṇa Utpalavarṇa Kāñcanavarṇa 21 So in the Taishō edition (with no indication of any variant readings), but the relative unanimity of huan in the other names suggests that this may have been the original character here as well. There is, in any event, no difference in the Early Middle Chinese pronunciation of the two characters as reconstructed by Pulleyblank (1991: 130). 22 A discussion of the many thorny problems involved in these reconstructions is beyond the scope of the present paper; I hope to deal with these issues in detail in another venue. It is virtually certain that both Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian translated from Prakrit, not Sanskrit, originals, but for ease of recognition and consistency of reference I have given these reconstructions in Sanskrit here. 117 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT SW: NW: Nadir: Zenith: Uttamaveda Aparaveda Brahmaveda Viviktaveda Vidyāśrī Dharmaśrī Jñānaśrī Bhadraśrī Ratnavarṇa Vajravarṇa Sphaṭikavarṇa Sadṛśavarṇa Two things are immediately evident about this list. First is the sweeping symmetry of this vision of the universe: all of the Buddhas have names ending in -veda,23 while all of the bodhisattva-names end in -śrī.24 The names of the buddha-fields are likewise parallel, with each one ending in -varṇa.25 What is found in each of the ten directions, in other words, is paralleled in the other nine.26 Second is the relative obscurity – viewed from the perspective of the Mahāyāna scriptures that were to become most popular in East Asia – of virtually all of these names. In the western direction we do not find Amitābha (or Amitāyus), but a Buddha called Asitaveda, while in the east it is not Akṣobhya but Acalaveda who appears. Nor are the bodhisattvas mentioned here the ones we might expect. In the East one might expect to meet the bodhisattva Gandhahastin, for example, who appears in the Akṣobhyavyūha as the resident Buddha’s designated successor; in the West one might expect to find Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta, who appear in the larger Sukhāvatīvyūha in the same role.27 Instead, the bodhisattva of the western direction is named Ratnaśrī, while in the east we find a well-known figure who also serves as a major interlocutor in the text, the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī.28 Even the bodhi- 23 Zhi Qian appears to have read (or heard) some form of vīrya rather than veda; I have chosen the latter on the basis of the readings that are found in some of Lokakṣema’s transcriptions of these names, as well as their renditions in the corresponding passages in the Chinese and Tibetan versions of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka. In a form of parallelism that is typical of his work, he has rendered each of these names in three-character form. As a result, the presumed ending of vīrya (Ch. jingjin ) has been suppressed in two cases where the first part of the name required three characters in itself. 24 Zhi Qian’s translation of -śrī “glory” as shou “head, foremost” reflects a confusion between a Prakrit form of śrī and śiras “head”; see Karashima 1992: 27 and 266. 25 Zhi Qian, whose buddha-field names end in -lin “grove”, presumably read (or heard) vana “woods” rather than varṇa “color”, or perhaps better in this context “appearance”. (As in the case of the names of the Buddhas, he has occasionally suppressed this final component in order to render each name in parallel fashion, in this case using two characters.) It is possible, in fact, that this was the original reading, though the later Chinese and Tibetan versions all reflect an underlying varṇa. Lokakṣema’s transcriptions cannot definitively resolve the question here. 26 Not all Buddhist scriptures that postulate the presence of Buddhas in all directions portray them in such symmetrical fashion. For a discussion of texts that do not display this symmetry (either in the form of the names or in the number of Buddhas placed in each direction) see Mitomo 1988. 27 On this issue see Nattier 2003c: 191. 28 It is noteworthy that in at least one other source (the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa) we are told that Mañjuśrī had previously inhabited a buddha-field in the eastern direction, but there the buddha-field in question is that of the Buddha Akṣobhya. 精進 首 林 118 JAN NATTIER sattva Samantabhadra and the Buddha Vairocana, who would subsequently play major roles in Huayan thought, are not included in this list.29 Whether the authors of this scripture were unfamiliar with all of these figures or whether they knew of them but chose not to mention them, we cannot say. What we can say, though, is that the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka was the product of a community that not only knew of, but revered, Mañjuśrī. Bodhisattva Practice in Everyday Life A noteworthy feature of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka – and one of the elements that is still a living part of East Asian Buddhist practice today30 – is its detailed prescription for the thoughts that a bodhisattva should bring forth while carrying out ordinary daily activities. All of these thoughts are directed toward the welfare of others, and though well over one hundred such thoughts are described in each of the versions of this smaller sūtra, the format of all of them is the same: “When the bodhisattva is [carrying out a certain activity], he should wish that all living beings [will attain a certain benefit].” These activities range from the impure (enjoying himself in the harem, going to the toilet) to the sublime (being filial to his parents, putting on the monastic robe for the first time), underscoring the fact that, for the authors of this text, the bodhisattva path could be cultivated in the context of virtually every activity.31 These wishes have often been described in secondary literature as “vows” – that is, as promises made by the bodhisattva to accomplish certain things – and when reading only the Chinese translations of the text it is easy to see why this should be the case. Zhi Qian’s rendition of these passages (subsequently adopted by both Buddhabhadra and Śikṣānanda) employs the character yuan , which would later become a technical term in Chinese Buddhism for the vows of a bodhisattva. For example, the sixth wish (to be performed while the bodhisattva is still living at home) reads as follows: 願 When putting on a jeweled necklace, [the bodhisattva] should wish that all living beings will be released from their heavy burden and from the various ornate and desirable things. 墮樓延 29 The name of Vairocana may appear in transcription in Lokakṣema’s version as one of the epithets of Śākyamuni (Huilouyan ; see T 280: 10.446a9 and cf. Coblin 1983: 249, #183). There is no term that can be correlated with it in Zhi Qian’s version, however, and it is difficult to be certain that this restoration is correct. At any rate, the name never appears again in the sūtra. 30 SHI Chikai: personal communication, 2000 (based on her experiences as a Buddhist nun in Taiwan). 31 There are, however, no references to thoughts that the bodhisattva should have while actually violating the precepts against killing, stealing, lying, and so on. (In light of this absence it is probably significant that the text does not hesitate to recommend thoughts to be cultivated while indulging in sexual activity.) INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 著寶瓔珞當願眾生解去重擔諸綺可意 119 32 This might seem, at first glance, to say that the bodhisattva is vowing to cause others to attain release – and, at the same time, to get rid of their jewelry! In other translations by Zhi Qian, however, the term yuan is often used in its more basic meaning of “wish” or even “desire.”33 We should not jump to the conclusion, therefore, that this passage is referring to bodhisattva vows in the technical sense. If we turn to Lokakṣema’s translation for comparison, the corresponding passage reads as follows: 願 When putting on the seven jewels, [the bodhisattva] should think to himself: “May all people below heaven in the ten directions be released from their heavy burden and attain rest”. 菩薩著七寶時心念言十方天下人皆使脫於重擔去悉得止休息 34 This rendition might seem, at first glance, to mean “[I] will cause all people under heaven in the ten directions to be released.” There is no first-person pronoun, however, and Lokakṣema does not shrink from using such pronouns elsewhere in his work. In fact, what we seem to have here is a construction of a quite different kind: the use of the word shi to express the speaker’s wish or hope that a certain situation may come about, as recently documented by KARASHIMA Seishi.35 The Tibetan confirms this interpretation, for here the grammar makes it clear that the bodhisattva is merely wishing, and not vowing, that these good results will come about. The Tibetan reads as follows: 使 When adorning himself with jewels, the bodhisattva should think: “May all beings put down their burden by crossing over from the fearful cycle of becoming.” rgyan-gyis brgyan-pa’i tshe byang-chub sems-dpa’ sems-can thams-cad srid-par ’byungba ’jigs-pa’i pha-rol-tu phyin-pas khur bor-bar gyur-cig ces sems bskyed-de36 四願經 32 T 281: 10.447c1–2. 33 See in particular the Siyuan jing (T 735), in which the four items in question are clearly wishes, not vows. The same usage can be seen in T 511 (Pingsha wang wuyuan jing , The Sūtra on the Five Wishes of Bimbisāra), a text which may also be the work of Zhi Qian (cf. Nattier 2003b: 241). 34 T 282: 10.451b29–c2. 35 Karashima 1999: 143, n.43. Karashima’s discussion is particularly relevant here in that it takes as its point of departure the version of the larger Sukhāvatīvyūha (Amituo sanyesanfo saloufotan guodu ren dao jing , T 362) now considered to have been produced by Lokakṣema. Other examples of this usage can also be found in Lokakṣema’s texts; see for example his version of the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā (Daoxing banruo jing T 224), where the bodhisattva Sadāprarudita, offered a boon by the god Śakra, says “May my body be returned to its former condition” (shi wo shenti ping fu ru gu [8.472c20]); cf. Skt. tena devendra satyena satyavacanena mama yathā paurāṇo ’yam ātmabhāvo bhavatu (Vaidya ed., p. 248, lines 12–13). I would like to thank KARASHIMA Seishi for bringing the passage in the Aṣṭa to my attention. 36 Ōtani vol. 25, 94.2.6–7. In this instance the Ōtani (Peking) version reads gyur-gcig, but in most cases the correct form in -cig is used. 五願經 蓱沙王 阿彌陀三耶三佛薩樓佛檀過渡人道經 道行般若經 平復如故 使我身體 120 JAN NATTIER In sum, we may conclude that the underlying Indian text phrased these thoughts in optative form – that is, as wishes for the welfare of all beings – and not as vows (which are often expressed in the simple future tense and/or accompanied by a “sanction clause” specifying the penalty to be imposed if the bodhisattva fails to carry out his promise).37 Given the ambiguity of these Chinese translations, however, it is not surprising that later generations of readers would sometimes have interpreted them as “vows.” Such a reading is explicit, I believe, in two apocryphal texts that borrowed material from these passages: the Buddhist Pusa yingluo benye jing and the Daoist Lingbao scriptures.38 In a sūtra that is noteworthy for its emphasis on symmetry, the section recounting the bodhisattva’s good wishes toward others is quite asymmetrical. As mentioned above, only a few reflections (eleven in each of the two translations) for the lay bodhisattva are offered, while the overwhelming majority (well over a hundred) are offered for his monastic counterpart. The bulk of the discussion here, in other words, is devoted to practices to be performed by the bodhisattva after he has been ordained as a monk.39 An additional asymmetry in this section can be identified as well. In the brief section dealing with reflections to be practiced by the layman the benefits to others named in the bodhisattva’s reflections are generally the opposite of the activity in which he himself is engaged. When interacting with his family, for example, he should wish that others will be released from the bonds of affection; when visiting his wife’s bedroom, enjoying the performances of singing girls, or diverting himself with the women of his harem (cainü ), he should wish that others will be freed from sensual desire. And when putting on his jewelry – as seen in the example given above – the bodhisattva should wish not that others will enjoy the same luxury that he does, but that they will “put down the heavy burden” (an expression usually used to refer to final liberation, involving release from the five skandhas) and, in Zhi Qian’s version, be freed from such pleasant (if frivolous) things! The benefits envisioned by the monastic bodhisattva, by contrast, are positively correlated by analogy to his own activities. When he goes out the door, for example, the monk should wish that all living beings will succeed in getting out of the triple world; when he turns toward the road, he should wish that all beings will turn toward the unsurpassed Dharma. When he sees a thorny tree, he should wish that all beings will succeed in eliminating the three poisons of passion, aversion, and delu- 菩薩瓔珞本業經 靈寶 婇女 37 For examples of this standard format for vows, see Kagawa 1989; a discussion in English (with some additional examples) can be found in Nattier 2003a: 147–151. 38 On these and other indigenous Chinese compositions that borrowed material from the translations of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka by Lokakṣema or Zhi Qian see Appendix 2 below. 39 In its assumption that the bodhisattva path may begin while one is still a householder, but proceeds necessarily toward ordination as a monk, the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka resembles many other Mahāyāna sūtras, notably the Ugraparipṛcchā; see Nattier 2003a, especially pp. 121–127. 121 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT sion;40 when he sees a tree that is flowering, he should wish that all beings will become equipped with the thirty-two major and the (eighty) minor marks.41 In sum, implicit throughout this discussion is the idea that the life of the layman is pervaded by activities that are contrary to the Dharma, while the life of the monk is easily harmonized with its practice. The sheer number of these wishes provides us with a wealth of detail concerning how the authors of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka envisioned the lay bodhisattva and his monastic counterpart. The lay bodhisattva is clearly male, for a number of the activities described involve his relations with women; there is not a word, by contrast, about a female bodhisattva interacting with her husband, dealing with her servants, or arranging a meeting with a male paramour.42 Moreover, the lay bodhisattva described here is clearly a man of some substance; not only does he have a wife and children, a house, and fine jewelry, but he has access to other (surely not inexpensive) pleasures as well. There is no discussion, by contrast, of thoughts to be brought forth in situations that a bodhisattva of lower status might experience – while toiling in the fields, for example, or being conscripted into the army, or being beaten by his master. The bodhisattva envisioned in this sūtra, in sum, is a figure familiar from many other Mahāyāna texts: a male belonging to a wealthy and privileged class. In its discussion of practices for the renunciant bodhisattva the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka provides numerous details that reveal the authors’ understanding of the monastic life. There are reflections to be performed when the bodhisattva abandons the household life, enters the monastery (T 281 fo zongmiao , T 282 fo si ),43 cuts off his hair and beard, observes the monastic rules, and is assigned an upādhyāya (heshang ) and an ācārya (shi ).44 He is also described as taking refuge in the three jewels and sitting in meditation, focusing on his breathing (in Zhi Qian’s version, “counting his breaths” shuxi ) and controlling his thoughts (T 281 shouyi , T 282 huinianguan ). There are reflections to perform when putting on each of the three monastic robes and when going on his begging rounds, with different reflections to be employed depending on whether he receives delicious food, unappealing food, or no food at all. In sum, the life of the monastic bodhisattva is portrayed in quite traditional terms. 佛寺 和上 師 數息 佪念觀 守意 佛宗廟 40 This analogy may be less than transparent to modern readers, but the three poisons are commonly described as “thorns” or “arrows” (Skt. sara, Pāli salla) in early Buddhist literature. PTSD 699a. 41 These examples are drawn from the Pusa benye jing; virtually all of the items found there have a general counterpart in the Dousha jing (i.e., in T 283), but the specifics are sometimes different. 42 This is typical of Mahāyāna scriptures translated into Chinese during this period; see Harrison 1987 and Nattier 2003a, especially pp. 96–100. 43 It has been suggested that the term miao used by Zhi Qian in this passage refers to a stūpa, not to a monastery, but this can easily be refuted; see Sasaki 1995: 51 and 1997: 104–105 and Nattier 2003a: 89–93. 44 T 281 reads daxiaoshi (10.447c24), an expression that does not appear elsewhere in Buddhist translation literature of this period. 廟 大小師 122 JAN NATTIER More mundane activities are described as well. There are thoughts to be cultivated when the bodhisattva goes uphill or downhill, goes along a straight or a winding road, opens or closes a gate, sees a mountain, or stops to cool off under a tree. There are also reflections coordinated with various acts of personal hygiene, including washing his face, brushing his teeth, and urinating or defecating. For virtually every moment of the day, in sum, the text prescribes a specific good wish that the monastic bodhisattva should generate toward others. In addition to its portrayal of lay and monastic bodhisattvas,45 this portion of the sūtra also provides valuable information on its authors’ understanding of the nature of the Mahāyāna. By wishing that all beings will attain the thirty-two marks – a reflection that occurs more than once in each version of the text – the bodhisattva is, of course, wishing that they will attain Buddhahood rather than Arhatship. Likewise he is told to wish for all beings to attain the four fearlessnesses, the ten powers, and the Buddha’s eighteen special qualities (all items which belong only to Buddhas). He also wishes that all beings will put on the armor (i.e., the armor of the bodhisattva’s vow to attain Buddhahood), be intent on the Great Way (dadao , i.e., the Mahāyāna), and quickly attain Buddhahood. It is beyond question, therefore, that the authors of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka were enthusiastic advocates of the bodhisattva path and that they sought to recommend it to all. While an equivalent of the term “Mahāyāna” occurs several times in these sūtras (six times in the Dousha jing group and three in the Pusa benye jing), no term that could be construed as a translation of “Hīnayāna” occurs at all.46 Nor do we see any explicit critique of those who are not practicing the bodhisattva path. Indeed, the idea that the role of a Buddha is to help others become Arhats seems still to be present (e.g., in T 281 at 10.448c4, where the bodhisattva is told to wish that all beings become Buddhas and then develop a saṃgha of śrāvakas, ). The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka thus speaks in general terms of “all beings” entering the Mahāyāna, but it does not criticize those who do not. Indeed, it is not clear whether its authors even considered it possible for all beings to become bodhisattvas in this life; the text never suggests, for example, that women might embark on the bodhisattva path.47 Thus while the perspective articulated in this text could be de- 大道 當願眾生功滿得佛成弟子眾 45 These should not, of course, be considered straightforward descriptions of living members of the Buddhist community of the authors’ time. For a discussion of a methodological problems involved in extracting historical information from an avowedly prescriptive source see Nattier 2003a: 63–69. 46 To the best of my knowledge the sole term used to translate hīnayāna in this period is xiaodao (“small way”); other expressions, such as xiaosheng “small vehicle” and liesheng “low vehicle”, appear only later. 47 The sole reference to “gentlemen and ladies” (zuxingzi zuxingnü , Skt. kulaputra and kuladuhitṛ) in the Pusa benye jing (10.447b19) is unsupported by any other statement in the text, and it has no counterpart in the Dousha jing group. 小道 劣乘 小乘 族姓子族姓女 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 123 scribed as being en route toward a stance of “bodhisattva universalism,” it has not yet fully entered that camp.48 Stages of the Bodhisattva Path One of the best-known features of the Buddhāvataṃsaka is its list of the ten stages of the bodhisattva path. The larger Buddhāvataṃsaka in fact contains not one but two such lists: one found in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra (preserved in Sanskrit as well as in Chinese and Tibetan) and another in a part of the larger sūtra that has a parallel in the smaller version.49 The names of the stages in the latter list also appear in the Gaṇḍavyūha, though without a detailed discussion of their associated practices. Because a version of the Gaṇḍavyūha has survived in Sanskrit, however, we have access to one Indic-language version of these names. The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka contains just one list of stages, though they are described here in considerable detail. As in the preceding section of the sūtra, the discourse on this topic is given not by a Buddha, but by a bodhisattva, and the text makes no pretense of claiming that these teachings were received from Śākyamuni Buddha himself. On the contrary, it states explicitly that the bodhisattva in question, Dharmamati, received these teachings from the Buddhas of the ten directions while he was absorbed in samādhi. The ten stages of the bodhisattva path enumerated by Dharmamati (with the Sanskrit names found in the Gaṇḍavyūha given for comparison) are the following: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Lokakṣema (T 283) Zhi Qian (T 281) Gaṇḍavyūha50 波藍耆兜波 阿闍浮 渝阿闍 闍摩期 波渝三般 阿耆三般 阿惟越致 鳩摩羅浮童男 發意 治地 應行 生貴 修成 行等 不退 童真 prathamacittotpādika ādikarmika yogācāra janmaja pūrvayogasaṃpanna śuddhādhyāśaya avivartya kumārabhūta 48 For a discussion of the two types of bodhisattva universalism – a “weak form,” which states that all people should become bodhisattvas and criticizes those who do not, and a “strong form,” which claims that all people are on the bodhisattva path to Buddhahood, whether they realize it or not – see Nattier 2003a: 174–176. 49 A convenient (if by now somewhat dated) English summary of these and other bhūmi systems can be found in Hirakawa 1963: 65–69. 50 Vaidya ed., p. 84, lines 19–28. 124 19 10 JAN NATTIER 渝羅闍 阿惟顏 了生 補處 yauvarājya51 abhiṣekaprāpta There are numerous thorny problems in establishing the Indic antecedents for these Chinese transcriptions and translations, and it is clear that the renditions given by Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian (and indeed, in the Chinese and Tibetan versions of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka) do not always match the Sanskrit terms given in the Gaṇḍavyūha. We need not examine these in detail, however, here. For our purposes it is most important to note the orderly progression from the initial inspiration to become a bodhisattva (prathamacittotpāda) to receiving consecration (abhiṣeka) as the Buddha’s rightful heir. Indeed, one of the most distinctive features of the system found in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is that its last three stages have explicitly royal symbolism. From the eighth stage, where the bodhisattva becomes a kumārabhūta (a term which means “prince” as well as simply “young man”), to the ninth stage of “crown prince” or “heir apparent” (yuvarāja) to the tenth stage of being consecrated (abhiṣikta) as the next king, the terms used for these levels all resonate with the symbolism of a young man succeeding his father on the throne. In this respect it may be significant that an earlier part of the sūtra (§2a–j) lists only one bodhisattva for each of the ten directions. Each of these, to be sure, was accompanied by a large assembly of other bodhisattvas as they traveled to the Sahā world of Śākyamuni, yet these lesser bodhisattvas are never named. Might it be that the idea of linear succession is informing the narrative here as well? In this regard we should also take note of the fact that, although this scripture is famous for its portrayal of manifold Buddhas throughout the ten directions, only one Buddha is mentioned in each of these directions. When larger numbers of Buddhas seem to appear – as, for example, when each of the Śakras in the Sahā world sees Sākyamuni Buddha appear directly before him (§7a) – the sūtra portrays these not as “real” Buddhas but only as emanations. For the authors of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, then, the universe is filled with Buddhas, yet this is still true in a somewhat restricted sense: only one Buddha resides in each of the ten directions, though other buddha-forms (that is, emanations) can also be made to appear. This vision of a universe with other Buddhas existing in the present thus coexists quite harmoniously, at least for the authors of this scripture, with the traditional idea that only one Buddha can appear in any given world at a time. As to the ten stages of the bodhisattva path, the version found in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka was clearly known to the authors of the Gaṇḍavyūha (where a nearly identical list of names appears), but the latter work does not discuss their content in detail. In the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha jing group, by contrast – that is, in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka – practices associated with each stage are set forth. More 51 The full title, in the Sanskrit text, is mahādharmayauvarājyābhiṣikta. 125 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT specifically, for each stage Dharmamati enumerates two sets of ten practices to be carried out by the bodhisattva as he progresses on the path. For those familiar with the system found in the Daśabhūmika, what is most striking about the description of the ten stages in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is the utter absence of the pāramitās. The Daśabhūmika, as is well known, associates one pāramitā with each of the bodhisattva stages, expanding the list of perfections to ten in the process.52 In the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka’s discussion of the stages, however, the word pāramitā does not even appear. The word appears twice (translated as duwuji “crossing to the limitless”) in Zhi Qian’s Pusa benye jing and three times (transcribed, in what would subsequently become the standard form in Buddhist Chinese, as boluomi ) in the Dousha jing group (all of the occurrences are in T 282). Yet in neither recension are the six items even listed, let alone discussed in detail. In T 281, cultivating “the various pāramitās” (no specific number is given) appears in a list of bodhisattva practices mentioned by the Jñānaśrī,53 while one of the many wishes for living beings recommended by Mañjuśrī is that they may attain the tactical skill associated with the path (de daofangbian ) as well as prajñāpāramitā (hui duwuji ).54 Lokakṣema’s version also contains a wish that living beings may enter the prajñāpāramitā, but here it seems to be considered a text (xi ru banruo boluomi jing zhong ).55 Where Zhi Qian refers only to the various pāramitās, the parallel in Lokakṣema’s work refers to six (ru yu liu boluomi jing zhong ).56 Elsewhere a third use of the term occurs in Lokakṣema’s version, this time explicitly referring to upāyakauśalya (ouhejusheluo ) as a pāramitā.57 In sum, the treatment of the stages in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is completely unrelated to the system of pāramitās, focusing instead on bodhisattva practices of other kinds. The authors of the sūtra (or at least, those responsible for the composition of the middle portion of the text dealing with the bodhisattva’s good wishes for others) seem to be aware of the existence of some system of pāramitās,58 but that is clearly not a major inspiration here. 度無極 波羅蜜 慧度無極 漚和拘舍羅 得道方便 悉入般若波羅蜜經中 入於六波羅蜜經中 52 The list of the ten paramis found in certain late Pāli scriptures is significantly different and cannot be viewed as directly related to the Daśabhūmika list. I strongly suspect, however, that the fact that the Pāli list consists of ten (and not six) perfections reflects the late date of its composition, dating from a period in which texts like the Daśabhūmika were already in circulation. In other words, it seems likely that the Pāli list is a (deliberately different) imitation of the Daśabhūmika list rather than that the two share a common ancestry. 53 10.447b11. 54 447c21. 55 453b18. 56 451b2. 57 451c24–25. 58 Only Lokakṣema’s version specifies that there are six. Since no list is ever given, it is not clear – especially since upāyakauśalya seems to be considered a pāramitā in Lokakṣema’s text – whethernthen“standard”nlistnofnsixnitemssis meant. Non-standard lists of pāramitās occur in a 126 JAN NATTIER Dharmamati first provides the names of all ten of the stages, then describes the specific practices (grouped into two sets of ten items) associated with each. Though the pāramitās are absent from the discussion, many other practices listed here are quite familiar. The bodhisattva is instructed, for example, to practice loving-kindness (maitrī) toward others and to view all things as characterized by impermanence, suffering, and absence of self (the well-known “three marks” of anitya, duḥkha, and anātman) plus a fourth item, emptiness (śūnyatā), which is often added to this list.59 He should review the four great elements (earth, water, fire, and wind) and the three levels of the triple world (kāmadhātu, rūpadhātu, arūpadhātu). He should cultivate equanimity when he hears that the Buddha and his Dharma are praised or blamed or that the Dharma is declining or not. He should become perfectly pure in the deeds of body, speech, and mind and increasingly skilled in the bases of paranormal power (ṛddhipāda). As he reaches an advanced level in his practice, he gains the ability to know what others are thinking, as well as where and how they spent their previous lives. None of this would be out of place in a non-Mahāyāna scripture, and most of these items could easily be used to describe an advanced candidate for Arhatship. Yet there are other practices recommended here that make it clear that we have entered another world. The path begins when the future bodhisattva, entering the first stage (prathamacittotpādika), sees the Buddha and is impressed by his physical beauty, his impressive deportment, and his teachings. This is reminiscent of what we find in the widely circulated Dīpaṃkara jātaka, yet the sūtra immediately takes the idea of “seeing the Buddha” to a further level. The first-stage bodhisattva, we are told, will not only make offerings to the Buddhas (Lokakṣema’s version adds “and bodhisattvas”), but will be able to see all the Buddhas and will attain a variety of samādhis. Thus the idea of being able to perceive the Buddhas of the ten directions – an experience made possible by the Buddha at the outset of the sūtra, and experienced in the following section by Dharmamati while in meditation – appears as a part of the bodhisattva’s training from the very beginning. The second stage (ādikarmika) begins with cultivating positive thoughts toward others: thinking of their welfare, purifying and softening their hearts, and practicing loving-kindness (maitrī) toward all. The bodhisattva is also told to practice seeing others as himself, as well as viewing all beings as the Buddha. The second set of ten practices60 associated with this stage is devoted to Dharma-study, and the bodhinumber of early Chinese sūtra translations (e.g., in Zhi Qian’s Vimalakīrti [T 474: 14.519a16– 17, 521a2–4, and 521b17–21] and his version of the larger Sukhāvativyūha [T 361: 12.280b19– 20]), so we should not automatically assume that what was to become the standard list is meant. 59 The text does not make the standard scholastic distinction between conditioned (saṃskṛta) dharmas, which are characterized by all three of the traditional marks, and the unconditioned (asaṃskṛta) which is characterized only by the mark of no-self. 60 I will not enumerate all twenty of the practices associated with each stage, but will simply summarize them throughout this discussion. INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 127 sattva is instructed to first study the scriptures, then leave home (Lokakṣema “dwell alone,” Zhi Qian “go far from his native place”) and apprentice himself to a good teacher. He should then devote himself to energetic study and should retain all that he has learned. On the third stage (yogācāra) the bodhisattva trains himself to become detached from all the elements of his experience, seeing them as impermanent, painful, devoid of self, and so on. It is also at this stage that he reviews the four great elements and the three levels of the triple world, after being mindful of living beings, the Dharma, and buddha-fields. Thus far the bodhisattva’s practice has been carried out in what we might call constructive terms – that is, cultivating positive actions with respect to the Buddhas (making offerings to them and viewing them in meditation) and correct thoughts toward living beings and the elements of one’s experience, without questioning the reality of any of them. Entering the fourth stage (*janmajyeṣṭha?), however, the deconstructive language (or perhaps better, a “rhetoric of negation”) that is so familiar from certain other Mahāyāna sūtras begins to appear. Now the bodhisattva is told to view all of these items – including living beings and the buddha-fields where they dwell – as empty, illusory, and (in Lokakṣema’s version) non-existent (wusuoyou ). The second set of practices takes this approach even further, applying the concept of emptiness to past, present and future Buddhas (or, according to Zhi Qian, “buddha-mind” foyi ). At this stage, in other words, the ontological status of the very items that have served as the focus of the bodhisattva’s self-cultivation is being challenged. At the fifth stage (*prayogasaṃpanna) the text resumes its positive language, for here the bodhisattva is urged to protect and benefit sentient beings and to cause them to attain nirvāṇa. In the second set of ten, however, the rhetoric of negation returns, for the bodhisattva should reflect that all the beings of the ten directions are entirely empty. In the sixth stage (*adhyāśayasaṃpanna) the bodhisattva begins by cultivating equanimity, remaining undisturbed whether the Buddha and his Dharma are praised or blamed, whether he hears that the Dharma is declining or not, and whether he hears that living beings (whom he should teach) and Buddhist scriptures (which he should learn) are many or few. The second set instructs him to view various items as being empty, illusory, and so on, clearly in an attempt to undermine the bodhisattva’s attachment to anything at all.61 It is well known that in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra the bodhisattva is said to become incapable of retrogression when he reaches the eighth stage. In the smaller Buddhā- 無所有 佛意 61 This is one of the places where it is clear that Zhi Qian and Lokakṣema were working from quite different recensions. In Lokakṣema’s text the discussion concerns “all dharmas”; Zhi Qian’s version, by contrast, does not mention “all dharmas”, but begins by saying that the bodhisattva does not conceptualize and does not think in terms of a self or what belongs to the self. 128 JAN NATTIER vataṃsaka, however, this takes place at the seventh (avaivartika). The discussion of this level begins by recapitulating the first set of practices for the sixth stage, now rephrasing them in terms of “not turning back”: whether the Buddha, the Dharma, bodhisattvas (and so on) are available or not, the bodhisattva will not turn back from his goal. The second set turns to the relationship between the one and the many: the bodhisattva becomes adept at moving back and forth between a single dharma (Lokakṣema “a single wisdom” yihui ) and many, between seeing a multitude of living beings and seeing nothing but emptiness, and between the diversity of conceptual thought and the one-pointedness of meditation. At the eighth stage the bodhisattva becomes a prince (kumārabhūta), a term which in other texts often serves as an epithet of Mañjuśrī.62 It is here that he achieves complete purity in the actions of body, speech and mind, as well as acquiring the ability to read the minds of others. Now he views living beings exclusively with loving-kindness (maitrī),63 and he cultivates the bases of paranormal power (shenzu ). In the second set of practices the bodhisattva focuses at first on the various buddha-fields, acquiring the ability not only to see them but to travel freely from one to another. He also prepares himself to teach as a Buddha does by studying the Buddha’s voice.64 At the ninth stage the bodhisattva becomes a crown prince (yuvarāja), standing on the threshold of his coronation as Dharma-king. At this stage he is not only able to know what other people are thinking, but he perceives all of their good and bad actions, their past lives, and where they will be reborn. He also knows the good and bad features (i.e., the purity and impurity) of the various buddha-fields throughout the ten directions. In the second set of practices appropriate to this stage he is said to carefully study the conduct of a Dharma-king (i.e., a Buddha), whose activities he will soon be called upon to emulate.65 In the tenth and final stage, the bodhisattva is “consecrated” (*abhiṣikta, translated by Zhi Qian as “appointed to the place,” buchu )66 and carries out his final preparations for buddhahood. Among the abilities acquired at this stage are the power to move and to illuminate countless buddha-fields (and to stop them from 一慧 神足 補處 62 It is probably significant that the only bhūmi system in which kumārabhūta appears as the name of one of the stages appears in a scripture that prominently features Mañjuśrī. 63 As in many relatively early Mahāyāna scriptures, the first of the four brahmavihāras, i.e., maitrī “loving-kindness,” is far more prominent than the second (karuṇā). Cf. Nattier 2003a: 146. 64 Lokakṣema , Zhi Qian . 65 Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian differ noticeably in content here. For Zhi Qian, the bodhisattva studies the Dharma-king’s deportment, his comings and goings, his awesome appearance, issuing of commands, and circulating through (inspecting? xunxing ) his buddhakṣetra. Lokakṣema, on the other hand, repeatedly refers to studying the Buddha’s palace (sic, fogong ). I suspect that there was some confusion concerning an underlying *rājabhavana here. 66 This expression is of course used elsewhere (by Zhi Qian as well as by other translators) as part of the translation of ekajātipratibaddha as yisheng bu chu , usually given in English as “bound to [just] one birth.” 當學佛音聲響 學佛聲出諸法 巡行 一生補處 佛宮 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 129 moving, according to Zhi Qian). He will also establish the Dharma in these fields, benefiting and pacifying the beings there. At this stage he finally acquires all the dharmas that constitute a Buddha and is ready to succeed to his place.67 Several things are noteworthy about this sūtra’s presentation of the bodhisattva stages. First, as noted above, it exhibits noteworthy continuity with non-Mahāyāna practices, such as the practice of maitrī, cultivating an awareness of the three marks, and being mindful of the four great elements. The basic stance of this sūtra, in other words, is not to reject earlier practices but to incorporate them into a larger scheme. Second is a distinctively Mahāyāna emphasis on the importance of seeing the many Buddhas – i.e., the Buddhas of the ten directions – coupled with the deliberate cultivation of visionary samādhi. Third, great emphasis is placed on the Buddha’s physical beauty and his paranormal powers (two of the items that are said to inspire the beginning bodhisattva to undertake the first stage of the path). Fourth is the everpresent refrain of buddha-fields, which are mentioned repeatedly, both as an object of contemplation and as a destination for travel, throughout the text. The bodhisattva path as understood in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, in sum, involves seeing (and serving) a vast number of Buddhas in life after life, as one gradually acquires the qualities that will lead to becoming a Buddha oneself. It is an emphatically gradual path – there is no sudden enlightenment here, much less an inherent “buddha-nature” – but it is also a cosmic drama set in a universe filled with buddha-fields. The bodhisattva has earthly teachers, to be sure, but he is also a performer on a vast stage, observing and being observed by the Buddhas of the ten directions. The drama culminates, in its final stages, with his progression from prince to heir apparent to consecration as a king. Symmetry and Soteriology: The Buddhas of the Ten Directions The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka features a number of spectacular appearances of multiple Buddhas. Śākyamuni, who has just attained awakening as the sūtra begins (§1a), reappears on two occasions to divide his body in order to manifest himself in multiple locales (§4d and §7a), and the Buddhas of the ten directions, who become visible at the beginning of the sūtra (§2a–j) reappear (to the bodhisattva Dharmamati, at any rate, who sees them in a vision) toward the latter part of the text (§§8a–9a). Yet very little is actually said by any of these Buddhas in the course of the narrative. By far the majority of the sūtra is spoken by two bodhisattvas: Mañjuśrī, who offers a long discourse on bodhisattva practices to be carried out in everyday life (§6a–c), and Dharmamati, who describes the ten stages of the bodhisattva path (§9b–l). 67 Several of the items contained in the second set of practices for the tenth stage in Zhi Qian’s version occur in the first set in Lokakṣema’s text, and vice versa, so I have not treated the two sets separately here. 130 JAN NATTIER The traditional idea that authoritative teachings should ultimately stem from a Buddha is still present, for when Mañjuśrī offers his long discussion of the bodhisattva path he is described as doing so “by the Buddha’s power” (*buddhānubhāvena), and Dharmamati states that he was taught the content of the ten stages by the Buddhas of the ten directions. Nonetheless the actual speaker, in both cases, is not a Buddha but a bodhisattva. This may well reflect the actual circumstances of the composition of the text; it is entirely possible – indeed, it is virtually certain – that the new teachings presented here were first articulated by men who had embarked on the bodhisattva path long after the death of Śākyamuni. Yet to admit that the source of these new teachings was not Śākyamuni but one of his followers was an audacious step. In a particular community where a certain individual held a position of authority, to revere one of his discourses (known to be the words of a certain Subhūti, or Mañjuśrī, or Dharmamati) might be quite acceptable during his lifetime. In subsequent generations, however, the idea that an unknown bodhisattva could speak on his own authority could open the door to innovations by any and all members of the Buddhist community. One solution to this problem, therefore, was to “domesticate” texts that made their non-buddhavacana status too transparent by shifting the discourse into the mouth of the Buddha. Elsewhere I have discussed the process of “sūtrafication” – that is, the upgrading of a text that apparently began as a sermon by a well-known monk to the status of buddhavacana.68 In the case of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka we may be able to observe such a shift taking place not in India, but in China. In two apocryphal scriptures that borrowed virtually the entire discussion of the ten stages from Lokakṣema’s T 283, the bodhisattva Dharmamati no longer appears. Now the speaker is Śākyamuni Buddha himself, portrayed as responding to a question posed by Mañjuśrī.69 Above we have noted that, while the sūtra devotes significant atttention to the motif of the “Buddhas of the ten directions,” none of these figures is singled out for special attention. To put it another way, these Buddhas appear as a chorus and not as individuals, with no featured soloist among them. As a group, they convey important teachings to Dharmamati; yet the sūtra never speaks of the possibility of establishing a special relationship with any one of them. There is no exhortation to be mindful of a particular Buddha or to recite his name, nor is there even a single mention of the importance of aspiring to be born in a certain realm. Thus the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is not a “Pure Land” sūtra, if by this term we mean a text whose central focus is on a Buddha inhabiting another world and on the possibility of rebirth there.70 68 Nattier 2003a: 11–13, n.3. 69 See the discussion of T 284 and T 1487 in Appendix 2. 70 Elsewhere I have suggested that the Akṣobhyavyūha – though it deals with the world of Akṣobhya and not that of Amitābha – should in fact be included among “Pure Land” texts (Nattier 2000). INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 131 On the contrary, the existence of buddha-fields throughout the ten directions appears here more as a stage-setting for most Buddhist practitioners and as a source of visionary insight for a few.71 It could well be said, then, that the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is not a “Buddhacentered” scripture at all. Buddhahood is, of course, the envisioned destination of bodhisattva practice, and much of what is said by bodhisattvas in the text is explicitly described as having been delivered “by the Buddha’s power.” But virtually all of the teachings presented in the sūtra are given not by Buddhas, but by bodhisattvas themselves. One might say, without too much exaggeration, that the Buddhas of the ten directions are both inspirational and ornamental, but the authors’ main concern is with the progress of the bodhisattva on his path. As to the sūtra’s treatment of bodhisattvas themselves, we may provisionally divide these into two types: the bodhisattvas who actually appear in the sūtra (the narrative characters) and the bodhisattvas to whom the sūtra is addressed (the intended audience). The latter, as we have seen, theoretically includes all Buddhists, but the specifics of the text make it clear that the authors pictured the bodhisattva as a well-to-do male. Moreover, it is clearly assumed that, after leaving the home life, the bodhisattva will become a monk. Much of the imagery (including the stages of prince, heir apparent, and consecrated king) is distinctively male, and there is no indication that the authors thought of women (or for that matter, children or the denizens of other realms, such as nāgas, yakṣas, and so on) as capable of pursuing the bodhisattva path. In the case of the bodhisattvas who appear as narrative characters, it is noteworthy that none of them are from Śākyamuni’s Sahā realm, but all have come from other worlds. Yet, despite their otherworldly origins and their clearly advanced level of spiritual development, these figures are not portrayed as “celestial bodhisattvas.” That is, none of them is ever described as a powerful being to whom a devotee might turn for assistance in times of distress or recommended as the focus of a devotional cult. Whatever they – or at least Mañjuśrī – may have become for later believers, they are not yet portrayed as “celestial bodhisattvas” here.72 71 See Harrison 1978. 72 On this topic see Paul Harrison’s important article “Mañjuśrī and the Cult of the Celestial Bodhisattvas” (Harrison 2000). Harrison argues that the use of the term “celestial bodhisattva” is misguided; more specifically, he points out that in Lokakṣema’s translations devotion to bodhisattvas such as Mañjuśrī is nowhere recommended. The sole exception – and it may be an important one – is a brief passage in the larger Sukhāvatīvyūha (T 362), which Harrison has argued is a revised version of a translation by Lokakṣema (or a member of his school) in which devotees are urged to take refuge in Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta when they find themselves in dire straits (p. 172, n. 24). 132 JAN NATTIER Concluding Reflections The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is a profoundly visual text. It opens with the illumination by Śākyamuni of the worlds of the ten directions, and bodhisattvas are encouraged to “see the Buddhas” in meditation by undertaking the practice of samādhi. But it is not only in such otherworldly visions that the primarily visual character of the text is made plain. The sūtra also states that new bodhisattvas are inspired to undertake their vocation after seeing the Buddha, an experience in which his physical beauty, including the color of his skin, plays a major role in inspiring the disciple to follow in his footsteps. Most important for the subsequent history of those communities that accepted the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka as canonical may have been its validation of visionary experience as a source of new revelations. When Dharmamati emerges from samādhi with an account of the ten bodhisattva stages, the text makes no claim that these teachings have been passed down from Śākyamuni. On the contrary, the fact that Dharmamati received them from the Buddhas of the ten directions is deemed quite adequate as a source of authority. In a very real sense the frame of reference of this scripture has shifted from one of the six senses to another, with “thus have I seen” replacing the traditional “thus have I heard.” The text also makes much of a theme that we might describe as “the one and the many.” On more than one occasion the Buddha Śākyamuni divides his body, allowing living beings in a multitude of places to see him as if he were present before them. But it is not only these events that generate the appearance of a multitude of Buddhas. The Buddhas of the ten directions likewise seem to be multiple versions of one being, with all of them (as well as the bodhisattvas that accompany them) having parallel names. In the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, in sum, the similarity of one Buddha (or one bodhisattva) to another seems more important than the individual features of any particular one. This symmetry, as we have seen, appears to be associated with the absence of a personal relationship with any particular being; since all Buddhas are equal (and indeed, virtually identical), no particular one of them plays any special role. As if refracted through a prism, these Buddhas and bodhisattvas appear as mirror images of one another. But it is not only on an iconographic level that such reflectivity appears in this text, for it operates on a narrative level as well. The scene at the beginning of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, where the Buddha Śākyamuni has just experienced awakening at Magadha, recurs several times in the larger text: in Śikṣānanda’s version (T 279) it occurs at the beginning of chapters 1, 7 (the portion which corresponds to the beginning of the smaller sūtra), 27, and 38. The beginning of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra (chapter 26) also reflects this passage, but with several improvements (as it were): the Buddha is no longer on earth, but in the Paranirmitavaśavartin heaven; when he illuminates the universe he does so not with a ray of light from his foot, but from his head (more specifically, from the tuft of hair between his INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 133 eyebrows). And even this scene is reflected once again, for when Śākyamuni Buddha emits light, the other Buddhas of the ten directions do so as well. This vision of the universe clearly found a ready audience in China, for both translations of the shorter Buddhāvataṃsaka – the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha jing group – were avidly appropriated by the authors of indigenous scriptures, including not only Buddhist but also Daoist texts (see Appendix 2). By contrast, we have little evidence concerning the impact that this scripture may have had in India – with the exception, of course, of the fact that it was preserved and amplified into the text known today in Chinese as the Huayan jing. For specialists in the latter (and larger) text, an appreciation of the existence of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka as a separate work will make possible future comparative studies highlighting the distinctive elements that were introduced into the text at a later date. As to the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka itself, I hope to have shown that it is eminently worthy of receiving scholarly attention as an integral text in its own right. Appendix 1 Synoptic Table of the Smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka The section numbers given below are taken from the synoptic edition in Nattier 2005 of the Dousha jing group (Taishō nos. 280, 282 and 283) and the Pusa benye jing (T 281). Line numbers are from the CBETA edition (all are in volume ten of the Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō). Section Number Dousha jing group Pusa benye jing T 280 §0 §1a §1b §1c §1d §1e §2a §2b §2c §2d §2e §2f §2g §2h 445a5 445a6–13 445a13–20 445a20–25 445a26–b3 445b3–14 445b14–19 445b19–23 445b24–27 445b28–c1 445c2–5 445c6–9 445c10–13 445c14–17 --446b29–c4 446c4–9 446c9–12 446c12–14 446c14–16 446c17–18 446c19–20 446c21–22 446c23–24 446c25–26 446c27–28 446c29–30 447a1–2 134 JAN NATTIER §2i §2j §3a §3b §3c §4a §4b §4c §4d §4e 445c18–21 445c22–25 445c26–446a2 446a2–6 446a6–16 446a16–b19 446a20–b2 446b2–5 446b6–9 446b10–22 447a3–4 447a5–8 447a8–12 447a12–14 10.447a14–19 447a20–23 447a23–b1 447b2 447b2–4 --- T 282 §5a §5b §5c §5d §6a §6b §6c §7a §7b 451a6–18 451a18–25 451a25–b2 451b2–11 451b11–20 451b21–c11 451c11–454a7 454a8–16 454a17–26 447b6–9 447b9–10 447b10–15 447b15–17 447b18–24 447b25–c9 447c9–449b24 449b26–30 449b30–c4 T 283 §8a §8b §8c §9a §9b §9c §9d §9e §9f §9g §9h §9i §9j §9k §9l §10 454b6–7 454b7–17 454b18–22 454b22–c1 454c1–11 454c12–27 454c28–455a11 455a11–25 455a26–b11 455b12–24 455b25–c9 455c10–456a2 456a3–18 456a19–b5 456b6–c3 456c3–4 449c4–6 ----449c6–15 449c15–17 449c18–27 449a1–7 450a8–14 450a15–22 450a23–29 455a29–b8 450b9–20 450b21–29 450b30–c8 450c9–26 450c26 135 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT Appendix 2 Borrowings from the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha jing Group in Indigenous Chinese Scriptures Discussions of the popularity of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in China are generally based on the extent to which the translations of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka produced by Buddhabhadra and Śikṣānanda were quoted and commented upon by Chinese thinkers. But the translations of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka produced by Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian were widely influential as well. One indication of the success of these shorter translations in gaining an audience in China is the extent to which they were appropriated by the composers of indigenous (or “apocryphal”) scriptures. The following is a list of texts – both Buddhist and Daoist – that can be shown to have borrowed passages from either Lokakṣema’s or Zhi Qian’s translation. This list contains only those scriptures that have come to my attention thus far; there may well be others that have not yet been identified. Texts Borrowing from Lokakṣema’s Version T 284 Pusa shizhu jing 菩薩十住經 衹多蜜 Supposedly a translation by Gītamitra (fl. 317–420 CE), but the fact that this scripture reproduces virtually the whole of T 283 word-for-word makes it clear that it is not an independent translation of an Indian text, but a scripture created in China. (The attribution to Gītamitra was first made by Fei Changfang in his Lidai sanbao ji ). The enumeration of the ten stages of the bodhisattva path remains the same, but it is encased in a different frame story: the discourse is placed in the mouth of the Buddha, not of Dharmamati, and the teachings on the ten stages are portrayed as a response to a question from Mañjuśrī. This frame, in turn, has a parallel in (and indeed, appears to be drawn from) the Pusa neijie jing (T 1487), but in a different sequence from the one found there.73 費長房 歷代三寶紀 菩薩內戒經 T 1487 Pusa neijie jing 菩薩內戒經 求那跋摩 Supposedly a translation by Guṇavarman (367–431 CE), this text too reproduces virtually every word of Lokakṣema’s T 283. Indeed, it seems likely that the 73 T 284: 10.458a9–12 corresponds to T 1487: 24.1032c18–21, while T 284: 10.456c10ff. corresponds to T 1487: 24.1032c22ff. 136 JAN NATTIER original borrowing was made by its authors, and that the composers of T 284 took their material not directly from T 283, but from this text. No scripture by this title appears in Sengyou’s catalogue; it is listed as an anonymous translation (shiyi ) in the Zhongjing mulu .74 失譯 眾經目錄 Texts Borrowing from Zhi Qian’s Version T 778 Pusa neixi liu boluomi jing 菩薩內習六波羅蜜經 嚴佛調 內外波羅蜜經 Credited to Yan Fotiao (fl. 181–188) in modern catalogues, but Sengyou includes it on Dao’an’s list of anonymous translations (assuming this is the same text as the Nei wai boluomi jing ).75 The entire text appears to be apocryphal; it contains material relating the six meditations of the Anban shouyi jing (T 602) to the six pāramitās, the six sense organs, etc. At the end of the text, with no context or introduction, one finds the list of ten bodhisattva stages given in Zhi Qian’s Pusa benye jing. 守意經 T 1331 Guanding qi wan er qiu shenwang hu biqiu zhou jing 神王護比丘呪經 安般 灌頂七萬二千 帛尸梨蜜多羅 Traditionally attributed to Bo Śrīmitra (fl. early 4th century CE), but this text can easily be recognized as an apocryphon (for a convenient discussion in English see Strickmann 1990). The text replicates Zhi Qian’s list of Buddhas and buddha-fields of the ten directions (none of the bodhisattva names found there are given, though the speaker bears the name of one of them). In Sengyou’s catalogue this text appears on the list of anonymous scriptures.76 菩薩瓔珞本業經 Supposedly a translation by Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 (fl. late fourth century CE), this text T 1485 Pusa yingluo benye jing has long been known to be an an apocryphon. It incorporates substantial material from the Pusa benye jing (including the title), though its authors also drew from the Huayan jing translated by Buddhabhadra. 74 T 2146: 55.139b23. 75 T 2145: 55.17c25. 76 T 2145: 55.31a24. 137 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 靈寶 #6 (Taishang wuji dadao ziran zhenyi wucheng fuwen 太上無極大道自然真一五稱符文上經, HY 671) Lingbao shangjing Copies the section of Zhi Qian’s text dealing with the Buddhas and bodhisattvas of the ten directions almost verbatim.77 靈寶 #8 (Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui zuigen shangpin dajie 太上洞玄靈寶智慧罪根上品大戒經, HY 457) Lingbao jing Contains an adaptation of Zhi Qian’s treatment of the ten stages.78 靈寶 #11 (Dongxuan lingbao changye zhi fu jiuyou yukui mingzhen 洞玄靈寶長夜之府九幽玉匱明真科, HY 1400) Lingbao ke Contains an adaptation of Zhi Qian’s treatment of the ten stages.79 戒上品 靈寶 Lingbao #25 (Xiaomo zhihui benyuan dajie shangpin , HY 344) 消魔智慧本願大 Copies (and adapts) a substantial portion of the section on the bodhisattva’s wishes for other beings, here interpreting them as vows.80 References Bokenkamp, Stephen R.: “Sources of the Ling-pao Scriptures” in Michel Strickmann (ed.): Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honour of R. A. Stein, Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques, no. 21. Brussels: Institute Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, vol. 2, 1983, pp. 434–486. Bokenkamp, Stephen R.: “Stages of Transcendence: The Bhūmi Concept in Taoist Scripture” in Robert E. Buswell, Jr. (ed.): Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990, pp. 119–147. Coblin, W. South: A Handbook of Eastern Han Sound Glosses. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1983. Harrison, Paul M.: “Buddhānusmṛti in the Pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi-sūtra.” Journal of Indian Philosophy (1978) 6: pp. 35–57. Harrison, Paul M.: “Mañjuśrī and the Cult of the Celestial Bodhisattvas.” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal (2000) 13: pp. 157–193. 77 78 79 80 Bokenkamp 1983: 468. Bokenkamp 1990: 126–128. Bokenkamp 1990: 126–128. Bokenkamp 1983: 470. 138 JAN NATTIER 平川彰 Hirakawa Akira : “The Rise of Mahāyāna Buddhism and Its Relationship to the Worship of Stūpas.” Translated from the Japanese by Taitetsu Unno. Memoirs of the Research Department of the Tōyō Bunko (1963) 22: pp. 57–106. Kagawa Takao : “Shi guzeigan no genryū” [The origins of the four universal vows]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1989) 30,1: pp. 294–302. Karashima Seishi : The Textual Study of the Chinese Versions of the Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra in the Light of the Sanskrit and Tibetan Versions. Tokyo: Sankibo, 1992. Kimura Kiyotaka : “Kegon kyōten no seiritsu” [The formation of Huayan scriptures]. Tōyō gakujutsu kenkyū (1984) 23: pp. 212–231. Mitomo Ryūjun : “Buddhas of All Directions–Concept of Direction in Mahāyāna Buddhism.” Tōhō (1988) 4: pp. 185–195. Nattier, Jan: “The Realm of Akṣobhya: A Missing Piece in the History of Pure Land Buddhism.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (2000) 23,1: pp. 71–102. Nattier, Jan: A Few Good Men: The Bodhisattva Path according to The Inquiry of Ugra (Ugraparipṛcchā). Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2003a. .” Annual ReNattier, Jan: “The Ten Epithets of the Buddha in the Translations of Zhi Qian port of The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University for the Academic Year 2002 [ARIRIAB] (2003b) 6: pp. 207–250. Nattier, Jan: “The Indian Roots of Pure Land Buddhism: Insights from the Oldest Chinese Versions of the Larger Sukhāvativyūha.” Pacific World (2003c) 5 (3rd series): pp. 179–201. and Nattier, Jan: “The Proto-History of the Buddhāvataṃsaka: The Pusa benye jing the Dousha jing .” Annual Report of The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University for the Academic Year 2004 [ARIRIAB] (2005) 8: pp. 323–360. Pulleyblank, Edwin G.: Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1991. : “Kegon to iu go ni tsuite” [Concerning the word Sakurabe Hajime ‘Huayan’]. Ōtani gakuho (1969) 181 (49,1): pp. 26–31. Sasaki Shizuka : “Daijō bukkyō zaike kigen setsu no mondaiten” [Problematic issues in the theory of the lay origins of the Mahāyāna]. Hanazono daigaku bungakubu kenkyū kiyō (1995) 27: pp. 29–62. Sasaki Shizuka : “A Study on the Origin of Mahāyāna Buddhism.” [Revised English version of Sasaki 1995] The Eastern Buddhist n.s. (1997) 30,1: pp. 79–113. Shi Chikai (= Ching-mei Shyu): “Zhi Qian’s Translation Style: A Study of the Formative Period of Chinese Buddhist Literature.” M.A. thesis, Dept. of Religion, University of Hawaii, 2000. Strickmann, Michel: “The Consecration Sūtra: A Buddhist Book of Spells” in Robert E. Buswell, Jr. (ed.): Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990, pp. 75–118. 香川孝雄 辛嶋静志 木村清孝 三友量順 四弘誓願の源流 華厳経典の成立 支謙 菩薩本業經 兜沙經 の問題点 桜部建 佐々木閑 佐々木閑 釋持顗 華厳と言う語について 大乗仏教在家起源説 IMRE HAMAR THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA: SHORTER AND LARGER TEXTS* In the Taishō edition of the Chinese Buddhist canon, one can find the Huayan section (huayan bu ) in part two of volume nine as well as in volume ten. It does not merely contain the so-called “original or complete translations” of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (T 278 and T 279, known in Chinese as benbu ), but also freestanding translations of works corresponding to certain chapters of these larger works (referred to in Chinese as zhipin ),1 as well as works which do not correspond to any of the chapters but were presumably written under the influence of the Huayan works and were thus traditionally considered to be Huayan-related works (juanshu jing ). The Chinese terms ben (root, origin) and zhi (branch, descendent) clearly imply that according to the Chinese tradition the freestanding translations originate from a “complete” sūtra which is regarded as the revelation of Buddha’s experience of enlightenment under the bodhi tree.2 However, modern philological investigations, as we shall see below, have shown that the larger Buddhāvataṃsakasūtras (T 278 and T 279) were compiled on the basis of shorter sūtras. The so-called “original translations” are also called abridged version (lüeben ) since, as legend has it, the primordial Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra was much longer than any of the extant versions. According to this legend, Nāgārjuna (c. second century CE), the founder of the Madhyamaka philosophy, brought the sūtra into the world from the palace of serpents (nāga).3 The serpents guarded three versions, which the Chinese exegetes call the upper (shang ), middle (zhong ) and lower 華嚴部 本部 支品 眷屬經 本 支 略 本 上 * 1 This study was completed through the sponsorship of the Hungarian National Research Fund (OTKA Nr. T 047023). I thank Jan Nattier, Peter Skilling, Paul Harrison, CHEN Jinhua and ŌTAKE Susumu for reading an earlier version of this article and providing their comments. As of the Sui period (581–618), the catalogues indicate the correspondences between the soZhongjing mulu called partial translations and chapters from the larger works. Fajing’s T 2146: 55.119c11–120a1. and Yancong’s Zhongjing mulu T 2147: 55.159a22–b6. Wei 1998: 41. Nāgas played an important role even in early Buddhism. A nāga can be a serpent, a human or a low-ranking god. See Rawlinson 1986: 135–153. According to the Mahāyāna legend, Nāgārjuna visited the nāgas and there he discovered the prajñāpāramitā-sūtras, which had been unknown after Buddha’s death. See Williams 1989: 55. 眾經目錄 2 3 中 彥琮 法經 眾經目錄 140 IMRE HAMAR 下 (xia ) sūtras. The longest is the upper version, which consisted of ślokas4 identical in number to that of the specks of dust in the great universe and chapters identical in number to that of the specks of dust in the four worlds. The middle version contained 498,800 ślokas and 1200 chapters while the lower version consisted of 100,000 ślokas and 48 chapters.5 The upper and middle versions were too difficult for people, so Nāgārjuna brought the shortest version with him. This story was thought to be borne out by the fact that, according to the Dazhi du lun , The Sūtra of the Inconceivable Enlightenment (*Acintyavimokṣa-sūtra, Buke siyi jietuo jing ) consisted of 100,000 verses.6 And this sūtra is none other than the last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. This legend can be traced back to Jizang (549–623), who had read about it in Nāgārjuna’s biography.7 In the first half of this article, I examine the translations of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra and the freestanding translations of its chapters (T 278–298). In the second half I demonstrate with a table how the chapters of the larger works and the freestanding translations of the chapters correspond to one another. In this article I will not cover works that are included in the Huayan section but do not correspond to any of the chapters in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (T 299–309).8 大智度論 不可思議解脫經 吉藏 4 5 6 7 偈 頌 The Chinese jie and song are translations of the Sanskrit gāthā and śloka. If it is a measure of length, śloka is the appropriate Sanskrit term. See Gómez 1967: XXV. n. 1. We first encounter this with Zhiyan in the Huayan school in his work entitled Huayan jing nei zhangmen deng za kongmuzhang T 1870: 45.586c23–26. It can also be found in the works of the later patriarchs: Fazang’s Huayan jing zhigui T 1871: 45.593b10–15. and Huayan jing guanmai yiji T 1879: 45.656c1–22, HZ T 2073: 51.153a29–b4, HTJ T 1733: 35.122b16–19. and Chengguan’s Da fangguang fo huayan jing shu T 1735: 35.523a10–22. T 1509: 25.756b7. Jizang examined why the title of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra does not appear in the text. He explained that only 36,000 of the 100,000 ślokas of the lower version reached China and that the title can only be found in the part that follows, which was not translated into Chinese (T 1780: 38.863b19–27.). According to Indian custom, the title is placed at the end of the work; it was Daoan (312–385) who placed it at the beginning of the work in line with Chinese custom (T 1780: 38.863c8–9.). Jizang read about the three versions in Nāgārjuna’s biography, which Sengtan had brought from Khotan. Sengtan and his eleven companions set off for Inner Asia in 575 with the objective of bringing back Buddhist works that were not available in China. They returned home in 581 with 260 Sanskrit manuscripts. These works were translated into Chinese by Jñānagupta (Shenajueduo ) and other translator-monks. The translation of Nāgārjuna’s biography has not survived, however, and none of the catalogues confirms the existence of such a work from this era. Nāgārjuna’s biography has only survived in a translation by Kumārajīva (344–409/413); however, it lacks the section about the three versions. If we accept Jizang’s report as credible then this detail was added to the text during the 150 years between the death of Kumārajīva and the expedition. Perhaps it was in Khotan that the text was expanded, bearing out the close connection between Khotan and the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. See Ōnishi 1985: 500–505. For a detailed description of the Huayan sūtras, see Takamine 1976: 457–469; Ishii 1964: 57– 134. It is on the basis of these that Frédéric Girard prepared his excellent French-language summary. See Girard 1990: 16–27. 華嚴經內章門等雜孔目章 華嚴經關脈義記 大方廣佛華嚴經疏 道安 僧曇 闍那崛多 8 華嚴經旨歸 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 141 The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra in India The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra is among the longest of the Mahāyāna sūtras; however, only two chapters have survived in Sanskrit: the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, which describes the spiritual development of a bodhisattva, and the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, which relates the search for the path by a young boy named Sudhana.9 This latter work has inspired a great deal of Buddhist art; indeed, the theme is depicted in pictures and carvings from Borobuḍur to Japan.10 In fact, I had an opportunity not long ago to view by torchlight the statues depicting the 53 stations of Sudhana’s journey in the Duobao Pagoda of Dazu .11 Relatively few Buddhist sūtras have survived in Sanskrit, so the dearth of Sanskrit manuscripts is by no means an indication that the work never existed in Sanskrit. The commentaries are of great use in determining the originality of a work and in examining how it is cited in other Indian works. No written Indian commentary to any version of the larger Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra collection has survived, nor is it certain whether one ever existed. Two Indian commentaries relevant to the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra have been preserved, although both discuss only one chapter of the sūtra, the Daśabhūmika-sūtra. The first is the Shizhu piposha lun ,12 which, according to tradition, was written by Nāgārjuna and which comments on the first two of the ten stages. Vasubandhu (400–480) wrote the second, the Daśabhūmivyākhyāna (Shidi jing lun ),13 which expounds on the entire sūtra. Several Indian works quote from the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The Da zhidu lun , which is attributed to Nāgārjuna, cites the Bukesiyi jing , which corresponds to the Gaṇḍavyūha. If we accept the authorship of Nāgārjuna, then the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra must already have existed in the 2nd or 3rd centuries. Lamotte, however, disputes this and considers the author of the work a Northern Indian monk who lived in the 4th century and is likely to have belonged to the Sarvāstivāda school.14 The Sūtra-samuccaya, attributed to Nāgārjuna but composed by an unknown author in the 5th century, cites twice the Avataṃsaka-sūtra by name, however it also cites component texts of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra under their own titles, i.e. the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, the Tathāgatotpattisaṃbhava-sūtra, Daśabhūmika-sūtra, and Lokottara-parivarta15. The Ratnagotravibhāga, written by Sāramati in the 5th century, quotes from the Appearance of Tathāgata in 多寶 大足 十住毘婆沙論 不可思議經 大智度論 十地經論 19 For these works and Sanskrit publications, see Nakamura 1980: 194–197. The Gaṇḍavyūha title is difficult to define. The word gaṇḍa means ‘stem of a plant, part of something’ and vyūha is ‘arrangement, heap, manifestation’. On this basis Gómez translated the title as The Sūtra Containing Manifestations in Sections. This definition is also supported by the fact that the text was referred to by sections called vimokṣas. See Gómez 1967: 61–62. 10 Fontein 1967. 11 For a detailed description of the statues, see Li 2002: 171–193. 12 T 1521. 13 T 1522. 14 Lamotte 1970. 15 I am grateful to Paul Harrison for calling my attention to this text. 142 IMRE HAMAR 如來出現品 the World chapter (Rulai chuxian pin ),16 while in his work entitled Śikṣāsamuccaya Śāntideva (686–763) quotes from the Leader of the Good chapter (Xianshou pin ), the Ten Dedications chapter (Shi huixiang pin ), Detachment from the World chapter (Li shijian pin ) and the Pure Practice chapter (Jingxing pin ) using the titles Ratnolkādhārāṇī,17 Vajradhvaja-sūtra,18 Lo19 kottaraparivarta, and Gocarapariśuddhi-sūtra,20 respectively. It is important to note that even in this late Indian work Śāntideva refers to chapters in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra as freestanding sūtras. This might indicate that the Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra, which corresponds to the sixty- and eighty-fascicle versions of the Huayan jing, was unknown in India as one work, and was known only by individual chapters. However, ŌTAKE Susumu has attempted to show that the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, in fact, was composed in India.21 賢首品 淨行品 離世間品 十迴向品 Partial Translations before the Translation of the Larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra The first Chinese translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra was finished in 420; prior to that, however, certain chapters had appeared as separate sūtras.22 These early translations characteristically do not correspond to individual chapters, but are rather extracts from several chapters of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. This raises the question of the connection between the partial translations and the translation of larger version. Were summaries made from the larger works or, conversely, were the larger sūtras compilations based on early freestanding works? According to KIMURA Kiyotaka, the simplicity of the early works provides evidence that they appeared earlier than the larger works.23 The earliest translation is associated with the name Lokakṣema, who translated a 24 work entitled Fo shuo dousha jing between 178 and 189, which corresponds to the Names of Tathāgata (Rulai minghao pin ) and Enlightenment through the Light of Tathāgata (Rulai guangming jue pin ) chapters in the sixty-fascicle work.25 The word dousha in Lokakṣema’s title is a 佛說兜沙經 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 如來名號品 如來光明覺品 Takasaki 1966: 189–192. Bendall and Rouse 1922: 3, 152, 291. Ibid., 24, 29, 204, 255, 291. Ibid., 151. Ibid., 310. Ōtake Susumu has called my attention to the fact that Vasubandhu’s Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra-bhāṣya also refers to this chapter under this title and that Asvabhāva’s Mahāyānasaṃgraha-upanibandhana quotes a poem from the Gocarapariśuddhi-sūtra. (T 1598: 31.412b) See his article in this book. For a list and examination of the early works, see Kimura 1977: 6–12. Kimura 1992: 11–14. T 280. Eric Zürcher accepts 29 works as Han period translations on the basis of Chinese catalogues and style. Included among these is the Fo shuo dousha jing. See Zürcher 1991: 298. THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 143 transliterated Sanskrit word; however, it cannot be unmistakably identified. One possible solution is daśa, which means ten.26 One reason that this is likely is that the number ten has great significance in the work. It introduces the characteristics of a bodhisattva with a list of ten.27 Some of these characteristics can also be found in the titles of individual chapters of the larger works; it is therefore likely that the editors of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtras used this work as a source in editing individual chapters.28 The number ten frequently occurs throughout the Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra with the suggestion of perfection. The sūtra entitled The Fundamental Activity of a Bodhisattva as Related by Buddha (Fo shuo pusa benye jing ),29 which Zhi Qian translated nearly fifty years later between 222 and 228, is extremely important in terms of the formation of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Before any further investigation, it is important to emphasize that the chronological order of the translations does not necessarily correspond to the order in which the original source works appeared. Indeed, it is conceivable that one work came to China much later than another. As a result, it is not certain that the Indian antecedent of Fo shuo dousha jing mentioned previously was composed earlier than that of The Fundamental Activity of a Bodhisattva. The work is divided into three parts: the first part either has no title or the title has not survived. The title of the second part is The Practice of Making Good Wishes (yuanxing pin ), and that of the third is The Ten Stages (shidi pin ). The antecedents of the following chapters in the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing can be discerned in the work: The Names of Tathāgata (Rulai minghao pin ), Enlightenment through the Light (Rulai guangmingjue pin ), Pure Practice (Jingxing pin ), The Ascent of Buddha to the Peak of Mount Sumeru (Fo sheng Xumiding pin ), The Bodhisattvas Gather as Clouds in the Palace of the Glorious Victory and Recite Poems (Pusa yunji miaosheng dianshang shuojie pin ) and The Ten Abodes of the Bodhisattvas (Pusa shizhu pin ).30 According to SAKAMOTO Yukio, it would be erroneous to assume that these six chapters evolved directly out of this sūtra since the following works can be considered to be their middle stations of development: Fo shuo dousha jing, the Bodhisattvas Ask about the Fundamental Activity of Buddha Sūtra (Zhupusa qiu fo benye jing 佛說菩薩本業經 行品 行品 佛昇須彌頂品 上說偈品 十地品 如來名號品 如來光明覺品 願 淨 菩薩雲集妙勝殿 菩薩十住品 26 Alternative solutions are tathāgata, toṣa (satisfaction). See Girard 1990: 17. 27 T 280: 10.445a27–b3. 28 The following chapters are in the sixty-fascicle work: Ten Abodes (11), Ten Deeds (17), Ten Inexhaustible Treasuries (18), Ten Dedications (21), Ten Stages (22), Ten Supernatural Knowledges (23) and Ten Acceptances (24). They correspond to the following chapters in the eightyfascicle version: 15, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28 and 29. 29 T 281. According to Jan Nattier as well, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra developed from this sūtra. Nattier 2003: 192, n. 38. Kobayashi Jitsugen, however, points out that there are significant differences between this sūtra and the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Indeed, the protagonist here is Śākyamuni buddha, whereas it is Vairocana Buddha in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Furthermore, the essential aim of the work is to describe the path of the bodhisattva and not to introduce the absolute world of Buddha. See Kobayashi 1958: 168–169. 30 For a comparison of the texts, see Sakamoto 1964: 301–314. 144 IMRE HAMAR 諸菩薩求佛本業經) 31 and the Practices of the Ten Stages of the Bodhisattvas chapter (Pusa shizhu xingdao pin ).32 However, Jan Nattier has compared these three works (Dousha jing, Zhupusa qiu fo benye jing, Pusa shizhu xingdao pin) with the Fundamental Activity of the Bodhisattva and convincingly showed that fitting the three sūtras together produces a text that corresponds to the Fundamental Activity of the Bodhisattva. It can be concluded that the three texts were originally a translation of one work, although it was preserved in three parts in the transmission process and therefore later came to be seen as three separate works.33 Accordingly, from the aspect of the evolution of the text, the three works do not represent a later developmental stage, but another translation/recension of the very same work. This translation was done by Lokakṣema. The work of Dharmarakṣa, who also translated several Huayan sūtras into Chinese, represents a milestone in the spread of these works. Already in the CSJ, the following works are listed as his translations:34 菩薩十住行道品 度世品經 1. Going Beyond the World (Du shi pin jing )35 27 May 291. 2. The Appearance of Tathāgata as Related by Buddha (Fo shuo rulai xingxian jing )36 31 January 292. 3. Gradually Obtaining the Virtue of Omniscience (Jianbei yiqie zhi de jing )37 21 December 297. 4. The Ten Abodes of the Bodhisattva (Pusa shizhu jing ) 9 November 302.38 5. The Ten Stages of the Bodhisattva (Pusa shidi jing ) 28 December 303.39 6. The Bodhisattva Equal Eyes Asks about the Ten Samādhis (Dengmu pusa suowen sanmei jing )40 284–308? 佛說如來興現經 切智德經 菩薩十住經 菩薩十地經 漸備一 等目菩薩所問三昧經 According to his biography, Dharmarakṣa travelled with his master to Central Asia, where he learned the local languages and collected Buddhist manuscripts. Unfortunately, the biography does not tell us when the journey took place or what areas Dharmarakṣa visited. However, no mention is made of any translations done by him between 273 and 284, and it is therefore possible that he journeyed west then.41 He 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 T 282. T 283. See Nattier’s article in this volume and Nattier 2005. For the dates of the works on the basis of the CSJ, see Boucher 1996: 33. T 292. T 291. T 285. The date of this work can only be found in the Song, Yuan and Ming editions of the CSJ. It is therefore uncertain. 39 The date of this work can only be found in the Song, Yuan and Ming editions of the CSJ. It is therefore uncertain. 40 T 288. 41 Boucher 1996: 34–35. For an English translation of his biography in the CSJ, see Ibid. 23–30. For more details on Dharmarakṣa, see Zürcher 1959: 65–70. THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 145 translated the Huayan sūtras afterwards, so he is likely to have collected these materials during his journey. The fourth and fifth works have not survived, while the rest can be found in the Chinese collections. The date of the sixth work is uncertain, although it can presumably be placed after he returned from Central Asia (284?) and before he completed the last translation which can be dated with certainty (308). This item is missing from Daoan’s catalogue, which is frequently cited by the CSJ, so this provides some grounds for suspicion.42 This sūtra is extremely interesting in respect of the fact that it is absent from the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, whereas it is included in the eightyfascicle version under the title Chapter of the Ten Concentrations (Shiding pin ). KIMURA Kiyotaka is of the opinion that on this basis it cannot be ruled out that the eighty-fascicle sūtra appeared earlier than the sixty-fascicle work.43 It is more likely, however, that the eighty-fascicle version came about later and that its editor or editors also incorporated this sūtra, which had previously circulated independently. Dharmarakṣa’s Appearance of Tathāgata Sūtra (*Tathāgatotpattisaṃbhava-nirdeśa-sūtra)44 is also noteworthy in several respects. First of all, as has been demonstrated by Takasaki Jikidō, this work is an important precursor to the inception of the Tathāgatagarbha theory.45 The translation by Dharmarakṣa contains an introductory part which is not included in either the sixty- or eighty-fascicle Huayan jing; it is included, however, in the Tibetan translation.46 Either the translators of the larger Chinese version omitted this part or it had been missing from the original Sanskrit manuscript as well. A further remarkable aspect of the work is that, in addition to the Chapter of the Appearance of Tathāgata, it also contains the Chapter of the Ten Acceptances (Shiren pin ). Like translations from earlier periods, therefore, this translation also includes more than one chapter of the later larger Huayan jing. It appears that the Rulai xingxian jing , a work mentioned by the LSJ and translated by Bai or Bo Fazu , who lived in the time of Emperor Hui (r. 290–306) of the Jin dynasty (265–420), is another translation of this work.47 However, the CSJ makes no mention of this work and so its existence is in serious doubt. According to the LSJ, another translation of this sūtra is the Dafangguang rulai xingqi weimizang jing , which was completed in the Yuankang period and whose translator is unknown.48 According to the KSL, however, this is simply an independently circulated version of the text from the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, and it cannot therefore be considered a new translation.49 十定 品 十忍品 白 惠 元康 晉 帛 如來興顯經 法祖 大方廣如來性起微密藏經 42 T 2145: 55.8c11. 43 Kimura 1992: 13. 44 TAKASAKI Jikidō reconstructed the Sanskrit title on the basis of the Tibetan title. See Takasaki 1958: 348–343. 45 Takasaki 1974: 574–602. 46 For a Japanese translation of the Tibetan text, see Takasaki 1981: 127–280. 47 T 2034: 49.66b2. His biography in the GZ does not mention the translation. T 2059: 50.327a13–c11. 48 T 2034: 49.68a22, b1–2. 49 T 2154: 55.590c12. KAGINUSHI Ryōkei also argued in favour of this prior to the discovery of the text. See Kaginushi 1973: 37–56; 1974: 842–848. 鍵主良敬 146 IMRE HAMAR This version was lost in China, but was recently discovered in the Nanatsudera Temple in Nagoya.50 An investigation of this text has borne out the claim made by the KSL.51 The Gradually Obtaining the Virtue of Omniscience Sūtra, the translation of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, and the two other lost translations by Dharmarakṣa (4, 5) also demonstrate the ten stages of the spiritual development of a bodhisattva. This indicates that this work enjoyed great popularity during this period. The LSJ is the first source that attributes the translation of five Huayan sūtras to Nie Daozhen , Dharmarakṣa’s scribe. From among these it is only the Bodhisattvas Ask about the Fundamental Activity of Buddha Sūtra mentioned previously which has survived. The CSJ makes mention of this and two other works, The Original Vow and Practice of the Bodhisattvas (Pusa benyuan xing pin jing )52 and The Tenstage Path of the Bodhisattvas (Pusa shi dao di jing );53 however, it considers their translator unknown. The other two works attributed to Nie Daozhen (Shizhu jing and Pusa chudi jing ) also deal with the spiritual development of a bodhisattva. One of the works lost early on is the Shidi duanjie jing , whose translator, according to certain works, was Zhu Falan ,54 who, as legend has it, came to Luoyang with the Chinese delegation following a dream of the Emperor Ming (r. 58–75).55 If this were true, it would mean that the Daśabhūmika-sūtra would already have been translated into Chinese in the first century. According to the KSL, Zhu Fonian also translated a work between 365 and 385, the Shidi duanjie jing or Shizhu duanjie jing in ten fascicles. The title of Taishō 309 is similar: Zuisheng wen pusa shizhu chugou duanjie jing . The translator of this is also Zhu Fonian and it also consists of ten fascicles; it is therefore likely that the catalogue is referring to this work. This sūtra, however, is not identical to the Ten Stages chapter in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, so it can only be listed among works related to the Huayan. It is a sign of serious interest in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra that, prior to the translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, it was rendered into Chinese two more times: by Gītamitra under the title Fo shuo pusa 56 shizhu jing and by Kumārajīva and Buddhayaśas under the title 57 Shizhu jing . The last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, Gaṇḍavyūha, was also translated before the larger translation. The Taishō canon also contains the Foshuo luomoqie jing ,58 which Shengjian rendered into Chinese between 389 and 聶道真 菩薩本願行品經 菩薩十道地經 菩薩初地經 十地斷結經 竺法蘭 十住經 明 竺佛念 最勝 問菩 薩十 住 除 垢斷 結經 佛說菩薩十住經 十住經 佛說羅摩伽經 聖堅 50 Numerous works thought to have been lost have come to light at this temple, so it is an extremely important discovery for research on Buddhism. See Ochiai 1991. 51 For an edition of the text, see Kimura 1999. 52 T 2145: 55.23a13. 53 T 2145: 55.22c23. 54 KSL T 2154: 55.478b08, GZ T 2059: 50.323a14. 55 Tsukamoto 1979: vol. I. 45. 56 T 284. 57 T 286. 58 T 294. 147 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 406.59 The work consists of only three fascicles, so it is quite fragmentary compared to later translations.60 According to the LSJ, An Faxian had translated it in the 3rd century under the same title,61 whereas Dharmakṣema translated it at the beginnning of the 5th century.62 However, neither work has survived. 安法賢 The Sixty-Fascicle Huayan jing63 The Sanskrit manuscript that served as the source for the first Chinese translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra was brought from Khotan (Yutian , modern Hetian xian ). The sacred scriptures were jealously guarded and foreigners were not allowed to take them out of the country. Zhi Faling , however, ultimately managed to convince the king present him with the first part of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, 36,000 ślokas (jie ) in length. Afterwards, he brought the work to Chang’an. Another monk who was travelling with him, Zhiyan , did not return home, but travelled on to Kashmir. He was surprised at the pure life of the monks in Kashmir and their strict observence of the monastic regulations. When he asked who could teach the Chinese, he was told it was Buddhabhadra, and so he asked the master to accompany him to China.64 The foreign master stayed in Chang’an from 406 to 408 but probably had a difference of opinion with the other famous master translator of the age, Kumārajīva, who maintained his own harem behind the walls of the monastery and thus received criticism from monks who argued in favour of following the strict moral code. From Chang’an Buddhabhadra went to Lushan , where he joined the community of Huiyuan (334–417) and commenced translating several texts on meditation. In 413, he went to Jiankang , where he settled at the Daochang monastery. Here he met Zhi Faling, who had arrived from Chang’an. Zhi Faling asked Buddhabhadra to translate the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, which he had brought with him from Khotan. On the tenth day of the third month [30 April] of 418, he began the work and completed it on the tenth day of the sixth month [6 July] of 420. Financial support for the work was provided by two officials: Meng Yi ,65 who held the office of governor of Wu prefecture (wujun neishi ), and Chu Shudu ,66 who 和田縣 支法領 偈 慧遠 建康 于闐 智嚴 廬山 道場 吳郡內史 59 60 61 62 63 孟顗 褚叔度 T 2034: 49.83b19. For a brief summary of the work, see Fontein 1967: 176. T 2034: 49.56c25. T 2034: 49.84b12. For a German translation of the work, see Doi 1978, 1981, 1982; for a Japanese translation, see Etō 1917. 64 For a biography of Buddhabhadra, see GZ T 2059: 50.334b26–335c14. 65 We know that Meng Yi was a devout Buddhist; however, other sources do not confirm an association with the translation of the Huayan jing. 66 Chu Shudu’s biography can be found in the Nanshi (juan 28), but it does not mention his Buddhist connections. 南史 148 IMRE HAMAR 右衛將 was the general in charge of the garrison on the right flank (youwei jiangjun ). After this, he compared the Sanskrit text with the Chinese translation. He completed this phase of the work on the twenty-eighth day of the twelfth month [5 February, 422] of 421. The scribal (bishouzhe ) work was carried out by Faye .67 Faye expounded on the teachings of the opus in a work of his own entitled Huayan zhigui , written in two fascicles. He placed the Sanskrit manuscript on a table and presumably made offerings to it. A Huayan hall (huayan tang ) was built in the monastery, where the monks would probably have made offerings. According to both the CSJ and the KSL, Buddhabhadra’s translation at first consisted of fifty fascicles and was later divided into sixty.68 Other catalogues confirm this. It is not known who re-named it the sixty-fascicle work, but it already had that name in the Sui period (581–618).69 However, the fifty-fascicle work continued to survive according to the catalogues and this is borne out by a manuscript from the Song period (960–1279) which consists of fifty fascicles. Since the third patriarch of the Huayan tradition, Fazang (643–712) calls it the sixty-fascicle work in his commentary, this name is likely to have become common by the start of the Tang period (618–907). In terms of content, however, the text did not change. Divākara (Rizhao in Chinese), a translator from India,70 arrived in Chang’an in the spring of 680, settled at the Taiyuan monastery, and soon became the most respected master translator of the age. He brought with him the Sanskrit manuscript of the last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, and, with the aid of Fazang, compared it as well as the other Sanskrit manuscripts available to him with the translation by Buddhabhadra. They compared a total of eight or nine Sanskrit manuscripts,71 and found that nine sections which were missing in Buddhabhadra’s translation were present in all the versions; the master, therefore, had omitted them from the work.72 Similarly, the part between the meeting with Maitreya and that with Samantabhadra, in which Mañjuśrī touches Sudhana’s head from a distance, was also missing from Buddhabhadra’s version. Naturally, in the absence 軍 業 筆受者 華嚴旨歸 法 華嚴堂 法藏 日照 太原 67 The colophon of the Huayan jing provides this information on the translation of the work. See T 278: 9.788b3–9. CSJ T 2145: 55.60c29–61a8. According to the GZ, it was not Zhi Faling who requested Buddhabhadra to translate the work, but two officials, Meng Yi and Chu Shudu. In addition to Faye, it also mentions Huiyan as a participant in the work and adds that over a hundred others also assisted. It makes mention of the creation of the Huayan tang; however, it does not provide the time of the translation. See T 2059: 50.335c4–9. The GZ also says that Faye was knowledgeable in the Huayan as Tanbin had learnt Huayan from him. See T 2059: 50.373a23. 68 CSJ T 2145: 55.11c9, KL T 2154: 55.505b21. 69 ZM T 2146: 55.115a11 70 For his biography, see Song gaoseng zhuan T 2061: 50.719a19, HZ T 2073: 51.154c10. See also Forte 1974: 135–164; Chen forthcoming, Chapter 5. 71 HTJ T 1733: 35.122c22–27, 484c9–15. 72 Parts that have been omitted: the ten persons called on between the visits to Māyā and Maitreya. 慧嚴 曇斌 宋高僧傳 149 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA of the original manuscript, we cannot fault Buddhabhadra for this omission with certainty since it is possible that these parts were missing from the manuscript that he used. The missing parts were translated and the work circulated independently during the Tang dynasty under the title Dafangguang fo huayan jing rufajie pin .73 It was only in the Song period (960–1279) that these parts were incorporated into the sixty-fascicle translation.74 大方廣佛 華嚴經入法界品 The Eighty-Fascicle Huayan jing75 武則天 Empress Wu Zetian (623/625–705) learned that the original manuscript of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra could be found in Khotan and sent envoys to collect it. Śikṣānanda brought the work to China and later settled at the Dabian monastery in the eastern capital, where he began translating it. This Sanskrit manuscript was longer than the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing by 9,000 ślokas and consisted of a total of 45,000 ślokas. The Sanskrit text was read aloud by Bodhiruci and Yijing while Fazang and Fuli wrote down the translation. The work began on the fourteenth day of the third month [1 May] of 695 and was completed in the Foshouji monastery on the eighth day of the tenth month [6 September] of 699 with a foreword written by the empress herself. Foshouji appears as the site of the translation in Huiyuan’s (673–743) Xu huayan lüeshu kanding ji whereas the Empress Wu mentions the Great Biankong monastery in her foreword.76 As CHEN Jinhua showed Śikṣānanda’s translation bureau was based at Foshouji monastery, thus the translation of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra was done there, while at the Biankong monastery, a palace chapel only the opening ceremony was held.77 The earlier translation contained eight assemblies and 34 chapters while the new text had nine assemblies and 39 chapters. Despite the fact that Śikṣānanda’s translation is far longer than Buddhabhadra’s, the part in which Mañjuśrī touches Sudhana’s head from a distance has been omitted here as well. As noted earlier, this part was also missing in the sixty-fascicle version; Divākara filled the gap on the basis of the Sanskrit Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra manuscript, which he had brought with him. Fazang completed the eighty-fascicle version with the part that had been omitted.78 Śikṣānanda returned to Khotan in 704 to visit his sick mother. He returned to China at the request of Emperor Zhongzong (r. 684, 705–710) in 708. He died in 710 at 義淨 佛授記 大遍 菩提流志 復禮 慧苑 遍空 續華嚴略疏刊定記 中宗 73 T 295. 74 For these added parts in the text of Taishō edition, see T 278: 9.765a3–767b28; 783b28–c15. 75 For an English translation of the work, see Cleary 1993; for a Japanese translation, see Etō 1929, revised by Itō Zuiei 1959, reprint 1980. 76 Li 2000: 66. 77 Chen 2004. 78 Huiyuan, a disciple of Fazang’s, provides a report on this. See Xu huayan lüeshu kanding ji , XZJ 5.49a1–12. 伊藤瑞叡 華嚴略疏刊定記 續 150 IMRE HAMAR the age of 59. According to his biography, after he was cremated his tongue remained and was sent back to Khotan. In his honour, a seven-storey pagoda was erected outside the northern gate of Chang’an and was named “the Pagoda of the Huayan Tripiṭaka Master” (huayan sanzang ta ).79 華嚴三藏塔 The Forty-Fascicle Huayan jing The king of the southern Indian state of Oḍḍiyāna sent a Sanskrit manuscript of the forty-fascicle Huayan jing to Emperor Dezong (r. 779–805), which Prajñā (744–810?) translated into Chinese. The master translator was originally from northern India and in his youth studied the Hīnayāna teachings, especially those of the Sarvāstivāda. After his ordination he travelled a great deal and came to know Yogācāra and Tantric Buddhism. He came to China to visit Wutaishan , which was regarded as the residence of Mañjuśrī.80 In 781 he came to Guangzhou. He went on to Chang’an, where he was treated with great respect and enjoyed the support of the emperor. He began the translation on the fifth day of the sixth month [13 July] of 796 and completed it on the twenty-fourth day of the second month [16 March] of 798. He was assisted by the fourth patriarch of the Huayan school, Chengguan (738–839).81 82 This version, which is called the forty-fascicle Huayan jing, contains all the parts which are missing from the last chapter of the sixty- and eighty-fascicle recensions. Of particular interest in this regard is the last fascicle, which includes The Vow of Samantabhadra (Bhadracarī-praṇidhānarāja-gāthā, Puxian xingyuan pin ). This text was first translated by Buddhabhadra as a separate work under the title Wenshu shili fayuan jing ;83 it is shorter than the later translations. The second translation was prepared by the famous Tantric master, Amoghavajra (705–774), under the title Puxian pusa xingyuan zan .84 Bart Dessein compared the three versions and came to the conclusion that Amoghavajra had changed the title of the work and that Prajñā had adopted this change from him.85 This seems to be contradicted by the fact that the titles of the Sanskrit version and of the two Tibetan translations (one of them as part of the Gaṇḍavyūha, the other as a separate work) would all include the name Samantabhadra. It is therefore more likely, that the “Mañjuśrī” of the title of Buddhabhadra’s text was changed to Samantabhadra in India. 德宗 五台山 澄觀 品 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 文殊師利發願經 普賢行願 普賢菩薩行願贊 For his biography, see Song gaoseng zhuan, T 2061: 50.718c19–719a17. For the connection between Mañjuśrī and Wutaishan, see Birnbaum 1983. For a critical biography, see Hamar 2002. T 293. T 296. T 297. Dessein 2003: 327–329. 151 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA The Sanskrit Version It is clear from the foregoing that according to our sources both the sixty- and eighty-fascicle versions of the Huayan jing were translated into Chinese based on Sanskrit manuscripts (fanben ) from Khotan. This indicates that this work enjoyed enormous popularity in this area and may even have been compiled there.86 Unfortunately, the Sanskrit manuscript has not survived. According to ŌNISHI Ryūhō, however, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra never in fact existed in Inner Asia.87 Zhi Faling did not bring one work with him called the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, but a number of sūtras which Buddhabhadra compiled and named the Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra. Śikṣānanda in turn attempted to collect similar works based on the Buddhabhadra version, and this gave rise to the Sanskrit manuscript which served as the basis for the eighty-fascicle translation. This appears to be contradicted by a report by the second patriarch of the Huayan tradition, Zhiyan (602–668, not to be confused with Zhiyan mentioned above) on a Sanskrit manuscript that could be found in the Dacien monastery.88 He provides a precise description: it consisted of 541 pages with 55 syllables (zi ) in one line and twenty lines on one leaf. One śloka (song ) consisted of 32 syllables.89 He counted 2280 (?) syllables on the two sides of one leaf and making a total of 1,323,480 syllables according to his count, or 41,980 ślokas plus ten syllables. Zhiyan’s count is not accurate because if his calculations are based on 2280 syllables per page then the total should be only 1,233,480 syllables, which, when divided by 32, gives us 38,546 ślokas and eight syllables. However, if we count 2200 syllables per leaf, this gives us 1,190,200 syllables and therefore makes 37,193 ślokas and 24 syllables. If we use this last count, the Sanskrit version is not much longer than the sixty-fascicle version, which consists of 36,000 ślokas. Zhiyan lists the chapters of the Sanskrit version as well, to be examined further on. The next question is how this Sanskrit manuscript came to be in the Dacien monastery. We may consider the option that the manuscript used by Buddhabhadra or a copy of it found its way here. However, due to the distance both spatial and temporal as well as the significant differences in the arrangement of the chapters, there is little likelihood of this. According to SANADA Ariyoshi, Xuanzang (600–664) might have brought the Sanskrit Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra with him from his pilgrimage since the Dacien monastery featured prominently in his life.90 Here he also translated a short Huayan sūtra, which I will discuss below. 梵本 智儼 字 頌 智嚴 大慈恩 玄奘 86 During this period in Inner Asia, Sanskrit was used as the ecclesiastical language and Sanskrit texts were not translated into local vernaculars. It is likely that works were also composed in Sanskrit. See Nattier 1990: 195–219. 87 Ōnishi 1985. , T 1871: 45.588 88 Huayan jing nei zhangmen deng za kongmu zhang a13–589b13. 89 This corresponds to the traditional Indian number of syllables in a śloka. See Monier-Williams 1899: 1104. 90 Sanada 1949: 48–50. 華嚴經內章門等雜孔目章 152 IMRE HAMAR As I noted previously, a part was missing from the last chapter of the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, the Gaṇḍavyūha, which was later translated by Divākara with the assistance of Fazang. Fazang wrote that he and Divākara had jointly examined the various Indian versions (tianzhu zhuben ), the Kunlun version (kunlun ben ) and the independent version from Khotan (yutian biexing ben ), and that they had found that the parts that were missing from the sixty-fascicle version could be found in all of them.91 We can conclude from this mention of the “independent version from Khotan” and the fact that we know that Divākara had brought the Gaṇḍavyūha with him that they compared the last chapter of the sixtyfascicle Huayan jing with the independent sūtra.92 Like Zhiyan, Fazang also mentions that Sanskrit manuscripts of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra could be found in the Dacien monastery: “I recently saw in the pagoda of the Dacien monastery three versions of the Sanskrit Buddhāvataṃsaka-[sūtra]. I briefly compared all of them with the Chinese version and they were largely identical; the numbers of ślokas were also similar.” 崑崙本 本 天竺諸本 于闐別行 近於大慈恩寺塔上見梵本華嚴有三部。 略勘並與此漢本大同。 頌數亦相 似。 93 Partial Translations after the Translation of Larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra The chapters translated after the eighty-fascicle translation was completed raise several questions. The third patriarch of the Huayan school, Fazang, who was himself involved in the translation of the eighty-fascicle version, compared the final translation with the Sanskrit manuscript and found that the Teaching of Samantabhadra chapter was missing from the Chinese version even though it was part of the Sanskrit original.94 At the same time, the translator of the eighty-fascicle work also translated this sūtra under the title Dafangguang puxian suo shuo jing . The question therefore is why Śikṣānanda omitted this chapter from the Huayan jing. The chapter can also be found in the Tibetan translation prepared in the ninth century under the title Kun-tu bzang-pos bstan-pa. It is thus conceivable that the Sanskrit version to which Fazang had access was close to the version used by the Tibetan translators. After the translation of the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, one of the greatest translators of Chinese Buddhism, Xuanzang, translated a short Huayan sūtra entitled Xian wubian fotu gongde jing , corresponding to chapter twenty-six of 大方廣普賢所說經 顯無邊佛土功德經 91 HTJ T 1733: 35.484c9–15. 92 According to Li Huiying, it is not clear whether the text in question is the entire Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra or only the Gaṇḍavyūha, although the phrase “freestanding version” suggests that it was only the Gaṇḍavyūha that was compared with the last chapter of the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing. See Li 2000: 70–71. 93 HTJ T 1733: 35.122b24–25. 94 HZ 2073: 51.156a20. THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 153 壽命品 the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, Life-span (Shouming pin ). The same chapter was also translated by Dharmabhadra in 1001 under the title Foshuo jiaoliang yiqie fosha gongde jing . It is interesting that two independent Tibetan translations of this short work have also survived.95 In this text, “Consciousness-King Bodhisattva” relates that one kalpa in our world corresponds to one day in the world of Amitābha, and that one kalpa in the world of Amitābha corresponds to one day in the next world. This last world where beings therefore live the longest is the Lotus-womb world, which is the pure realm extolled by the Buddhāvataṃsakasūtra. The popularity of the sūtra can be explained in part by the growth of the Amitābha-cult in the Tang period and in part by the cult associated with Huayan Buddhism. The importance of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra is demonstrated by the fact that, after the partial translations of the previous era and after the translation of the larger works, Śīladharma translated it once more in 799 under the title Foshuo shidi jing . 佛說較量一切佛剎功德經 佛 說十地經 The Tibetan version In addition to the sixty- and eighty-fascicle Chinese translations, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra has survived in a Tibetan translation. It is not known how the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra arrived in Tibet, but since the Tibetans enjoyed active ties with Khotan the manuscript could have been brought from there.96 The complete Buddhāvataṃsaka makes up a section of the Bka’-’gyur called Phal-chen. The Tibetan title of the sūtra is Sangs-rgyas phal-po-che zhes bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa chen-po’i mdo.97 On the basis of this, the Sanskrit title is reconstructed as Buddhāvataṃsaka nāma mahāvaipulya sūtra. In the Derge recension of the Tibetan Canon the work fills four volumes. Each volume is divided into bam-pos,98 with the bam-po numbering beginning anew with each volume. At the end of each bam-po, the work is referred to by the following title: Sangs-rgyas rmad gcad ces bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa’i mdo.99 According to the Ldan-kar catalogue compiled during the time of King Khri-srong-ldebrtsan (754–797), the work consists of 45 chapters and 39,030 ślokas. This makes 130 complete bam-pos and 30 ślokas. It is not difficult to calculate that one bam-po 95 P 772, 934. For their titles, see below. 96 Khri-lde-gtsug-brtsan (704–754) had a Chinese wife, who interceded for the monks who had fled in large numbers from Khotan. It is owing to this that they were able to settle here and that seven monasteries were built for them. Three years later, however, after the death of the queen, they were driven out. See Snellgrove 1986: 77. 97 P 761. 98 One bam-po consists of 300 ślokas. See Lalou 1953: 313–314. The works in the catalogue prepared during the reign of Khri-srong-lde-brtsan were arranged by number of bam-pos, in descending order. The origin of the term bam-po must be sought in Chinese as Indian tradition knows no such division. See Skilling 1997: 92. 99 This is the old Tibetan title for the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. See Bod-rgya tshig-mdzod chenmo 1985: II. p. 1711. 154 IMRE HAMAR consists of 300 ślokas. The colophon of the Derge edition states that the Tshal-pa edition of this sūtra is divided into 115 bam-pos, and current editions have different way of division. It is worth noting that this division is similar to the manner in which Zhiyan measured the length of the Sanskrit manuscript.100 The Tibetan translation was prepared in the first quarter of the ninth century by two Indian scholars, Jinamitra and Surendrabodhi, in collaboration with the Tibetan master-editor Ye-shes-sde. The work consists of 45 chapters (le’u), and the bodhisattvas gather on nine occasions in seven places. According to the catalogue prepared by Qing Jixiang between 1285 and 1287, Zhiyuan fabao kantong zonglu , the Tibetan translation was based on the Chinese version.101 However, the Tibetan translation contains two chapters which cannot be found in any of the Chinese translations; it is therefore more likely that the Tibetan translation was made from a Sanskrit text.102 This is supported by the fact that we know that Jinamitra and Surendrabodhi translated from Sanskrit, not Chinese.103 The colophon of the Derge edition sheds a certain degree of light on the issue. First of all, it states that the number of bam-pos differs in the various editions. It mentions two lines of tradition: one Chinese, the other Indian. In the Chinese line, the teaching went from Buddha to Mañjuśrī and then to Nāgārjuna. Buddhabhadra (paṇḍita Byang-chub bzang-po) and Śikṣānanda (paṇḍita Dga’-ba) subsequently translated it into Chinese. The text was later passed on by Thu-thu-zhun hwashang, and then Sangs-rgyas-’bum of Dbus obtained the teaching from Gying-ju hwashang. This tradition has survived thanks to outstanding translators. The Indian line of tradition is as follows: the teaching came from Buddha to Nāgārjuna, then to Āryadeva and later to ’Jam-dpal-grags-pa. The teaching was received by a contemporary of Milarepa’s (1040–1123), Bari lo-tsaba (1040–1111), from Rdo-rje-gdan-pa and later by the great Sa-skya-pa (1092–1158) from Mchims-brtson-seng. Partial translations survive in Bka’-’gyurs, where they are not classed under Phalchen but, with one exception, under Mdo sna-tshogs “Miscellaneous Sūtra”. As men- 慶吉祥 至元法寶勘同總錄 100 Lalou 1953: 319. 101 T 99.190b. 102 This confirms my own research in which I have compared the Chinese and Tibetan translations of the Appearance of the Tathāgata Sūtra. The Tibetan version contains an introductory section which cannot be found in any of the Chinese translations, except for that by Dharmarakṣa. The Chinese translators presumably left out this introductory section, if it was not already missing from the version that they used. Professor ARAMAKI Noritoshi, who examined the various versions of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra as the work was being translated into Japanese, also concluded that this chapter had been translated from Sanskrit (personal communication). 103 The list of translators from Sanskrit to Tibetan in the Sgra-sbyor bam-po gnyis-pa opens with Jinamitra and Surendrabodhi. For the relevant Tibetan text and its translation, see ScherrerSchaub 1999. Bu-ston writes that King Ral-pa-can (r. 815–836) ordered Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi, Ye-shes-sde and other masters to translate Buddhist texts into Tibetan directly from Sanskrit because the words, or terminology, had been variously rendered in translations from Chinese and other languages, thus making it difficult to study the teaching. See Obermiller 1931: 196–197. For Jinamitra, see also Skilling 1997, chapter 4. THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 155 tioned above, there are two translations of the Life-span chapter: Enumeration of the Virtues of Buddha-lands of Tathāgatas (’Phags-pa de-bzhin gshegs-pa-rnams-kyi sangs-rgyas-kyi zhing-gi yon-tan brjod-pa’i rnam-grangs)104 and The King-sūtra which Cannot Be Grasped by Thoughts (’Phags-pa bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa’i rgyalpo’i mdo zhes bya-ba theg-pa chen-po’i mdo).105 According to the Derge edition, the former was translated by Jinamitra, Dānaśīla and Ye-shes-sde.106 The translators of the latter work are unknown.107 The Inconceivable Teaching of Buddha Sūtra (Sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa bstan-pa),108 which is also a part of the translation of larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, where it has the same title. The names of the translators have not survived, but the colophon says the following: “Chapter twenty-nine of the Large Ear Ornament Sūtra109 consisting of one hundred thousand chapters is The Teaching of Buddha which Cannot Be Grasped by Thought (Snyan-gyi gong-rgyan rgyas-pa chen-po’i mdo le’u ’bum-pa-las sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa bstanpa’i le’u nyi-shu dgu-pa)”.110 In fact, this chapter is not the twenty-ninth in the Tibetan translation of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, but the thirty-ninth. Bu-ston (1290– 1364) writes that the entire Buddhist canon has not survived and that many parts have been lost. He cites the example of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, which had originally consisted of 100,000 chapters, of which only forty survived.111 This report is surprising because the Tibetan translation consists of forty-five chapters. The 100,000 chapters (le’u) probably refers to the 100,000 ślokas. As mentioned earlier, according to legend, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra which Nāgārjuna brought out of the palace of serpents contained 100,000 ślokas. It is interesting to note that this version is close to the sixty-fascicle Chinese version, while the version in the larger work is close to the eighty-fascicle work.112 This chapter is the twenty-eighth in the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, so it is possible that this independent Tibetan translation is part of another, presumably earlier Tibetan translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, which might have been based on this recension of the Huayan jing. The King of the Prayer of Outstanding Acts (’Phags-pa bzang-po spyod-pa’i smon-lam-gyi rgyal-po),113 which is a translation of Bhadracarī-praṇidhānarāja-gāthā, can be found in the Rgyud (Tantra) section of Bka-’gyur. Unlike the two larger Chinese translations, the larger Tibetan translation also contains this work. 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 P 772. P 934. A Comparative Analytical Catalogue 1930–1932: 276. Ibid., 363. For this paper I refer only to the Peking and Derge Kanjurs or their catalogues. Further details about the translation or translators may be found in other Kanjurs or recensions of the text, but I leave this task for future research. P 854. This is the old Tibetan title for the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Bod-rgya tshig-mdzod chen-mo 1985: II. p. 1711. P 208: 34.200b5–6. Obermiller 1931: 169. A Comparative Analytical Catalogue 1930–1932: 330. P 716. 156 IMRE HAMAR Comparing the chapters in the various versions Although no Sanskrit version of a “complete” Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra has survived, Zhiyan recorded the Chinese translations of the Sanskrit chapter titles in his commentary.114 We are thus afforded an opportunity to compare the arrangements of the chapters in one Sanskrit, two Chinese and one Tibetan versions. The number of chapters differs: the sixty-fascicle sūtra is divided into thirty-four chapters, the eightyfascicle work contains thirty-nine, the Tibetan translation has forty-five and the Sanskrit “original” – according to Zhiyan’s report – into forty-four.115 The discrepancy can be traced back to two causes. Firstly, some chapters were omitted from certain versions. Thus, for example, Chapter 11 of the Tibetan translation, The Garlands of Tathāgata, and Chapter 32, The Speech by Samantabhadra, are missing from all other versions; while the Ten Concentrations chapter is found only in the eighty-fascicle and Tibetan texts. Secondly, the text is divided into chapters in different ways and thus the chapter titles also differ. Chapter 2 of the sixty-fascicle Chinese text, Vairocana Buddha, for instance, makes up five separate chapters in the eighty-fascicle version, whereas it makes up nine chapters in the Tibetan and “Sanskrit” versions. The last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, Gaṇḍavyūha, is uniquely divided into three chapters in the Sanskrit version. Another difference is that the same chapter may have a different title in different versions. For example, Chapter 1 bears the title The Eye that Sees the World Clearly in the sixty-fascicle and Sanskrit versions, whereas it has the title The Wondrous Ornaments of the Lord of the World in the eighty-fascicle and Tibetan versions. On examining the arrangements of the chapters, therefore, we find that the Tibetan and Sanskrit versions are similar. On the basis of these findings, it can be concluded that the Tibetan recension, which contains two additional chapters not found in the other two recensions, represents the fourth and last stage of development of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, whereas the eighty-fascicle Chinese recension, which contains one more chapter than the Sanskrit and the sixty-fascile recensions, is the third stage. 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Oakville-New York-London: Mosaic Press, 1991. 高峰了著 華厳論集 高崎直道 印度學佛教學研究 高崎直道 高崎直道 高崎直道 魏道儒 如来蔵思想の形成 如来蔵系経典 中國華嚴宗通史 160 Appendix Comparative table of chapters of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra Sanskrit (Zhiyan’s report) (1) 世間淨眼品 (1) 世間淨眼品 (2) 盧舍那佛品 (1) 世主妙嚴品 如來現相品 (3) 普賢三昧品 (2) (4) 說入世界海品 (4) 世界成就品 (5) 淨世界海功德海 光明品 (5) 華藏世界品 Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese and Tibetan (1) ’jig-rten-gyi dbang-po thams-cad-kyi rgyan-gyi tshul rab-tu byung-ba (2) de-bzhin gshegs-pa (3) kun-tu bzang-po’i tingnge-’dzin dang rnam-par ’phrul-pa rab-tu ‘byung-ba (4) ’jig-rten-gyi khams rgyamtsho shin-tu bstan-pa’i phyogs gsal-bar bya-ba yang-dag par bsgrubs-pa (5) ’jig-rten-gyi khams rgyamtsho gzhi dang snyingpo me-tog-gi rgyan-gyis brgyan-pa’i yon-tan rgyamtsho yongs-su dag-pas snang-ba IMRE HAMAR 如來品 (3) 普賢菩薩修行入 三摩提品 (2) Śikṣānanda (T 279) Buddhabhadra (T 278) Sanskrit (Zhiyan’s report) 世界輪圍莊嚴 海品 1(7) 說世界海莊嚴 地品 1(8) 觀世界性處品 1(9) 觀世界處安住 音聲品 (10) 毘盧舍那品 (11) 四諦品 1(6) ’jig-rten-gyi khams rgya-mtsho’i khor yug-gi rgyan rgya-mtsho shin-tu bstan-pa 1(7) jig-rten-gyi khams rgya-mtsho’i sa’i gzhi’i rgyan shin-tu bstan-pa Partial extant Chinese and Tibetan 1(8) zhing-gi rgyud-kyi gnas shin-tu bstan-pa (6) (3) (4) 如來名號品 四諦品 (7) (8) 毘盧遮那品 如來名號品 四聖諦品 1(9) ’jig-rten-gyi khams-kyi rgyud rnam-par dgod-pa shin-tu bstan-pa (10) nam-par snang-mdzad (11) de-bzhin gshegs-pa phalpo che (12) sangs-rgyas-kyi mtshan shin-tu bstan-pa 佛說兜沙經 T 280: 10.445a5–446a15. 佛說菩薩本業經 T 281: 10.446b28–447a18. (13) ’phags-pa’i bden-pa 161 (12) 如來名稱品 Tibetan (P 761) THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 1(6) Śikṣānanda (T 279) Buddhabhadra (T 278) (13) 如來光明熾然 覺品 Buddhabhadra (T 278) (5) (14) 菩薩明難品 (6) (15) 圓淨行品 (7) 賢勝品 (8) (17) 須彌頂入如來 品 (9) 菩薩明難 品 淨行品 賢首菩薩 品 佛昇須彌 頂品 1(9) 光明覺品 Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese and Tibetan 佛說兜沙經 (14) de-bzhin gshegs-pa’i ’odzer-las rnam-par sangsT 280: 10.446a15–b9. rgyas 佛說菩薩本業經 (10) 菩薩問明品 (11) 淨行品 (12) 賢首品 (13) 昇須彌山頂品 T 281: 10.447a19–b4. (15) byang-chub sems-dpas dris-pa snang-ba (16) spyod-yul yongs-su dagpa 佛說菩薩本業經 T 281: 10.447b6–449 b23. 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T 282: 10.451a6–454 a7. (17) bzang-po’i dpal (18) de-bzhin gshegs-pa rirab-kyi rtse-mor gshegspa 佛說菩薩本業經 T 281: 10.449b25–29. 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T 282: 10.454a8–20. IMRE HAMAR (16) 如來光明 覺品 Śikṣānanda (T 279) 162 Sanskrit (Zhiyan’s report) Sanskrit (Zhiyan’s report) (18) 須彌頂如來作 菩薩集說偈品 (10) 十菩薩說住品 (11) 菩薩雲集 妙勝殿上 說偈品 菩薩十住 品 Śikṣānanda (T 279) (14) (15) 須彌頂上偈讚 品 十住品 Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese and Tibetan 佛說菩薩本業經 (19) ri rab-kyi rtse-mo debzhin gshegs-pa’i rnamT 281: 10.449b29–c4. par ’phrul-pa dang byangchub sems-dpa’i tshogsT 282: 10.454a20–26. kyi tshigs-su bcad-pa 諸菩薩求佛本業經 (20) byang-chub sems-dpa’i rnam-par dgod-pa bcu bstan-pa 佛說菩薩本業經 T 281: 10.449c4–450c25. 菩薩十住行道品 T 283. 佛說菩薩十住經 梵行品 (13) 初發心菩 薩功德品 明法品 (23) 蘇夜摩富作品 明法品 (15) 佛昇夜摩 天宮自在 品 (22) (12) (14) 梵行品 (17) 初發心功德品 (16) 明法品 (19) 昇夜摩天宮品 (18) (21) tshangs-par spyod-pa (22) byang-chub sems-dpa’ sems dang-po bskyed-pa’i bsod-nams-kyi phungpo’i dpe yang-dag-par bsags-pa tshigs bcad-pa (23) chos snang-ba (24) ran mtshe-ma’i gnas-na rnam-par ’phrul-ba 諸菩薩求佛本業經 T 282: 10.454a8–20. 163 梵行品 (21) 說初發心菩薩 功德花聚喻偈 品 (20) T 284. THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA (19) Buddhabhadra (T 278) (24) Buddhabhadra (T 278) 蘇夜摩富菩薩 集說偈品 (16) 十無盡藏品 (18) 夜摩天宮 菩薩說偈 品 (28) 兜率宮菩薩來 說 偈品 (20) (29) 金剛幢迴向品 (21) 兜率天宮 菩薩雲集 讚佛品 金剛幢菩 薩十迴向 品 (20) 夜摩宮中偈讚 品 (22) 十無盡藏品 (23) 昇兜率天宮品 (24) 兜率宮中偈讚 品 (25) 十迴向品 Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese and Tibetan (25) rab mtshe-ma’i gnas-su byang-chub sems-dpa’i ’dus-pas tshigs-su bcadpa bstan-pa (27) gter mi zad-pa bcu bstanpa (28) de-bzhin gshegs-pa dga’ldan-du bzhud-pa dang gshegs-pa dang bzhugspa’i rgyan (29) dga’-ldan-gyi gnas-su byang-chub sems-dpa’ ’dus-pa’i tshigs-su bcadpa bstan-pa (30) rdo-rje rgyal-mtshan-gyis yongs-su bsngo-ba IMRE HAMAR 菩薩十無 盡藏品 (27) 如來昇入兜率 (19) 如來昇兜 陀 天品 率天宮一 切寶殿品 (26) Śikṣānanda (T 279) 164 Sanskrit (Zhiyan’s report) Sanskrit (Zhiyan’s report) (30) 十地品 Buddhabhadra (T 278) (22) 十地品 Śikṣānanda (T 279) (26) 十地品 Tibetan (P 761) (31) sa bcu Partial extant Chinese and Tibetan 漸備一切智德經 T 285. T 286. 佛說十地經 T 287. (27) 神通品 (32) 忍辱品 (31) (33) 心王問算教入 品 十明品 (24) 十忍品 (23) (25) 心王菩薩 問阿僧祇 品 十定品 十通品 (29) 十忍品 (28) (30) 阿僧祇品 (32) kun-tu bzang-pos bstanpa (33) ting-nge-’dzin bcu 大方廣普賢所說經 T 298. 等目菩薩所問三昧經 T 288. (34) mngon-par shes-pa (35) bzod-pa 佛說如來興顯經 T 291: 10.614b15–617b7. (36) sems-kyis rgyal-pos drisnas grags-la ’jug-pa bstan THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 十住經 165 (34) 壽量品 Buddhabhadra (T 278) (26) 壽命品 Śikṣānanda (T 279) (31) 壽量品 Tibetan (P 761) (37) tshe’i tshad Partial extant Chinese and Tibetan 166 Sanskrit (Zhiyan’s report) 顯無邊佛土功德經 T 289. 佛說較量一切佛剎功德經 T 290. De-bzhin gshegs-pa-rnamskyi sangs-rgyas-gi yon-tan brjod-pa’i rnam-grangs P 772. 說佛法不思議 品 (28) 佛不思議 法品 (33) 佛不思議法品 (37) 說如來十身相 海品 (29) 如來相海 品 (34) 如來十身相海 品 小種好光明說 功 德門品 (39) 說普賢菩薩行 品 (38) 佛小相光 明功德品 (31) 普賢菩薩 行品 (30) 如來隨好光明 功德品 (36) 普賢行品 (35) (39) sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa bstan-pa (40) de-bzhin gshegs-pa’i sku’i mtshan rgya-mtsho bstan-pa (41) dpe-byad bzang-po’i ’odzer bstan-pa (42) kun-tu bzang-po’i spyodpa bstan-pa Sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsamgyis mi khyab-pa bstan-pa P 854. IMRE HAMAR (36) Bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa’i rgyal-po’i mdo P 934. Sanskrit (Zhiyan’s report) (40) 出世間品 善財離貪藏品 (43) 彌勒離貪名善 財 所問品 (44) 說如來功德不 思議境界上境 界入品 (42 寶王如來 性起品 (33) 離世間品 (32) (34) 入法界品 Śikṣānanda (T 279) (37) (38) (39) 如來出現品 離世間品 入法界品 Tibetan (P 761) (43) de-bzhin gshegs-pa skyeba ’byung-ba bstan-pa (44) ’jig-rten-las ’das-pa Partial extant Chinese and Tibetan 佛說如來興顯經 T 291: 10.592c6–614b14. 度世品經 T 292. (45) sdong-pos brgyan-pa 大方廣佛華嚴經 T 293. 佛說羅摩伽經 T 294. 大方廣佛華嚴經入法界品 T 295. 文殊師利發願經 T 296. 普賢菩薩行願贊 T 297. ’Phags-pa bzang-po spyodpa’i smon-lam-gyi rgyal-po P 716. THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA (41) 說如來性起品 Buddhabhadra (T 278) 167 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 華嚴 It is widely known that the Sino-Japanese tradition of Huayan/Kegon philosophy and practice started in Southern Dynasties (420–589) with the translation of the Huayan jing in 60 fascicles by a translation team led by a Gandhāran meditation master, Buddhabhadra (Fotuobatuoluo ) from the 14th year of Yixi period of Eastern Jin (418) through the 2nd year of Yongchu period of Liu Song (421). However, has anybody been able to trace the earliest transmission of this tradition to Northern Dynasties (386–581) on the basis of any historical evidence? Here, in this paper1 I would like to draw the readers’ attention to the cardinal importance of some historiographical and archeological evidence for elucidating the beginning of Huayan tradition in Northern Dynasties and understanding its philosophical and religious characteristics. The evidence I have gathered so far, represents three stages of development as follows: 佛陀跋陀羅 熙 永初 義 1. The biography of Xuangao 玄高 (402–444) in Liang gaoseng zhuan 梁高僧 傳 and the cave 169 of Binglingsi cave (Binglingsi shiku 炳靈寺石窟) 2 The episode transmitted in Xuangao’s biography that the Gandhāran meditation master Buddhabhadra came to Chang’an to teach him the (huayan) samādhi around 421 C. E., must be accepted as a historical fact and as evidence of the earliest trans1 The present paper is intended to take a bird’s eye view of the historical development of Huayan philosophical and practical tradition in Northen Dynasties. Since this historical development has as yet scarcely been understood due to the scanty remnants of its textual transmission, every proposition in the following lines may need to be corroborated in greater details for which I must refer either to my previuosly published Japanese papers or to my future undertakings. Aramaki 2000 is an attempt to remedy this defect by showing that Dunhuang manuscripts comprise a substantial number of the important documents of Buddhism under the Northern Dynasties. Aramaki 2003 is also an attempt to indicate the importance of Xuangao’s Buddhism in the earlier half of Northern Wei Dynasty through elucidating his connection with Gao Yun , the most respected political leader of the period. I am planning to write a paper to explain the fundamental historical developments of Buddhist philosophy and practice from Northern Dynasties to Sui and early Tang. T 2059: 50.397a–398b, esp. 397a21–397c4. 高允 2 170 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI mission of this tradition to Northern Dynasties. The oldest wall paintings in the cave 169 of Binglingsi cave dated to the 5th year of Jianhong period (425), record the name of Daorong (???–??) twice, who is one of the most eminent disciples of Kumārajīva and is also known as the first transmitter of the bodhisattva śīla sūtra, the Fanwang jing ,3 to the South. Where did Daorong receive the Fanwang jing or even participate in its composition? We can surmise that not earlier than their receiving the bodhisattva śīla practice of the Bodhisattvabhūmi translated in Guzang in the 7th year of Xuanshi period (418), the two leaders, Xuangao with his huayan samādhi, and Daorong with his Mahāyānistic meditative practice in accordance with the Chengshi lun ,4 cooperated there at Binglingsi cave to produce this fundamental apocryphal sūtra of bodhisattva śīla practice, the Fanwang jing. 建弘 道融 梵網經 姑臧 玄始 成實論 智誕 2. The biography of Zhidan in Liang gaoseng zhuan5 and the Dunhuang manuscript Pelliot 2908. SAKAMOTO Yukio ,6 one of the greatest Huayan scholars in Japan, has established that the Dharma teacher Dan who is said to be the first promulgator of the classification of Buddha’s teachings into two categories, the sudden teaching (dunjiao ) and the gradual teaching (jianjiao ), is Huidan , who is quoted eight times in the Southern work known under the name The Collected Commentaries on the Mahāyāna Nirvāṇa-sūtra (Daban niepan jing jijie ).7 I think that this Huidan can be identified as the one time Southern and other time Northern monk, Zhidan, because we now have the Dunhuang manuscript Pelliot 2908 which is a Northern commentorial work on various Mahāyāna sūtras and its explicit purpose is to promulgate the classification of Buddha’s teachings into two categories: the sudden and the gradual. Here, in this manuscript Huayan jing is regarded as the sudden teachings taught simultaneously by the exponent bodhisattvas within one and the same moment of Buddha’s awakening, while all the other five classes of his teachings are the gradual teaching advocated gradually from the expediently Hīnayānistic to the more and more essentially Mahāyānistic. 坂本幸男 頓教 解 3. The Dazhusheng 寶山寺 in Hebei 河北. 誕 漸教 慧誕 大般涅槃經集 大住聖 cave and the epitaph of Lingyou 靈祐 at Baoshansi The final stage of the Huayan tradition in Northern Dynasties is eloquently represented by the exquisitely completed Vairocana Buddha image with Amitābha on its Western and Maitreya Buddha images on its Eastern side wall and by the minutely hewn wall-carvings on the backside of the entrance to the Dazhusheng cave8 3 4 5 6 7 8 T 1484. T 1646. T 2059: 50.379c17–20; 472a18–22. Sakamoto 1956: 161 ff. T 1763. The rubbing of the relief of the twenty four Indian patriarchs was published as the plate 13 of “Henan Anyang Lingquansi shiku ji Xiaonanhai shiku” Wenwu, 1988-4. THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 171 太行 which was built at the Southern edge of the Taixing mountains near Northern Qi (550–577) capital, Ye , by Lingyou, the leading monk of the time. In his epitaph standing by the side of his tomb nearby he is declared to be the fourth patriarch of Dharma lineage in China in continuation to the twenty four patriarchs in India: 1. Ratnamati (Lenamoti) (??–??), 2. Huiguang (??–??) 3. Daoping (??–??) and 4. Lingyou . Why didn’t Huayan teachers of the Tang Dynasty (618–907) continue this older lineage of their own tradition, while Tiantai teachers and both Northern and Southern schools of Chan adopted parallel lineages in continuation to the same twenty four patriarchs in India? This is, I suspect, not unrelated with their religious limitation. Now, how can we explain that the three stages of historiographical and archeological evidence enumerated so far, indeed defined the philosophical and religious characteristics of Huayan tradition? Next, I try to delineate, in the barest gist, the origin of Huayan practice in Xuangao’s huayan samādhi (§ 1), its philosophical foundation on Zhidan’s sudden teaching (§ 2) and its religious limitation in Lingyou’s eschatological awareness (Conclusion). 業 道憑 天台 勒那摩提 靈祐 慧光 1. Huayan Tradition: the Origin of Its Practice in Xuangao’s Huayan Samādhi The fundamental historical fact which Huayan studies have very badly neglected until now, so obvious though, is that the development of Huayan Buddhism is side by side with the art historical development of Vairocana Buddha images, often on a colossal scale, accompanied by the so called ‘one thousand Buddha images’. How can we explain, and to what origin can we trace back, this correlation between Vairocana Buddha images accompanied by ‘one thousand Buddha images’ and the philosophical and religious tradition of Huayan? While still lacking the definitive evidence for proof, I hypothesize that the correlation between Vairocana Buddha images with ‘one thousand Buddha images’ and the philosophical and religious tradition of Huayan can be traced back to the religious community led by Daorong and Xuangao at Binglingsi cave, and thereafter to Vairocana Buddha images at the Yungang caves. I show how the bodhisattva śīla sūtra, the Fanwang jing, may have been composed by the cooperation of Daorong and Xuangao at Binglingsi cave with the purpose of establishing the philosophical and religious tradition of Huayan to attain huayan samādhi by the inspiration of Vairocana Buddha in his presence there. There is no doubt that this parallel development of the Vairocana Buddha image with the one thousand Buddha images and the philosophical and religious tradition of Huayan in Northern Dynasties presupposes the transmission and the acceptance of the Huayan jing in 60 fascicles among Northern Buddhist leaders. When was this lengthy Mahāyāna sūtra transmitted to the North and how was it received there? In order to answer this fundamental question, I think we should pay due attention to the following episode of Xuangao’s biography in Liang gaoseng zhuan as follows: 雲岡 172 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI After his ordination [at the age 20 (A. D. 421), Xuangao] was earnestly striving to live a strictly disciplined life and to be deeply absorbed in meditation. He heard that the meditation master Buddhabhadra was teaching Buddhist meditative practice at Shiyangsi in Chang’an area. Xuangao visited the master and became his disciple. Within a period of some ten days he accomplished all the techniques of meditation perfectly well. Buddhabhadra praised him by saying, ‘Good, good, my dear! So profoundly have you penetrated into meditation.’ Thus Buddhabhadra humbled himself and did not let him pay homage. 受戒已後專精禪律。聞關中有浮馱跋陀禪師在石羊寺弘法。高往師之。旬日之中妙 通禪法。跋陀歎曰。善哉佛子。乃能深悟如此。於是卑顏推遜不受師禮。 9 This dramatic encounter and this mutually respectful relationship of Xuangao with Buddhabhadra around the second year of Jianhong period (421) implies the possibility that the Huayan jing in 60 fascicles, translated by the latter just within the same year, was transmitted directly to Xuangao, and he started to study the scripture in the light of his religious experience. Xuangao at the age 20 or so may appear to be too young to dictate the course of the historical development of Huayan tradition, but his genius in achieving samādhi and his historical role in founding Northern Wei (386–534) Buddhism should prove to be sufficiently fundamental to initiate this primarily Northern development of Huayan tradition. Into which way did he direct the Northern development of Huayan tradition? Xuangao’s biography after this dramatic encounter (around 421) can be summarized by a chronological table as follows: 421–422? He retreated from the devastating wars in the capital area to the Maijishan caves in Tianshui and there he met more than one hundred Buddhist meditators including the eminant disciples of Kumārajīva such as Tanhong , Daorong , etc. He became their leader in meditative practice. 422?–424 He proceeded westwards to Qifochipan’s Southern Qin (with its capital at Fuhan in order to learn more about the technique of samādhi from the meditation master Tanwupi there. After he had mastered Tanwupi’s technique, at the moment of the latter’s departure he was involved in a political scandal caused by two pseudo-monks who accused Xuangao of intending to overthrow the prince. He was expelled by the prince from his territory. He crossed the Yellow River to the other (Northern) shore where the Binglingsi cave temple is found. The oldest cave, no. 169, was found by a Chinese archeological team. The original sculptures and wall-paintings with the inscriptions of the leading monks headed by Tanwupi, Daorong, etc. were preserved. It is dated to the 5th year of Jianhong period (424). The western wall with the plastered huge central Buddha (perhaps Vairocana) and many Buddhas in line faces the eastern wall with the painted thousand Buddhas, as if the former Vairocana Buddha were preaching to the latter thousand Buddhas in the Fanwang jing. If we assume that the bodhisattva śīla text translated in Northern Liang (401–439) in A. D. 418 was transmitted to this cave area, then it is possible 建弘 魏 弘 麦積山 道融 涼 9 T 2059: 50.397a21–24. 天水 枹罕 曇無毘 乞佛熾槃 曇 秦 173 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD that Xuangao with his huayan samādhi and Daorong with his Chengshi lun philosophy cooperated here to compose the Fanwang jing. ?–439. He moved on with his community further westward to Northern Liang under Juqumengsun where Tanwuchen translated numerous Buddhist sūtras and initiated an ardent movement of ceremonially receiving and observing the bodhisattva śīlas. He was invited to this western frontier kingdom after Tanwuchen had been killed around A. D. 433 or before. There is no doubt that in addition to the original Tanwuchen’s bodhisattva śīla, the practice of bodhisattva śīlas according to the Fanwang jing were prosperous here. In the fifth year of Taiyan period (A. D. 439) the superpower Northern Wei conquered this frontier kingdom in order to transplant the cultural centre here with Xuangao’s new Buddhism and other refugee-nobles’ Confucian scholarship back to the capital, Pingcheng . Prior to this conquest, Daorong must have returned to the Southern border city Pengcheng with the Fanwang jing and other Northern Liang Buddhist texts and began to propagate the bodhisattva śīlas of the Fanwang jing in the Southern Dynasties. 439–444. The Northern Wei emperor Taiwudi (r. 424–452) proclaimed the Daoist universal sovereignity under the political leadership of Cui Hao (381–450) and the religious guidance of Kou Qianzhi (363–448). Both the prime minister Cui Hao and the religious master Kou Qianzhi must have been deeply concerned with the increasing religious charisma of Xuangao strongly supported by the other political leader Gao Yun . Prior to the thoroughgoing persecution of Buddhism by the two Daoists (446–450) they emphasized the danger of Buddhist charisma, and advised the emperor to kill Xuangao together with another leading monk Huichong . In the fifth year of the Taiping Zhenjun period (444), he was killed at the age 43. On the basis of these biographical and historical facts centring around the great samādhi master Xuangao I may hypothesize that the philosophical and practical development of Huayan tradition in the early period of Northern Wei Dynasty may best be represented by the successive composition of the three fundamentally influential apocryphal sūtras by the hands of the two great Buddhist scholars. One of the best experts of Chinese apocryphal sūtras, Mochizuki Shinkō,10 long time ago established that the three apocryphal sūtras: 11 1) the Renwang banruo boluomi jing 12 2) the Fanwang jing and 13 3) the Pusa yingluo benye jing were composed in this order with their successive development. Now if the record in 14 the Chu sanzang ji ji that it is Daorong who received the Fanwang 沮渠蒙遜 曇無讖 平城 太武帝 冦謙之 崔浩 高允 慧崇 太平真君 仁王般若波羅蜜経 菩薩瓔珞本業経 出三蔵記集 梵網経 10 11 12 13 14 Mochizuki 1946: 425 ff. T 245. T 1484. T 1485. T 2145: 55.79b–c. 彭城 174 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI jing from Kumārajīva and transmitted it to the posterity, is to be accepted as implying some historical fact, then the working-hypothesis proposed above that Xuangao with his huayan samādhi and Daorong with his Chengshi lun philosophy might have cooperated to compose the Fanwang jing there in the Binglingsi cave temple, becomes an all the more likely possibility and further then I should hypothesize that both of them must have cooperated also in composing the Renwang banruo boluomi jing some time earlier before they had any knowledge of the bodhisattva śīla movement. As for the composition of the third sūtra, the Pusa yingluo benye jing, I will discuss in §2 below. Now let me assume that Daorong as one of the most eminent disciples of Kumārajīva and Xuangao as the truely qualified samādhi master, indeed, cooperated to found Huayan practical and philosophical tradition through composing the first two sūtras of the three, say, at some earlier and later times before 439 respectively. Then, on this assumption, how can I explain the fundamental motive of the composition of those apocryphal sūtras, especially of the second Fanwang jing, by their cooperation? There is no doubt that the first two apocryphal sūtras are principally concerned with composing a sort of, I should say, hyper-practical bodhisattva path consisting of the five levels of receptivity (kṣānti), each of which is further divided into the three sub-levels as the following table of their bodhisattva path may show: Renwang jing Fanwang jing the precepts of Buddha nature = the bodhisattva śīla of 10 grave and 48 light precepts 佛性戒 八軽戒 1. 十重戒、四十 Yingluo jing the ten kinds of faith = the ten precepts = the first grade 十信心十不可悔戒 the receptivity of latency 伏忍 1/a the receptivity of faith the solid receptivity of = the ten kinds of faith by faith learnt nature = the ten departing minds 信忍 習種性十信 堅信忍 the nine grades 九住 十発趣心 the ten practices 1/b the receptivity of concen- the solid receptivity of truth tration = the ten nurturing minds = the ten kinds of mind by original nature 止忍 性種性十心 堅法忍 十長養心 十行 175 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD Renwang jing Fanwang jing Yingluo jing 1/c the receptivity of solidity = the ten kinds of mind by practiced nature 堅忍 2. 道種性十心 the receptivity of faith 信忍 2/a the receptivity of good awakening 善覚忍 2/b the receptivity of liberating penetration 離達忍 2/c the receptivity of illuminating wisdom 明慧忍 3. the receptivity of conformity 順忍 3/a the receptivity of flaming the solid receptivity of wisdom practice = the ten kinds of diamond mind 焔慧忍 3/b the receptivity of superior wisdom 勝慧忍 3/c the receptivity of truth realization 法現忍 堅修忍 十金剛心 the ten kinds of transference 十回向 176 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI Renwang jing 4. Fanwang jing Yingluo jing the receptivity of unborn truth 無生忍 4/a the receptivity of remote penetration 遠達忍 the solid receptivity of sacredness = the ten stages of bodhisattva practices 堅聖忍 the ten stages of bodhisattva practices 十地 十地 4/b the receptivity of equanimous awakening 等覚忍 4/c the receptivity of glorious wisdom 慧光忍 5 the receptivity of complete peacefulness 寂滅忍 5/a the receptivity of annointment 潅頂忍 5/b the receptivity of complete awakening the stage of immaculation 5/c the receptivity of omniscient wisdom the stage of omniscient awakening 円覚忍 薩婆若 無垢地 妙覚地 How could I define the fundamental motives underlying the composition of these, so to speak, hyper-practical bodhisattva paths all through the consecutive development of the three apocryphal sūtras? I would like, for the present, to discern the three motives as follows: 1) In the first Renwang jing system Daorong and Xuangao must have intended to expand the fundamental religious experience of Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism, the receptivity of unborn truth (anutpattikadharmakṣānti), into a more practically realizable system of receptivity with the preceding introductory three: the receptivity of THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 177 latencey, of faith and of conformity, and with the succeding completing one: that of complete peacefulness. And each of the receptivities is further divided into its three sub-levels. As I showed in my Japanese paper,15 the fundamental religious experience of Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism is termed either as the no-longer-retrogressive (avaivartya) or as the receptivity of unborn truth, the latter of which means the exalting ecstasy to be experienced as received from the ultimate unborn truth at the culmination of concentration (samādhi) through reciting Mahāyāna sūtras. This system of the fifteen receptivities cannot but be called ‘hyper-practical’, because the real practical religious experience, the receptivity of unborn truth, is expanded, rather mechanically, into its fifteen sub-levels with little practical foundation. 2) The second Fanwang jing system is motivated to furnish the hyper-practical system of receptivity with the newly translated bodhisattva śīla ceremony which was formulated as the practical foundation for constructing the practical bodhisattva path in the Indian Yogācāras’ śāstra text Bodhisattvabhūmi. Unfortunately, Indian Yogācāras’ practical bodhisattva path was not yet fully developed, but was in the process of formation at the stage of the Bodhisattvabhūmi. Accordingly this second system mere adopted the bodhisattva śīla ceremony as the introduction to its hyper-practical system continued from the Renwang jing. 3) The third Yingluo jing system should be discussed within the context of the next section, but here I would like to note that all through the consecutive development of the hyper-practical bodhisattva path in these three apocyphal sūtras the Vairocana Buddha with His one thousand transformations is always presiding there as the preaching Buddha and is accordingly meditated upon so as to be directly realized in the huayan samādhi. Thus I think that the Huayan jing transmitted to the North through Xuangao has always been the presupposition for the development of these three apocryphal sūtras even prior to the third in which it is evidently presupposed. Thus I would conclude this section by suggesting that the Binglingsi cave 169 with its huge central Buddha image accompaned by a line of numerous Buddha images and facing to one thousand smaller Buddha images on the opposite wall,16 may well represent the scene in which Vairocana Buddha is preaching the Fanwang jing to his one thousand transformations and in which he also teaches the meditating monks there under the guidance of Xuangao to practise the hyper-practical system of receptivities so as to be concentrated into huayan samādhi through reciting the Huayan jing ever continually. 15 Aramaki 1983: 93–94. 16 The archeological and art-historical evidence of the Binglingsi cave here referred to, is taken from the volume of the Binglingsi cave in the series of Chinese caves, Heibonsha, 1986. The huge central Buddha image accompanied by a line of numerous Buddha images is found on the plates 6 and 7, while the one thousand smaller Buddha images on the opposite wall on the plate 15. 178 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI 2. The Huayan Tradition: its Philosophical Foundation on Zhidan’s Sudden Teaching With the colossal Vairocana Buddha images at Yungang caves in front of them, the bodhisattva śīla practice must have been eagerly pursued already in the earlier half of Northern Wei by Emperors, nobles and local communities. It must have been of vital concern for Buddhist scholars of the period to establish its philosophical foundation on the scriptural basis of the Huayan jing itself. Did they start to study the Huayan jing in the first half of Nothern Wei and if yes, to what extent? Given the lack of sufficient evidence, we cannot answer definitively. Tang Yongtong in his History of Buddhism under the Han, Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties quotes an episode from the early years of Taihe period (477–499) to explain how and why the Huayan jing gradually became popular and prosperous to be recited under Xiaowendi .17 The episode itself is taken from a Sui collection of mysterious stories, Jingyi ji , and cannot be a historical record, but I think that it must have been transmitted as a memory of the Northern origin of the Huayan recitational tradition from the background discussed in the previous section. Here in this section I assume on some circumferential evidence the possibility that, though on a limited scope due to its unusual length, the Huayan jing began to attract Buddhist scholars’ attention and to be studied by them through lecturing by way of one of the Chinese styles of sūtra ceremony. It is only on this assumption that I can explain the fundamental motives of a Northern Wei commentatorial work on various Mahāyāna sūtras which is transmitted in the Dunhuang manuscript Pelliot 2908. I would provisionally call this manuscript “an early stage draft of one of the earliest Compendium of the Definitions and Discussions of Mahāyāna Buddhist Truths” (Dasheng yizhang caogao ben ) which is explicitly designed to promulgate the classification of Buddha’s teachings into two categories, the sudden and the gradual. How and why is this work motivated to promulgate this new classification of Buddha’s teachings? Here I would first investigate the historical background of inventing this new classification of Buddha’s teachings and then define two motives of elaborating this doctrine. As mentioned above, Sakamoto Yukio established on an examination of the numerous traditional records especially within Huayan school that this fundamental classification of Buddha’s teachings should be ascribed to Zhidan of Southern Qi Dynasty. Firstly, I would examine Zhidan’s biography in order to know whether it is he, indeed, who promulgated this fundamental classification. Zhidan’s biography is appended to that of Huilong (429–490),18 and therein he is mentioned only as Huilong’s contemporary and philosophical rival who lived on the other Western shore of the Yangzi River. But the Monograph on Buddhism and Daoism in the 孝文帝 旌異記 太和 大乘義章草稿本 慧隆 17 Tang 1938: 630. 18 T 2059: 50.379c. THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 179 魏書釈老志 曇淮 Weishu (Weishu shilao zhi ) mentions his name as one of the Nothern Buddhist scholars and Tang Gaoseng zhuan refers his name as the teacher of his Northern disciple, Tanhuai (439–515).19 Thus Zhidan must have lived around 429–490 as a Southern monk in the first period of his life and as a Northern one in the second period. It is also noteworthy that the Liang gaoseng zhuan (vol. 8) first records Huilong’s biography with an appendix of that of Zhidan, then that of Sengzong (444–509) and thirdly of Tanhuai mentioned above. Under the heading of Sengzong the Liang gaoseng zhuan refers to the fact that the Nothern Wei emperor Xiaowendi (r. 471–499) invited him to come to North, but the Southern Qi emperor Gaodi (r. 479–482) or Wudi (r. 482–493) did not allow him to go out. Under the heading of Tanhuai it also refers to the fact that Tanhuai went to South in order to listen to Sengzong’s lecture. Thus we may recognize that here is taking place an international competition to absorb the best Buddhist scholarship and to hold the cultural hegemony over the other between the militarily overpowering Northern Wei and the newly founded culturally oriented Southern Qi. Now Zhidan is said to be the Buddhist scholar who promulgated the fundamental classification of all Buddha’s teachings into the two categories, the sudden and the gradual, and our chapter of the Northern work Compendium of the Definitions and Discussions of Mahāyāna Buddhist Truths on the biographical order of all Buddha’s teachings does expressly promulgate the same fundamental categories, the sudden and the gradual. Then isn’t it reasonable for us to investigate whether the latter could be the very rare record of its original promulgation by Zhidan? As far as I can see, the latter text bears no evidence to the contrary, but rather strongly points to its authenticity, the most evident reason for which may be the fact that it refers as its direct source to Liu Qiu’s ‘seven grades classification’ which was the newest and almost perfectly completed achievement of Southern Buddhist scholarship promulgated in Yongming 3 (485). Zhidan must have gone to North immediately after this date at his fifties and taught his Northern disciple, Tanhuai, who must have gone to South some years before Yongming 11 (493). The following table may show how Liu Qiu’s ‘seven grades classification’ is presupposed by Zhidan’s ‘sudden and gradual classification.’ Let me note at this point that both Liu Qiu’s ‘seven grades classification’ and Zhidan’s ‘sudden and gradual classification’ cannot be genuinely philosophical, but hyper-philosophical because not only these two, but also all other Chinese Buddhist doctrines presuppose an un-historical doctrine that Gotama Buddha taught all his Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna sūtras within the 45 years of his preaching activity, as indicated in the following table. However ingenious they may be, they cannot but be hyper-philosophical. 僧宗 孝文帝 高帝 19 T 2060: 50.472a18–20. 武帝 180 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI Liu Qiu’s “seven grades classification” 劉虬『七階教判』 Buddha’s awakening at his age 35 三十五歳成道 1. [At his age 35 through 47] [ ] 三十五歳乃至四十七歳 Zhidan’s “sudden and gradual classification” 智誕『頓・漸教判』 [sudden teaching 頓教] [ultimate communal teaching 通宗教] The Dharma-King at Bodhi tree did not teach for the first 7 days in the human world, but he taught Sudden Teaching at the moment of his awakening through dispatching the bodhisattvas to the heavenly and earthly congregational halls: he taught the bodhisattva’s path of six receptivities and ten stages in the eight congregations at the seven places, while himself unmoved from the peaceful awakening platform. 在樹王成道一七日不説: 所以云頓者謂如 来初成正覚、在寂滅道場七処八会説六忍 十地 [The gradual teaching 漸教] [The differentiated teaching 別教] In the second seven days he taught the five The first grade teaching: he taught codes of moral conducts and the ten codes of lay the five codes of moral conducts Buddhist precepts for Trapuśa, Bhallika, etc.: for Bhallika, etc. …Tathāgata moves his shining body from the Bodhi Tree and shows his great appearance to the Deer Park. 第一階「為波利等説五戒」 二七日後為提謂・波利説五戒・善: ・・ 如来移光道樹、降儀鹿苑 2–3. The second grade teaching: he turned the wheel of Dharma to teach the four noble truths to Ājñākauḍinya, etc. The third grade teaching: he announced the teaching of the twelve membered conditioned origination (pratītyasamutpāda) to the disciples of middle ability. In the third seven days he turned the wheel of Dharma to teach the four noble truths to the five disciples, Ājñākauḍinya, etc. and through 12years repudiated the disease to conceive the dogmas of nihilism and eternalism. During 12 years he proclaimed the teachings of the two vehicles, Śrāvaka -and Pratyekayānas. 第二階「為拘隣等転四諦」 三七日後為阿若居隣五人等説四諦法輪訖 第三階「為中根演十二因縁」 十二年後破計断常患: 十二年中発唱二乗 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD Liu Qiu’s “seven grades classification” 劉虬『七階教判』 4. [At his age 47 through 77 四十七歳乃至七十七歳] 181 Zhidan’s “sudden and gradual classification” 智誕『頓・漸教判』 [The communal teaching 通教] Secondly in the following 30 years he taught the teaching of perfection of wisdom (prajñāThe fourth grade teaching: he pro- pāramitā) to teach the ultimate truth of emptiposed the teaching of the six per- ness (śunyatā) so as to repudiate the disease fections (pāramitās), that is, he to be attacked to the conceptualized as the taught the great vehicle, Mahāyā- real: … After the 12 years during this 30 years na. Tathāgata taught the Larger Prajñāpāramitā, etc., that is, the sūtras of the communal teaching, among which the two sūtras of negativity, Vimalakīrtinirdeśa and Brahmaparipṛcchā are meant to teach that all the three vehicles are awakened to one and the same truth and so to let them understand that Mahāyāna is to be aspired and Hīnayāna to be despised. 第四階「為上根挙六波羅蜜所謂 授以大乗」 5–6. [At his age 77 through 84 ] 七十七歳乃至八十四歳 第二丗年中説空宗般若破執相患:・・如来 十二年後、丗年中説大品等経通教典籍、 維摩・思益二経虚典、此経所明三乗同 悟、使知有大可仰、小可恤也 [The communal teaching 通教] The fifth grade teaching: … he taught the sūtra on the true infinity. The sixth grade teaching: he declared the teaching of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka to reveal the truth of one-vehicle and repudiate the expediency of three vehicles. Thirdly after the 30 years he taught the truth of one-vehicle and repudiated the disease of being attached to the three vehicles: Thus Tathāgata taught the supreme truth of one-vehicle during the 7 years after the 30 years. The seventh grade teaching: He finally pronounced the most profound teaching of Buddha-nature Fourthly he taught the Mahāyāna Parinirvāṇasūtra in order to repudiate the disease of all sentient beings to conceptualize their birth and 第五階「・・・説無量義経」 第三丗年後説一乗破執三之患 : ・・是以 第六階「法華説唱、顕一除三」 如来丗年後七年之中教一乗妙致 7. [At his age 85 八十五歳] [The ultimate communal teaching 通宗教] 182 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI Liu Qiu’s “seven grades classification” 劉虬『七階教判』 of all sentient beings as their eternal life and purity at the moment of his parinirvāṇa in the wood of Śāla Trees. Zhidan’s “sudden and gradual classification” 智誕『頓・漸教判』 death as the real: Thus Tathāgata descended from his chariot at the wood of Śāla Trees to teach that all sentient beings whose body consists of material elements, have Buddhanature as their eternal life and supreme bliss. 第七階「在雙樹而臨涯、乃暢我 浄之玄音 第四説大涅槃破衆生計生滅之患 : 是以如 来降駕雙林明稟気含器、皆有常我至楽之 性 This Northern promulgation of dividing all the teachings of Gotama Buddha into the two categories, the sudden and the gradual, is fundamentally motivated by the two motives as follows: 1) The first motive is retrospective, because it is motivated to synthesize the newest and almost perfectly completed hyper-philosophical doctrine of Southern tradition, the seven grades of Buddha’s teachings (as shown on the left column above), together with the hyper-practical system of bodhisattva practices of Northern tradition now interpreted to be based on the entire Huayan sūtra. I am of the opinion that it is the Yingluo jing which must have been composed with the express intention to base the hyper-practical system of bodhisattva practices ever since the Renwang jing on the essential practices of the entire structure of the Huayan jing. Both in our original promulgation of the two categories and in the Yingluo jing itself20 the sudden teaching comprizes not only the entire Huayan jing as the seven congregations, but also the Yingluo jing as the eighth, because it is no other than the latter which connected the hyper-practical system of bodhisattva practices to the structure of the Huayan jing. Thus the Northern doctrine of the hyper-practical system of bodhisattva practices supposedly taught in the Huayan jing as the sudden teaching, proved to be successful in subordinating the Southern doctrine of the seven grades of Buddha’s teachings as the gradual, although the latter culminates in the Mahāyāna Parinirvāṇa-sūtra also teaching the same ultimate communal truth as the sudden (as shown on the right column). 2) The second motive is prospective, because it is motivated to found the philosophical foundation for the Huayan jing and especially Daśabhūmika-śāstra philosophy to be developed through the Northern Dynasties up to Sui and Tang periods. This philosophical foundation consists of the two doctrines which shall be presupposed by the succeeding development of the Huayan jing and Daśabhūmika-śāstra philosophy. The first doctrine is that of the Huayan jing and the Yingluo jing as 20 T 1485: 24.1022a. THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 183 taught suddenly in the eight congregations at the seven places as defined in the definition of the sudden teaching above, “he taught the bodhisattva path of six receptivities21 and ten stages in the eight congregations at the seven places, while himself unmoved from the peaceful awakening platform.” The second doctrine is that of the three categories of Buddha’s teachings newly introduced in this promulgation: (1) the differentiated, (2) the communal and (3) the ultimate communal teachings which must be regarded as the fundamental philosophical analysis of Buddha’s teachings divided into the two, the sudden and the gradual, so to speak, biographically. The following development of Nothern Buddhist philosophy will be centred around the relationship between the two ultimate communal teachings, one at the moment of awakening and the other at that of parinirvāṇa. It will be fundamentally asked how the Buddha-nature of all sentient beings as taught in the Mahāyāna Parinirvāṇa-sūtra is related to the dharmakāya of Buddhas and bodhisattvas as expounded in the Huayan jing and the Daśabhūmika-śāstra and so how a bodhisattava as a sentient being with Buddha-nature ascends the higher and higher stages of bodhisattva practices in order to attain the Buddhahood. This course of the development will culminate in the phiilosophy of the Dasheng qixin 22 lun as will be mentioned below. It seems to me fundamentally important even for the purpose of understanding the philosophical development of Chinese Buddhism that we may pay due attention to its relevance to the political, economic and social history of Chinese society as a whole during the same period. Thus I think that the political, economic and social history of Northern Dynasties gradually to overpower and conquer Southern Dynasties,was fundamentally correlated with the philosophical movement of Buddhism in those periods, some so far neglected trends of which I have tried to elucidate here in this paper. 1) Huayan tradition must have started with Xuangao who must have been a genius in his meditative experience of huayan samādhi and his religious charisma must have been so centrally cardinal for the political unification of Northern Wei that he could not but be eliminated prior to Daoist persecution of Buddhism under Taiwudi (446–450). 2) Daorong and Xuangao must have cooperated to initiate the bodhisattva śīla movement for any human being to become a bodhisattva and then to practise the hyper-practical system of receptivity higher and higher up and this movement of becoming a bodhisattva must have been practised in front of a Vairocana Buddha image like those at the Yungang caves by all the classes of society. 大乘起信論 21 The mention of the bodhisattva path of six receptivities here in our chapter of the Compendium of the Definitions and Discussions of Mahāyāna Buddhist Truths (1.220) proves its close connection to the Yingluo jing, because this system of six receptivities is characteristic of the latter sūtra. Its system of six receptivities is formed by expanding that of four of the Fanwang jing – 1. the solid receptivity of faith, 2. that of truth, 3. that of practice and 4. that of sacredness – with an addition of the final two stages of the Yingluo jing. Cf. the Yingluo jing, T 1485: 24.1012b. 22 T 1666, 1667. 184 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI 3) Zhidan’s new hyper-philosophical classification of all the teachings of Gotama Buddha into the sudden and the gradual, must have been a very ingenious solution of the fundamental problem of Chinese Buddhism how to systematize the Northern tradition of the hyper-practical system of receptivity on the basis of the Huayan jing and the newest Southern tradition of the hyper-philosophical of all the teachings of Gotama Buddha on the basis of the Lotus and the Nirvāṇa-sūtras. This hyper-philosophical solution of the fundamental problem of Chinese Buddhism must have been the philosophical presuppositon for Northern Wei to move their capital to Luoyang in order finally to overpower Southern Dynasties. 4) This hyper-practical and hyper-philosophical systematization of all the teachings of Gotama Buddha thus achieved, was to be further refined and deepened into the more and more philosophically essential systems throughout Northern Dynasties. The final conclusion of this philosophical movement must have been Tanyan’s Dasheng qixin lun. I am of the opinion that Tanyan’s philosophical achievement must have been the philosophical presupposition for Northern Zhou and Sui to overpower and conquer Northern Qi and Chen to realize the final unification of Northern and Southern Dynasties into Sui and Tang Empire. Conclusion: The Religious Limitation of Huayan Tradition in Lingyou’s Eschatological Awareness Above I have tried to delineate in the barest gist how eagerly Buddhists of Northern Dynasties responded to the introduction of the Southern Buddhists’ innovations in order to develop their own new philosophical doctrines and practices. I also tried to show how inevitably their new doctrines could not but be hyper-practical and -philosophical due to the immaturity of their Buddhist experience of religious conversion on both sides of interaction. Were these hyper-practical and -philosophical doctrines able to contribute to the realization of practical and philosophical truth? Prior to venturing to answer this question, I think I must point out one fundamental presupposition of realizing such religious and historical conversion of a true Buddhist in China. The development of those meta-practical and -philosophical doctrines under the Northern Dynasties culminated in the final synthesis of mind-only philosophy of the Dasheng qixin lun which itself did not get rid of the speculative nature of those hyper-practical and -philosophical doctrines.23 How, then, could the Buddhist monks of the Sui (581–618) and Tang dynasties overcome this speculative nature of the hyper-practical and -philosophical doctrines and awaken to the practical and philosophical truth in order to realize the religious and historical conversion of a true Buddhist? 23 In Aramaki 2000 I tried to examine the possibility that the philosophical and doctrinal development of Buddhism under the Northern Dynasties culminates in the composition of the Dasheng qixin lun by the hands of a genius Buddhist philosopher Tanyan . 曇延 185 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD Now I would precipitate to answer this essential question of Sui and early Tang Buddhism, not by tracing Sui and early Tang Buddhist developments in any detail, but by pointing out one archeological evidence which might eloquently indicate how Sui and early Tang Buddhist schools developed in relation to each other so as finally to be converted with the true conversion of the sixth partriarch Huineng . Here is a very important archeological evidence which marks the final stage of the Northern Dynasties tradition of Huayan practice and philosophy and, at the same time, represents the starting-point of the trends of Sui and early Tang Buddhist de24 velopment. The epitaph of Lingyou built in 6th year of the Zhenguan period (632) on the side of his tomb runs as follows: In the period of one thousand years after the parinirvāṇa of Tathāgata there was [a succession of] the twenty four holy great patriarchs who transmitted the true Dharma [in India]. After those one thousand years there was [another succesion of] the human Dharma patriarchs who also transmitted the true Dharma [in China]. Coming down to Taihe 22nd of Da Wei (or Nothern Wei, A. D. 498), [Northern] Qi great patriarch Lenamoti (Ratnamati), “Jewel minded” in Chinese, of the city Youjia of Central India, … had the ardent wish to transmit the true Dharma [to China]. Thus he brought the Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā ( ) from Cenral India and propagated it in China. He handed down this treatise to Chinese śramaṇa, Vinaya master, [Hui] guang. This [transmission] … was just as the water of a jar is transmitted to another without spilling out any drop. The Vinaya master [Hui] guang was Yang by his native family name … [Among his numerous disciples] the Dharma master Daoping was the only one [legitimate successor of the true Dharma]. … … If ever the deeply hidden philosophy of the Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā has been transmitted in principle and the lamp [of the true dharma] has been continued on [to the next]???????, it was to the only one [legitimate successor,] the Dharma master [Lingyou]. … [He should be] the head [patriarch] to the following one thousand years; he is the grandson [patriarch] of the Vinaya master [Hui]guang and is [the son patriarch] of the Dharma master [Dao]ping ????????. The Dharma master was Ling[you] by his monk name … … 慧能 霊祐 貞観 十地［経］論 如来滅後千季之中、廿有四聖大法師？伝法也、千季之後、次有凡夫法師亦 伝 法也、曁大魏太和廿二年、中天竺優迦城斉大法師勒那摩提、□ 云宝意、 ・・ 志 在 伝 化、遂 従 中 天、持 十 地 論、振 斯 東 夏、授 此 土 沙 □□ 光 律 師、 其 □□ □、□□ 教授、如 瓶写 水、不失一 滴、其 光律師、俗姓楊 ・・・ 有 其 道 憑法師 之一人 也、 ・・・ 若 十 地 秘 論、固 本 垂 綱、而 伝 灯 □□□□□□□ 法 師 之一人 也、 ・・・ 当千年之後之上首也、又是光律師之孫、憑法師 之□□□□□□ □□ 矣、 法師道諱霊□・・・ There is no doubt that together with the minutely carved picture of the twenty four holy great patriarchs in India on the back-wall of the entrance to the Dazhushen cave, this epitaph of the Dharma master Lingyou is the witness of the very first 24 ŌCHI Fumio published the text in his article 1997. 186 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI declaration of the legitimate succession of the true Dharma from Indian twenty four holy great patriarchs to Chinese human ones: (1) Ratnamati ( ), (2) Huiguang , (3) Daoping and (4) Lingyou ( ). Thus it is Northern Dynasties Huayan or the Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā tradition who has first declared the legitimate Dharma lineage from Indian twenty four holy great patriarchs to Chinese human ones. Henceforth Chinese Buddhist schools except Huayan itself, began to claim their legitimate Dharma lineages from the same Indian twenty four holy great patriarchs to their own respective Chinese human patriarchs as follows. 1) Tiantai lineage was founded on the religious and historical conversion of Huisi in his *Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasamādhi, and so continues from Indian twenty four to its Chinese four patriarchs as follows: (1) Huiwen , (2) Huisi and (3) Zhiyi . This lineage seems to have lost its original inspiration of Huisi’s religious and historical conversion in the course of its efforts to incorporate the hyper-practical and -philosophical doctrines into its own philosophical system. 2) Nothern Chan lineage claims to have directly descended from Indian twenty four patriarchs to its first Chinese patriarch Bodhidharma ( ) and then is transmitted to its Chinese patriarchs as follows: (1) Bodhidharma ( ), (2) Huike , (3) Sengcan , (4) Daoxin and (5) Hongren , but, in reality, seems still to continue the Sui Chandingsi and Da Chandingsi tradition of the hyper-practical and -philosophical mind-only samādhi of the Dasheng qixin lun as betrayed by its inclusion of Sengcan as its third Chinese patriarch perhaps in the place of Tanlun , a Chandingsi monk, who has definitely been known as one of the predecessors of Northern Chan lineage. 3) Southern Chan lineage shares the same succession of Indian twenty four and Chinese five patriarchs as the above Northern Chan, but finally overcame the speculative nature of the hyper-practical and -philosophical mind-only samādhi of Northern Chan lineage through being converted with the religious and historical conversion of its sixth Chinese patriarch Huineng at the moment of his awakening to the ultimate truth of Mahāyāna Buddhism, that is śunyatā or anutpattikadharmakṣānti. 慧光 慧思 慧可 道憑 勒那摩提 霊祐 慧文 智顗 僧粲 道信 禅定寺 曇倫 菩提達磨 菩提達磨 弘忍 僧粲 慧思 大禅定寺 慧能 If I am right in thus sketching the fundamental trends of Sui and early Tang Buddhist history toward the religious and historical conversion of the sixth patriarch of Southern Chan, Huineng, then it is evident that huayan samādhi at the stage of Lingyou’s Dazhusheng cave must have been very much limited in its eschatological awareness to overcome the speculative nature of hyper-practical and -philosophical doctrines ever since its earliest origin and foundation discussed in this paper. Then isn’t it inevitable for the new Tang Dynasty tradition of Huayan practice and philosophy – with Du Shun as the first, Zhiyan as the second and Fazang as the third patriarch – to discontinue their historically legitimate descendency from its Northern Dynasties precursor in view of the truely revolutionary historical movement of Northern and Southern Chan schools accelarating in its wider and wider popularity? 蔵 杜順 智儼 法 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 187 References Aramaki Noritoshi 荒牧典俊: “Jūji shisō no seiritsu to tenkai” 十地思想の成立と展開 [On the formation and development of the ten bhūmi system of bodhisattva path] in Kegon shisō 華厳 思想 [Huayan philosophy]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1983, pp. 80–120. (Kōza Daijōbukkyō 3.) Aramaki Noritoshi 荒牧典俊: “Hokuchō kōhanki bukkyō shisō shi josetsu” 北朝後半期佛教思想 史序説 [An Introduction to History of Buddhist Philosophy during the Latter Half of Northern Dynasties] in Aramaki Noritoshi (ed.): Hokuchō Zui Tō Chūgoku bukkyō shisō shi 北朝・隋 唐中国佛教思想史 [History of Chinese Buddhist philosophy in Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 2000, pp. 13–85. Aramaki Noritoshi 荒牧典俊: Hoku gi no chūshin Kō In no bukkyō shisō ni tsuite 北魏の忠臣高 允の佛教思想について [Northern Wei prime minister Gao Yun and his understanding of Buddhist philosophy]. Tōhō gakuhō 2000 (72): pp. 159–179. “Henan Anyang Lingquansi shiku ji Xiaonanhai shiku” 河南安陽靈泉寺石窟及小南海石窟. Wenwu 文物 (1988) 4: 1–15. Mochizuki Shinkō 望月信享: Bukkyō kyōten seiritsu shi ron 佛教經典成立史論 [A study on the formative history of Buddhist sūtras]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1946. Ōchi Fumio 大内 文雄: “Hōzan Reisenji sekkutsu tōmei no kenkyū Zui Tō jidai no Hōzan Reisenji” 宝山霊泉寺石窟塔銘の研究 隋唐時代の宝山霊泉寺 [A study of the stūpa-inscriptions around the caves at the Baoshan Lingquansi – the Baoshan Lingquansi in Sui and Tang periods]. Tōhō gakuhō (1997) 69. Sakamoto Yukio 坂本幸男: Kegon kyōgaku no kenkyū 華嚴教學の研究 [A study of Huayan doctrine]. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1956. Tang Yongtong 湯用彤: Han Wei liang Jin Nanbei Chao fojiao shi 漢魏兩晉南北朝佛教史 [History of Buddhism under the Han, Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern dynasties]. 2 vols, Shanghai, 1938. Ye 鄴 WEI DAORU A FUNDAMENTAL FEATURE OF THE HUAYAN PHILOSOPHY The Huayan tradition summarizes its religious doctrines into “the one-vehicle pratītyasamutpāda”, “dharmadhātu pratītyasamutpāda” or “the pratītyasamutpāda of nature-origination” and claims that it is utterly different from the theories of pratītyasamutpāda in both Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna Buddhism. The theoretical emphasis of this tradition is not the formation but the existing situation of the world. According to “dharmadhātu pratītyasamutpāda ”, countless dharmas (all phenomena in the world) are representations of the wisdom of Buddha without exception (“pure mind of the original nature”, “one-mind” or “dharmadhātu”). They exist in a state of mutual dependence, interfusion and balance without any contradiction or conflict. This thought essentially argues that there is no relationship of cause and result among phenomena and that things are not formed sequentially. Instead, they constitute the world by the mutual interfusion of complete equality. This theory is peculiar in the history of the Buddhist thought, which is not contained in both Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna Buddhism. A most fundamental and protruding feature of the Huayan philosophy is called “perfect interfusion” (yuanrong ). Among the Buddhist traditions of China, Huayan emphasizes perfect interfusion most. For this tradition, perfect interfusion is the methodology to observe and understand the world, the general principle to handle all issues, and also the ideal goal to attain by practice. In the Chinese history, perfect interfusion of Huayan is gradually accepted by all Buddhist traditions and it eventually permeated all aspects of Chinese Buddhism. “Perfect interfusion” contains two main connotations. First, as far as a single thing or phenomenon is concerned, it becomes significant only in connection with other things. That is to say, its existence depends on the specific network of connections. Second, as far as all things or phenomena are concerned, they are mutually identical and penetrating without any obstruction. The Huayan tradition emphasizes perfect interfusion with the purpose of establishing the harmonious relationship among the myriad dharmas and of eliminating barriers and obstacles, as Chengguan said, “to harmonize the myriad dharmas and eliminate all obstruction”. Without the presupposition of perfect interfusion of the myriad dharmas, “dharmadhātu pratīt- 圓融 190 WEI DAORU yasamutpāda” and even the entire doctrinal framework of the Huayan tradition would lose its ideological foundation. It is interesting that there are not many arguments in the Huayan works that specially interpret the concept of perfect interfusion. These views explain this interfusion mainly in terms of different phenomena. These contents are abundant including a wide variety of aspects. Based on the large number of works by the Huayan monks, five main aspects of perfect interfusion can be induced. 1. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of Substance and Function as well as of Essence and Phenomena According to the Huayan thought, all things or phenomena represent the direct and complete manifestation of the essence. Substance and function as well as essence and phenomena exist in a state of perfect interfusion. Fazang explained this relationship with the terms “true” (zhen ) and “false” (wang ) as an example: 真 妄 “True” governs all “false”; There is no “false” that could not be called “true”. “False” penetrates (che ) the source of “true”; The essence (ti ) of every thing rests in this state. “True” and “false” are interconnected (jiaoche ); These different two are in interfusion (shuangrong They penetrate each other without obstruction (wu’ai This can be understood if one thinks it through. 體 徹 交徹 雙融); 無礙). 又明真該妄末無不稱。 真妄徹真源體無不寂。 真妄交徹二分雙融無礙全攝。 思之可見。 1 “True” and “false” are dependant on each other. “True” as the substance and “false” as its function are mutually permeated (interconnected), mutually interfused (double interfusion), unhindered (without obstruction), and mutually inclusive (complete penetration). In the Huayan philosophy, concepts belonging to a similar category with “true” (“principle”, “one”, “nature”, “substance”, “purity”, “result”, “mind”, etc) are opposed to concepts belonging to a similar category with “false” (“things”, “many”, “characteristics”, “function”, “dirt”, “cause”, “dharma”, etc.). Perfect interfusion also exists in these pairs. The monks of the Huayan tradition opposed the discussion on function in spite of substance and on phenomena in spite of essence. For instance, when Zongmi (780–841) wrote about Du Shun’s (557–640) emphasis on perfect interfusion of things (shi ) and principle (li ) and opposition to talking about the dharmadhātu of things in isolation, he said: 宗密 順 1 Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang 事 華嚴一乘教義分齊章, T 1866: 45.501c26–28. 杜 理 191 A FUNDAMENTAL FEATURE OF THE HUAYAN PHILOSOPHY There are no independent phenomena apart from the dharmadhātu of these phenomena; there are no isolated dharma within the doctrine of the Huayan; if you observe it in itself then it is the conventional realm, not the realm of insight. 除事法界也。事不獨立故。法界宗中無孤單法故。若獨觀之。即事情計之境。非觀智 之境故。 2 Thus, when talking about the “dharmadhātu of things”, Zongmi always linked it with “principle”; when talking about the “dharmadhātu of principle”, he always linked it with “things”. In accordance with this methodology that substance and function are in perfect interfusion, the world in the views of the Huayan tradition is of both substance and phenomena as well as of both liberation and saṃsāra. These two are completely identical. 2. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of Non-duality of the Opposite Sides in Entity Regardless of the apparent differences among various things and phenomena on the surface, even if they occupy opposite positions within entity, there still exists nondual relationship among them. In other words, A is B and B is A, which is called “mutual correspondence”. When Fazang explained the “perfect interfusion of the six characteristics” (liuxiang yuanrong ), he discussed the mutual correspondence of “universality” (zongxiang ) and “particularity” (biexiang ), “identity” (tongxiang ) and “difference” (yixiang ), “integration” (chengxiang ) and “disintegration” (huaixiang ). “Universality” and “particularity” will be exemplified. “Universal characteristic” is the whole (i.e. house); “particular characteristic” is the part (i.e. rafter, tiles, etc.) of which the whole is made up. In terms of the relationship between “universality” and “particularity”, “without particularity, universality cannot be established either. The reason is that when there is no particularity, there is no universality. What does this mean? Originally, universality is established on the basis of particularity and if there is no particularity, universality cannot be established. As for particularity, it is in turn established on the basis of universality.” 成相 同相 六相圓融 總相 異相 壞相 別相 由無別時即無總故。 此義云何。 本以別成總。 由無別故 總不成 也。是故別者。即以總成別也。 3 On the one hand, if there is no part (particularity), there is no whole (universality). The whole is made up of parts, which is called “universality established on the basis of particularity”. On the other hand, if there is no whole, there can be no part. Because part becomes a part only in relation to a whole, which is called “particularity established on the basis of universality”. When one obtains “universality”, one also obtains “particularity” and vice verse. This leads to a conclusion that “univer2 3 注華嚴法界觀門 Zhu huayan fajieguan men , T 1884: 45.684c4–6. Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang, T 1866: 45.508a24–26. 192 WEI DAORU sality is particularity” and “particularity is universality”. “If they do not mutually correspond and universality exists apart from particularity, then it is not universality anymore; if particularity exists apart from universality, then it is not particularity anymore. This can be understood if one thinks it through.” 4 The “perfect interfusion of six characteristics” claims that all things within entity are in the state of “mutual correspondence of universality and particularity, of identity and difference, of integration and disintegration”. “Mutual correspondence” elucidates that all things in entity are nondual or completely identical. 若不相即者。總在別外 故非總也。 別在總外故非別也。思之可解。 3. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of Mutual Inclusiveness and Penetration of Things or Phenomena In the Huayan thought, all things are in the relationship of A including B and B including A, which is called “mutual penetration”. In the fourth volume of the Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang , Fazang described the mutual penetration by using the strong and weak functions (“possessing force” youli and “lacking force” wuli ) of a pair called “self” (zi ) and “other” (ta ). According to Fazang, among all things originated dependently, if the “force” exerted by the “self” of a certain thing is greater than the “force” exerted by another thing, the first thing has an absolute advantage that draws the latter thing into itself. In other words, if the other thing completely loses its own “force”, it inevitably enters into the “self” of the first thing, which also means that the two can mutually penetrate. Here, the difference of functions among things is exemplified to illustrate the relationship of mutual penetration. 無力 華嚴一乘教義分齊章 自 他 有力 4. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of General Relationship among Things and Phenomena Superficially, all things are independent and different from one another. However, possessing the same principle, they are in the state of mutual interfusion. There are countless things different from one another. Therefore, the interfusion and harmony without obstruction among countless things form a vivid painting that remains eternally extensive. Such an ever-extendable relationship of “perfect interfusion” among all things is named the “ad infinitum” or “infinite perfect interfusion”. This is very similar to what Zongmi wrote in Zhu huayan fajieguan men when he explained the “dharmadhātu without obstruction among things” (shishi wu’ai fajie ). “All different things and dharmas involve the same nature, 事事無礙法界 4 Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang, T 1866: 45.508b2–4. 注華嚴法界觀門 193 A FUNDAMENTAL FEATURE OF THE HUAYAN PHILOSOPHY 一切分齊事法。一一如性融通。重重無盡故。 5 which is called ad infinitum.” Apparently, this philosophy of infinite perfect interfusion completely denies the independent existence of things, while emphasizing the universal relationship of them. 5. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of Practice There is a fundamental feature of the bodhisattva practice advocated in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. This scripture inherited all Buddhist practice rules and even absorbed some non-Buddhist practicing methods into a particular sequential structure as the indispensable stage or procedure to attain the enlightenment. The Huayan tradition faithfully follows these practice rules in their practice, but at the same time, they interpret the rules from the perspective of perfect interfusion, resulting in a unique theory of practice i.e. the unity of “differentiation gate” (xingbu men ) and “perfect interfusion gate” (yuanrong men ). On the one hand, the Huayan tradition believes that “the achievement of individuals is different” and “saints have different status”. On the other hand, it also claims that as far as the principle is concerned, there is no differentiation and the “xingbu men and yuanrong men mutually 6 support each other without obstruction”. Chengguan (738–839) explained this saying, “Xingbu is the doctrine and characteristics, whereas yuanrong is the function of nature. Characteristics refers to the characteristics of nature, thus xingbu does not obstruct yuanrong; nature refers to the nature of characteristics, thus yuanrong does not obstruct xingbu.” 圓融門 澄觀 行布門 一者行布二者圓融此二相資互 無障礙。 行布是教相施 設。圓融乃理性德用。相是性之相。故行布不礙圓融。性是相之性故。圓融不 礙行布。 To understand the countless practice rules in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra 7 from this perspective results in the conclusions that “practicing one teaching is practicing all teachings” and “finishing one kleśa is finishing all kleśa”. These conclusions mean that if a person practices one certain teaching of Buddhism, he/she also implements all Buddhist teachings; if a person completes practice of one certain stage within the entire practicing process, he/she also obtains all the results within all the stages. This is an effective slogan to encourage people to practice and is also a kind of pragmatic value of perfect interfusion. “Perfect interfusion” of the Huayan tradition is established on the basis of the theoretically molding and transforming the fairy tales and realms of magic power in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The emphasis on perfect interfusion is conducive to arousing the confidence and courage of believers, to attracting new followers of various levels, to eliminating rivalry and enmity among different traditions and also to promoting the harmonious development of various religions and sects. This innovative doctrine conforms to the development of the Chinese Buddhism and therefore 5 6 7 注華嚴法界觀門 大華嚴經略策 Zhu huayan fajieguan men , T 1884: 45.684b29–c1. Da huayan jing lüe ce , T 1737: 36.705b9–10. Da huayan jing lüe ce, T 1737: 36.706a4–6. 194 WEI DAORU it leads to prosperous and enduring growth. In sum, the thought of perfect interfusion plays a positive role in the development of the Chinese Buddhism. However, there are also some obvious shortcomings in the Huayan philosophy. The overemphasis on harmony and accordance among things completely eliminates the contradiction and contrast among them. The overemphasis on the identity thoroughly eradicates the distinction among things. The theoretical shortcomings often bring about malpractice. Guided by perfect interfusion, practitioners will be eager for instant success and quick profits and regardless of the concrete situation. They will also take a part as a whole, which violates the natural laws. At the same time, the overemphasis on perfect interfusion leads to the loss of distinction between right and wrong, true and false, which in turn is detrimental to the healthy development of Buddhism. IMRE HAMAR A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS: THE ORIGIN AND MEANING OF FAXIANGZONG AND FAXINGZONG∗ Introduction Dan Lusthaus finds the origin of the paradigm xing weishi lun and concludes: 成唯識論 性 versus xiang 相 in the Cheng Ironically, this very distinction became one of the major rhetorical weapons used by Fatsang against Hsüan-tsang’s school, calling them ‘[the mere] fa-hsiang’ (Dharma-Characteristics) school against his own Sinitic ‘fa-hsing’ (Dharma-Nature) school. This distinction became so important that every Buddhist school originating in East Asia, including all forms of Sinitic Mahāyāna, viz. T’ien-t’ai, Hua-yen, Ch’an, and Pure Land, came to be considered Dharma-nature schools.1 Whalen Lai also attributes the establishment of this paradigm to Fazang, referring to Zhili : “The name ‘Fa-hsiang’ was, however, attributed to it by its critics; it is a derogative term alleging that the school did not know thoroughly the deeper Fa-hsing (Dharma-essence). The contrast was intended to bring out the ‘Hīnayānist phenomenalism’ [sic] inherent in the Wei-shih school and to highlight the ‘Mahāyāna essentialism’ of its critic. As recalled by Sung T’ien-t’ai master Ssuming Chih-li (959–1028), the distinction arose at the time of Fa-tsang’s (643–712) attack on the Wei-shih school: 知禮 At the time [of Hua-yen (Avatamsaka) patriarch, Fa-tsang,] there was widely held the theory of chen-ju sui-yüan (Suchness or tathatā accompanying the conditions [the pratyaya that brought samsāra into being]) and the theory of a (passive) Suchness that would not create (‘let rise’) the various existents (dharmas). From that is derived the distinction between a hsing-tsung ([Dharma] essence school] and a hsiang-tsung ([Dharma] characteristic school). This distinction was made by Fa-tsang and was unknown to our [T’ien-t’ai] master Chih-i.2 法藏 法相宗 They are right in that Fazang introduced the term faxiangzong for the Yogācāra teachings of Xuanzang (600–664), and later this designation became widespread in East Asian Buddhism. In Japan, the Hossō school represented the most outstanding of the six schools (Sanron , Hossō, Jōjitsu , ∗ 1 2 玄奘 三論 法相 成實 This study was supported by the Hungarian National Research Fund (OTKA No. T 047023). Lusthaus 2002: 372. Lai 1986: 1. 196 IMRE HAMAR 俱舍 律 華嚴 Kusha , Ritsu , Kegon ) of the Nara period (710–784).3 However, attributing the invention of the term faxingzong to Fazang is rather dubious, as it cannot be found in his works. The faxing is the Chinese equivalent of the Sanskrit dharmatā,4 which means ‘essence’ or ‘inherent nature.’5 I will not delve into this frequently used term in Indian and Chinese Buddhism here as this would go beyond the scope of this article. Nonetheless, it should be pointed out that the founder of the Tiantai school, Zhiyi (538–597), identified dharma-nature with Buddhanature by saying: “Buddha-nature is dharma-nature .”6 He thus attributes Buddha-nature not only to the sentient beings but also to the non-sentient beings.7 Lusthaus’ other claim that Huayan “came to be considered Dharma-nature school” can also be called into question. In order to provide an answer as to whether Huayan belongs to the dharma-nature school, I shall examine the origin and meaning of these two important terms in the history of Chinese Buddhist thought: the zong of dharma-characteristics (faxiangzong ) and the zong of dharma-nature (faxingzong ). 天台 法性宗 法性 智顗 佛性即是法性 法相宗 法性宗 Faxiangzong as Yogācāra in Fazang’s works 華嚴經 In his commentary on the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing tanxuan ji ), Fazang relates the story of how he met a Central Indian monk, Divākara8 (Dipoheluo , or Rizhao 613–688),9 in the Taiyuan monastery10 of Chang’an in 684, and asked him whether Indian monks distinguish between provisional and actual (quanshi ) teachings.11 In his reply, Divākara said that there were two famous Indian masters of the Nālandā monastery: Śīlabhadra (Jiexian 529–645)12 and Jñānaprabha (Zhiguang ).13 He interprets their views on the different levels of Buddhist teachings in the following way. 談玄記 賢 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 10 11 12 13 地婆訶羅 權實 日照 太原 智光 戒 Tamura 2000: 46. Soothill 1937: 269, Nakamura 1975: 1252d–1253a. Monier-Williams 1899: 511. Weimo jing lüeshu , T 17783: 8.681a26. Ng 2003: 78. On Divākara, see Forte 1974. Divākara is said to have translated 18 works between 676 and 687. Kaiyuan shijiaolu , T 2154: 55.564a12–17. With the assistance of Fazang, he translated the Ghanavyūhasūtra (Dasheng miyan jing , T 681), on which Fazang wrote a commentary (Dasheng miyan jing shu , XZJ vol. 34). In addition, they worked together on the translation of the parts of the last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, the Gaṇḍavyūhasūtra, that were missing from Buddhabhadra’s translation. See Liu 1979: 8–9. Empress Wu established this monastery by converting her mother’s residence after she passed away. She appointed Fazang as the first abbot. See Liu 1979: 8. T 1733: 35.111c8–112a22. Śīlabhadra was Xuanzang’s (600–664) teacher at Nālandā, and is mentioned in his famous record of his travels, Xiyuji T 2087. See Lusthaus 2002: 395–397. Mochizuki 3571. 維摩經略疏 釋教錄 大乘密嚴經 大乘密嚴經疏 玄奘 西域記 開元 197 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 護法 Śīlabhadra, a disciple of Dharmapāla (Hufa 530–561), who belongs to the lineage of Maitreya (Mile ) and Asaṅga (Wuzhu 310–390?),14 establishes three levels of teachings on the basis of Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra and Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra.15 In the first period, Hīnayāna teaches the emptiness of living beings (shengkong ), but fails to realise the true principle (zhenli ) of the emptiness of dharmas (fakong ). In the second period, the Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras advocate the emptiness of dharmas. The correct principle (zhengli ) of Mahāyāna is revealed only in the third period, when the tenets of Yogācāra, i.e. three natures and three non-natures, are taught. In addition, these three levels of teaching are explained in terms of the capacity of the audience, the teaching, and the revelation of principle. In the first period, only śrāvakas are taught exclusively Hīnayāna teachings that reveal the principle of emptiness of the person. In the second period, only bodhisattvas are taught exclusively Mahāyāna teachings that show the emptiness of both the person and dharmas. In the third period, beings of various capacities are instructed in all vehicles that expose both emptiness and existence (kongyou ). As the third period comprises all capacities, teachings and principles, it represents the level of explicit statement (nītārtha, liaoyi ). Jñānaprabha, who belongs to the lineage of Mañjuśrī (Wenshu ) and Nāgārjuna (Longshu ca. 150–250), follows in the footsteps of Āryadeva (Tipo 170–270) and Bhāvaviveka (Qingbian 500–570). He distinguishes three levels of teaching on the basis of the Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras and Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. In the first period, Buddha instructed people of small capacity in the Hīnayāna teaching, according to which both mind and objects exist (xinjing juyou ). In the second period, the faxiang of Mahāyāna (faxiang dasheng ) is taught to people of mediocre capacity. It explains that objects are empty, while the mind is existent (jingkong xinyou ), which is the principle of consciousness-only. However, these people cannot understand the equality of true emptiness (pingdeng zhenkong ). In the third period, the wuxiang of Mahāyāna (wuxiang dasheng ) is taught to people of superb capacity. It argues that the equal emptiness of both objects and the mind is the level of true explicit statement (zhen liaoyi ). In the first period, the audience consisted of the two vehicles which must refer to śrāvaka-yāna and pratyekabuddha-yāna; in the second, it was made up of the followers of both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna, and in the third, it was only bodhisattvas. In terms of teaching, the first period is the teaching of Hīnayāna, the second is that of three vehicles (sansheng ), and the last period is that of one- 彌勒 生空 無著 真理 正理 法空 龍樹 平等真空 無相大乘 真了義 空有 了義 文殊 清辯 提婆 心境俱有 法相大乘 境空心有 三乘 14 According to the legend, Maireya took Asaṅga to the Tuṣita where Yogācāra works were given to him. Some scholars suspect that Maitreya could be a historical person, Asaṅga’s teacher, who is referred to as Maitreyanātha. See Williams 1989: 80–81. 15 It is interesting to note that Xuanzang’s biography (Da Tang Daciensi sanzang fashi zhuan , T 2053) by Huili and Yancong cites a letter by Xuanzang where Śīlabhadra is said to be the successor to both Āryadeva and Nāgārjuna. This contradicts Divākara’s alleged account that associates Śīlabhadra exclusively with Āryadeva and the Yogācāra. See Li 1995: 231. 唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳 慧立 彥悰 大 198 IMRE HAMAR 一乘 自性 vehicle (yisheng ). As regards the revelation of principle, the heretical view of self-nature (zixing ) is refuted in the first period, clinging to the essential being of those things that dependently arise is refuted gradually in the second, and the apparent existence still retained in the second period is refuted in the third. The classification of the two Indian masters can be summarised in two tables: period audience teaching principle 1. Hīnayāna śrāvaka Hīnayāna emptiness of person 2. Wuxiang bodhisattva Mahāyāna emptiness of person and dharmas 3. Faxiang all all emptiness and existence teaching principle 1. Hīnayāna two vehicles Hīnayāna refutation of the heretical view of self-nature 2. Faxiang both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna three vehicles refutation of essential being 3. Wuxiang bodhisattva one-vehicle refutation of apparent being (Classification by Śīlabhadra) period audience (Classification by Jñānaprabha) Śīlabhadra’s classification is quite well-known from the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra as the three turnings of the Dharma-wheel. According to this scripture, Buddha’s teaching can be divided into three successive periods. The first period is the Hīnayāna when the emptiness of self was preached. In the second period, the emptiness of all dharmas was proclaimed in the Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras. However, the hidden meaning of these sūtras was revealed only in the third period, which is the teaching of the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra. This is the explicit meaning of the teachings that require no further explanation.16 By the time Bhāvaviveka lived, doctrinal disagreements between the followers of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka had come to the fore. Though he was willing to borrow some methods from his opponents, he was critical of Yogācāra, and maintained the basic Madhyamaka principle of the emptiness of all dharmas, including consciousness.17 Fazang introduced two names: Faxiang (characteristics of dharmas) and Wuxiang (without characteristics). He applied the first name to the Yogācāra, and though it was a rather pejorative designation, suggesting that it was a kind of 無相 法相 16 T 676: 16.697a23–b9; Lamotte 1935: 206–207; Keenan 2000: 49. 17 Ruegg 1981: 65–66. A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 199 Hīnayāna school dealing only with the characteristics of dharmas, it became the traditional name for this Indian school of Buddhist thought in East Asian Buddhism. He applied the term Wuxiang to the Madhyamaka school of thought, as it denied the existence of characteristics. Divākara’s account of the Indian classification of Buddhist teaching must have exercised a great influence on Fazang, because he refers to it in his other works as well.18 This small episode in the history of Chinese Buddhism sheds light on the process usually referred to as the ‘sinification of Buddhism’. Fazang’s encounter with Divākara shows that there was an active dialogue between Chinese and foreign monks during the transmission of Buddhism.19 In his commentary on the Awakening of Faith and on the Dasheng fajie wuchabie lun , in which he discussed the Indian Buddhist teachings, Fazang distinguishes four cardinal principles (zong ): (1) clinging to the [existence] of dharmas through their characteristics (suixiang fazhi zong ); (2) real emptiness without characteristics (zhenkong wuxiang zong ); (3) consciousness-only [established by] the characteristics of dharmas (weishi faxiang zong ); and (4) the dependent arising of the tathāgatagarbha (rulaizang yuanqi zong ).20 These four cardinal principles refer to the teachings of Hīnayāna, Madhyamaka, Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha, respectively. He defines these lineages with the help of the basic Huayan paradigm: phenomena (shi ) and principle (li ).21 Hīnayāna clings to the characteristics of phenomena. Madhyamaka reveals the principle by the coalascence with phenomena. Yogācāra provides a description of various aspects of phenomena that arise on the basis of principle. The Tathāgatagarbha discusses the interpenetration and non-obstruction of principle and phenomena. In addition, in his commentary on the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra, he again furnishes these four kinds of cardinal principles, though with their names slightly changed: (1) existence of characteristics (youxiang zong ); (2) non-existence of characteristics (wuxiang zong ); (3) characteristics of dharmas (faxiang zong ); and (4) ultimate truth (shixiang zong ).22 Fazang discusses these four categories in terms of dharmas, consciousness, dependent arising, turning to 大乘法界無差別論 宗 法相宗 如來藏緣起宗 隨相法執宗 真空無相宗 事 理 法相宗 大乘起信論義記 唯識 無相宗 有相宗 實相宗 十二門論宗致義記 18 Shiermen lun zongzhi yiji , T 1826: 42.213a5–c23; Dasheng qixin lun yiji , T 1846: 44.242a29–b21. 19 Robert Sharf has a different view, arguing that “whatever ‘dialogue’ transpired took place among the Chinese themselves”. See Sharf 2002: 19. 20 T 1846: 44.242b23–c7; T 1838: 44.61c9–13. 21 The first patriarch of the Huayan lineage, Du Shun (557–640), introduced these terms when he changed the terms form for phenomena and emptiness for principle. For a translation of his important work, Discernments of Dharmadhātu (Fajie guanmen ), see Gimello 1976: 454–510, and for another which includes Chengguan’s commentary, see Cleary 1983: 69–124. For a summary of arguments in this work, see Ziporyn 2000: 171–174. 22 Ru Lengqie xinxuanyi , T 1790: 39.426b29–427a2. 杜順 入楞伽心玄義 法界觀門 real emptiness without characteristics consciousness only the dependent arising of [established by] the the Tathāgatagarbha characteristics of dharmas names in the commentary on the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra existence of characteristics non-existence of characteristics characteristics of dharmas real characteristics scriptures Four Āgamas, Vibhāṣā Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras, Mūlamadhyamakakārika Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra, Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra, Ghanavyūha-sūtra, Ratnagotravibhāga-śāstra, Mahāyāna-śradhotpādaśāstra masters Dharmatrāta23 Nāgārjuna, Āryadeva Asaṅga, Vasubandhu Aśvaghoṣa, Sāramati24 dharmas 75 dharmas emptiness of dharmas three natures, three nonnatures, 100 dharmas based on consciousness all dharmas arise in dependence on tathāgatagarbha consciousness six consciousnesses emptiness of the six consciousnesses eight impure consciousnesses the eighth consciousness is established by the tathāgatagarbha dependent arising 大乘法界無差別論 23 A master of the Sarvāstivāda school. See Mochizuki 3543. 24 He is the author of Dasheng fajie wu chabie lun , T 1626: 31.1627. Fazang wrote a commentary on it titled Dasheng fajie wu chabie lun bingxu , T 1838. See Mochizuki 925–926. 大乘法界無差別論疏 并序 IMRE HAMAR clinging to the [existence] of dharmas through their characteristics 200 names in the commentary on the Awakening of Faith existent empty both existent and empty neither existent nor empty, fusion of phenomena and principle turning to Mahāyāna from Hīnayāna followers of two vehicles do not become Buddha beings of determinate nature of two vehicles do not become Buddha, some of the beings of indeterminate nature turn to Bodhisattva path beings of determinate nature of two vehicles do not become Buddha, beings of indeterminate nature turn to Mahāyāna both beings of determinate nature and beings of indeterminate nature turn to Mahāyāna vehicles (a) only three vehicles both three vehicles and one-vehicle: three vehicles are revealed, one-vehicle is hidden three vehicles only one-vehicle vehicles (b) lesser vehicle three vehicles three vehicles one-vehicle five teachings lesser vehicle elementary teaching of Mahāyāna elementary teaching of Mahāyāna advanced teaching of Mahāyāna A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS dharmas that dependently arise 201 202 IMRE HAMAR Mahāyāna from Hīnayāna and vehicles.25 In Fazang’s classification of teachings these four lineages can be realated to the first three of the five teachings.26 Hīnayāna represents the lesser vehicle, Madhyamaka and Yogācāra the elementary teachings of Mahāyāna, and Tathāgatagarbha the advanced teaching of Mahāyāna. The interfusion of xing and xiang in Fazang’s works While Fazang’s Huayan master Zhiyan mainly applied various tenets of Yogācāra philosophy, Fazang often referred to Madhyamaka in his works. As KAMATA Shigeo demonstrated, the great master of the Sanlun lineage, Jizang (549–623),27 28 had a considerable impact on Fazang’s philosophy. Fazang intended to transcend the scope of Yogācāra by incorporating elements of Madhyamaka. In his commentary on the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra, in which he discussed the nature of dependent arising (yuanqi xing ), he argued that it is actually both existent and empty, that these two concepts complement one another and form one unity. Nāgārjuna explained that existence does not differ from emptiness (you bu yi kong ), as Asaṅga made clear that emptiness does not differ from existence (kong bu yi you ). However, 三論 緣起性 吉藏 有不異空 不異有 空 The later generation of philosophers lived in a degenerate age and their wisdom was slight. If they heard about the emptiness [of dependent arising], they said that [this concept] interrupts causality. If they heard about the existence [of dependent arising], they said that [this concept] obstructs real emptiness (zhenkong ). Therefore, Bhāvaviveka refuted the existence that is in contradiction with emptiness. Making this extreme view return to emptiness is the only way to show the existence that is identical with emptiness (jikong zhi you ). Thus, causality is not lost. Dharmapāla and others refuted the emptiness that extinguishes existence. To establish causality is the only way to reveal the emptiness that is identical with existence (jiyou zhi kong ). Thus, real nature (zhenxing ) is not hidden. Each of these two masters refuted one extreme; thus, they show the middle path together. Their views mutually become complete, and are not contradictory. 真空 即空之有 即有之空 性 真 後代論師為時澆慧薄。聞空謂斷因果。聞有謂隔真空。 是以清辨破違空之有。 令蕩盡 歸空 。 方顯 即空 之有。 因果不 失。 護 法等 破滅 有之 空 。 令因果確 立。 方 顯即有之空。 真性不隱。 此二士各破一邊共顯中道。 此乃相成非相破也. 29 25 He expounds only on the aspects of dharmas, consciousness and vehicles in his commemtary on the Dasheng fajie wuchabie lun. Here the explanation of the vehicles is slightly different. I refer to it with a (b) in the table. See T 1838: 44.61c13–c28. 26 The system of the five teachings (lesser vehicle, elementary teaching of Mahāyāna, advanced teaching of Mahāyāna, sudden and perfect) was first established by Zhiyan, but it was Fazang who used this scheme in his works exclusively. For detailed studies of the formulation and content of the five teachings, see Cook 1970, Liu 1981, Gregory 1991: 116–135. 27 For an introduction to Jizang’s philosophy, see Liu 1994: 82–187. 28 Kamata 1965: 134–143, 325–331. 29 T 1790: 39.430c16–22. A slightly different version of this passage appears in Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqizhang , T 1886: 45.501a16–25. For a translation of this version, see Liu 1979: 379–380. 華嚴一乘教義分齊章 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 203 This passage can be regarded as a Huayan contribution and solution to the wellknown debate between the followers of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka on the theory of the three natures advocated by the Yogācārins.30 Yogācārins held that though the imaginary nature is empty the dependent nature and the perfect nature have both empty and real aspects. Those things that arise out of the seeds contained in ālaya are empty, but the ālaya and the seeds are real. The perfect nature is presented as the pure ālaya in the Cheng weishi lun; it must therefore be the ultimate reality, and cannot be empty.31 Being advocates of the emptiness of all dharmas, the Mādhyamikas refuted the existence of these two natures as well. In order to harmonize these two views, Fazang formulated a Huayan interpretation of the doctrine of three natures. He wrote that each of the three natures has an empty and an existent aspect:32 Each of the three natures has two aspects. The two aspects of the perfect [nature] are changlessness and responding to condition. The two aspects of the dependent [nature] are semblance of existence and being without self-nature. The two aspects of the imaginary nature appear to have being to the ordinary senses and have non-existence in reality. 三性各有二義。真中二義者。一不變義。二隨緣義。依他二義者。一似有義。 二無性義。所執 中二義者。 一 情有義。二理無 義。 33 perfect nature dependent nature imaginary nature EMPTINESS BEING changelessness without self-nature non-existent in reality responding to condition semblance of existence appearing to have being to common sense REAL NATURE FALSE CHARACTERISTICS As the empty aspects of the three natures are identical, and the existent aspects are also identical, the identity of the three natures is established. The former aspects are designated as “the eternal origin without destroying derivative ,” and the latter aspects as “the eternal derivative without moving origin .” With these designations he places the question into the context of Chinese philosophy. On the other hand, the empty aspects are not identical with the existent aspects; hence, the difference between the three natures is established as well. Fazang concludes with the typical Huayan statement that “reality includes the false derivative and falsehood penetrates the source of reality; it is the interfusion and nonobstruction of nature and characteristics .” 常末 不壞末而常本 不動本而 真該妄末妄徹真源。性相通融無障無礙 30 Bhāvaviveka criticised the doctrine of three natures in chapter five of Madhyamaka-hṛdaya śāstra and in Prajñāpradīpa. See Ruegg 1981: 65. 31 Liu 1979: 377–379. 32 I used Liu’s translation of these terms. See Liu 1979: 365. For a further explanation of this Huayan doctrine, see Cook 1970: 30–53; 1977: 59–61. 33 T 1886: 45.499a13–15. 204 IMRE HAMAR Various versions of “interfusion of nature and characteristics,” such as interpenetration of nature and characteristics (xingxiang jiaoche ) and perfect interfusion of nature and characteristics (xingxiang yuanrong ), are found throughout Fazang’s works.34 Terms such as real-false and origin-derivative frequently occur in the Chinese Buddhist texts, but the paradigm of xingxiang seems to be a novelty. Where does it originate? Lusthaus attributes this invention to Xuanzang, who was a prominent figure of his day and Fazang’s contemporary. In verses 5 and 7 of his translation of Triṃśikā he – supposedly deliberately – altered the original Sanskrit text through the interpolation of xingxiang, though he is famous for the accuracy of his translations. In the definitions of mano-vijñāna and the five consiousnesses we read that “discerning perceptual-objects is its nature and characteristic” and “willing-deliberating is its nature and characteristic”, respectively.35 In the Cheng weishi lun, Xuanzang explains xing and xiang as self-nature (svabhāva, zixing ) and activity-characteristic (ākāra, xingxiang ), respectively. In the case of the five consiousnesses, discerning perceptual-objects is their self-nature, and the functioning (yong ) of this nature is their activity-characteristic. In the same way, the willing-deliberating is the self-nature of the mano-vijñāna, and the functioning of this nature is its activitycharacteristic. The text goes on to say that these natures and functions define each consciousness. This is to say that the self-natures of the consciousnesses are none other than their activities. As Xuanzang’s usage of xing versus xiang is confined to a rather technical discussion of Yogācāra, other considerations should be taken into account in tracing Fazang’s application of xing. First, it can be explained as emptiness of self-nature (zixing kong ) because the ultimate nature of dharmas is emptiness. There is no doubt that this is the stance of Madhyamaka in this discussion. Thus, the interfusion of nature and characteristics is another sinitic explanation of the famous Mahāyāna formula, “emptiness is form and form is emptiness” just like “principle is phenomena”, advocated by the first patriarch of the Huayan lineage, Du Shun (557–640). With the introduction of this short expression, interfusion of nature and characteristics, Fazang managed to achieve the same goal as with the discussion of the three natures: to harmonize Yogācāra and Madhyamaka. Second, xing can refer to tathāgatagarbha, or Buddha-nature that leads to another explication on the basis of the Chinese transmission of Yogācāra that includes Tathāgatagarbha teachings. One of the important tenets of Huayan Buddhism is the theory of nature-origination (xingqi ), which clarifies how the world evolves out of a pure mind.36 Thus, xing means the nature out of which the world evolves, and xiang represents the 性相交徹 性相圓融 行相 自性 用 自性空 杜順 性起 34 Yoshizu 1983. 35 For a discussion of xingxiang in Xuanzang’s translation, see Lusthaus 2002: 371–373. 36 This name originates from the title of Chapter 32 of the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, Baowang rulai xingqi pin . The version of the eighty-fascicle Huayan jing will be discussed below. 寶王如來性起品 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 205 characteristics of the outer world evolved from nature. However, this Yogācāra is not the elementary teaching of Mahāyāna represented by the teachings of Xuanzang, but rather the advanced teaching of Mahāyāna, that is Tathāgatagarbha. Nonetheless, this deeper level of interfusion apropos of xing and xiang would later be discovered and discussed by the fourth patriarch of the Huayan lineage, Chengguan (738– 839),37 who was the most loyal disciple of Fazang, though they never met. 澄觀 Ten Differences between Faxingzong and Faxiangzong 慧苑 Fazang’s disciple, Huiyuan (673–743), did not discuss the teachings of the two Indian masters elaborated in great detail by Fazang, putatively because the tenet of dependent arising did not play a central role in his philosophy.38 Chengguan, however, took up this topic again in his commentary on the Huayan jing. At the beginning of his account of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka, he recapitulates the two versions of three periods summarised by the third patriarch.39 He uses the names faxiang dasheng and wuxiang dasheng introduced by Fazang, but he often refers to them as two zongs . Like Fazang, he arrives at the conclusion that these two zongs complement one another; neither of them can stand alone, and they must be combined. It is important to note that at the end of this section in his Subcommentary on the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Dafangguang fo huayan jing suishu yanyi chao ), Chengguan identifies Madhyamaka as faxingzong: 宗 大方廣佛華嚴 經隨疏演義鈔 From the aspect of the first school, the faxiangzong is the ultimate [meaning of the teaching] and faxingzong is not ultimate. From the aspect of the second school, the faxingzong is the ultimate, and the faxiangzong is not ultimate. Therefore, they are both ultimate and not ultimate, and equally share the principle. 謂 約初 門。 則法 相宗 為了。 法性宗 非了 。若 約後 門。 則法性 宗為了 。法 相宗 非了 。 既皆二義了。二義不了。於理則齊。 40 As Chengguan continues, in order to combine these two lineages first the differences between them should be known. He lists ten differences:41 一乘三乘 (2) one nature or five natures 一性五性 (3) consciousness is only real or false 唯心真妄 (1) one-vehicle or three vehicles 37 For his biography, see Hamar 2002. For his philosophy, see Hamar 1998a, 1998b, 1999, 2003a, 2003b, 2004. 38 Yoshizu 1983: 308–309. For a recent study on Huiyuan’s philosophy, see Li 2000. 39 T 1735: 35.510b23–c22. T 1736: 36.52c7–53b27. Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao , vol. 1. 547–564. 40 T 1736: 36.53c18–20. 41 T 1735: 35.511a2–6. 鈔 新修華嚴經疏 206 IMRE HAMAR (4) the tathatā is dependent arising or immovable 真如隨緣凝然 (5) the emptiness and existence related to the three natures are identical or different 三性空有即離 (6) the number of living beings and buddhas is not increasing or not decreasing 生佛 不增不減 (7) the two truths are identical or different, as well emptiness and existence are identical or different 二諦空有即離 (8) the four characteristics are simultaneous or successive 四相一時前後 (9) the subject and the object of enlightenment are identical or different 能所斷證 即離 (10) the body of buddha is unconditioned or conditioned 佛身無為有為 In each of the ten statements, the first part is the tenet of the faxingzong whereas the second is that of the faxiangzong. For example, one nature and one-vehicle form part of the doctrines of faxingzong, and the three vehicles and five natures are proclaimed by faxiangzong. The first two differences are lumped together as the one-vehicle, and three vehicles are closely associated with one nature and three natures, respectively.42 If the doctrine of five natures is regarded as the ultimate teaching, then the doctrine of three vehicles is evident. Those who have the śrāvaka-nature belong to the śrāvakavehicle, those who have the pratyekabuddha-nature belong to the pratyekabuddhavehicle, those who have the bodhisattva-nature belong to the bodhisattva-vehicle. Those who do not have a determinate nature can belong to any of the three vehicles, while those who do not have an untainted nature do not belong to any of the three vehicles but to the vehicle of men and gods. Thus, the five vehicles are established. In contrast to this stance, the faxingzong accepts the doctrine of one nature, i.e. universal salvation, as the ultimate teaching; it therefore proclaims the one-vehicle. In fact, the question of Buddha-nature is a long debated topic in East Asian Buddhism. It is a well-known story in the history of Chinese Buddhism that Daosheng (ca. 360–434) was bold enough to argue against the so-called southern translation of the Nirvāṇa-sūtra which says that icchantikas can never become Buddha.43 After the northern translation of this sūtra supported Daosheng’s claim, the view of 道生 新修華嚴經疏鈔 42 This is discussed in great detail in the Commentary and Subcommentary. See T 1735: 35.511a6– 512b13. T 1736: 36.54a25–61b10. Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao , vol. 1. 566– 642. 43 For Daoan’s view on icchantikas, see Kim 1990: 34–38. The Fo shuo daban nihuan jing (T 376) translated by Faxian and Buddhabhadra was called the southern text, (T 374) translated by Dharmakṣema was known as while the Daban nieban jing the northern text. See Ch’en 1964: 113–114. For a study on the Buddha-nature in the Nirvāṇasūtra, see Liu 1982. 大般泥洹經 法顯 大般涅槃經 佛說 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 207 universal liberation became widespread in China. However, Xuanzang took up the orthodox Yogācāra position and excluded icchantikas from salvation. But even some of his disciples did not share the opinion of their teacher. His most talented student, Fabao (early 8th c.), claimed in Yisheng foxing jiujing lun that one-vehicle was the actual teaching (shijiao ) and the three vehicles were only provisional teachings.44 His other disciple Huizhao (650–714) refuted Fabao’s views in his Nengxian zhongbian huiri lun .45 Approximately during Chengguan’s lifetime, a long debate on this problem raged in Japan between the Hossō monk Tokuitsu (780?–842?), and the founder of the Tendai school, Saichō (767–822), resulting in several works by these two eminent scholars.46 The next eight differences are discussed under the rubrics of the elementary and advanced teachings of Mahāyāna.47 On the level of the elementary teaching, mostly the characteristics are elaborated, the nature of dharmas, i.e. their absolute aspect, appears only as one of the hundred dharmas.48 On the other hand, the advanced teaching mainly expounds on the nature of dharmas, and the way in which characteristics can revert to nature. This is to say that the dharmas, like skandhas, are empty, and their emptiness is their nature. The faxingzong also teaches about the characteristics, but its main purport is to reveal nature as the enigmatic subtlety (xuanmiao ). This explanation seems to be in accord with the tenets of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka, as Yogācāra teaches the doctrine of a hundred dharmas, and Madhyamaka emphasises emptiness as the ultimate reality of dharmas. The third and fourth differences touch upon the nature of the ālayavijñāna, which is a key issue in the Chinese transmision of Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha philosophies.49 According to the faxiangzong, the eighth consciousness, the ālayavijñāna, possesses only the aspect of saṃsāra and is only tainted; Chengguan therefore depicts it as “false”. This impure consciousness is the cause of both rebirth in saṃsāra and attaining nirvāṇa. He cites Xuanzang’s translation of Mahāyānasaṃgraha as a source for this statement.50 In contrast to this, the faxingzong argues that this consciousness also has an aspect of the absolute mind (zhenxin ) due to the untainted tathāga- 竟論 法寶 天台 法相 最澄 德一 一乘佛性究 實教 慧沼 能顯中邊慧日論 玄妙 真心 44 45 46 47 48 Groner 2000: 103–104. T 1863. In this debate, Saichō often referred to the arguments of Fabao. See Groner 2000: 91–106. T 1735: 35.512c12–513a13; T 1736: 36.62c27–67b28; Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao 658–702. The tathatā is one of the unconditioned dharmas (asaṃskṛta-dharmas). See Lusthaus 2002: 553. 49 Paramārtha (499–569) played a crucial role in spreading Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha philosophies in China, although these teachings had been known to the Dilun masters before his arrival in China. For the process of the transmission of Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha teachings, see Paul 1984 and Gimello 1976: 212–337. 50 She dasheng lunben , T 1594: 31.133b15–16. For a detailed study on the concept of ālayavijñāna in the Mahāyānasaṃgraha, see Waldron 2003: 128–170. 地論 攝大乘侖本 208 IMRE HAMAR tagarbha. He refers to the famous statement from the Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna (Dasheng qixin lun ) according to which the saṃsāra and that which is beyond saṃsāra are fused in ālayavijñāna.51 The issue at stake is the relationship between the Absolute and phenomena.52 Is the tathatā, the Absolute, dependent arising, or is it immovable? Does the Absolute have anything to do with the phenomenal world? According to the interpretation of the final teaching of Mahāyāna (i.e. faxingzong), the Absolute and phenomena can be described with the ‘water and wave’ metaphor. Due to the wind of ignorance, waves of phenomena rise and fall, yet they are not different in essence from the water of the Absolute. In contrast with this explanation, the elementary teaching of Mahāyāna (i.e. faxiangzong) can be presented by the metaphor of ‘house and ground’. The ground supports the house but is different from it.53 Referring to the same scriptural sources as Fazang does, Chengguan claims that the dependent arising of tathatā is taught on the level of advanced teaching. However, he also emphasises that tathatā not only has a dependent arising aspect, but also an immovable one. It can be immovable because it is dependent arising, and it is dependent arising because it is immovable. If the water were to be deprived of its nature of moisture, how could it create waves under the influence of wind? Phenomena can be established by retaining the self-nature of the Absolute. On the other hand, if tathatā is not dependent arising, its essence cannot penetrate conditions (bianyuan ). If its essence cannot be found in conditions, how can it be unchanged (bubian )? These two aspects are not contradictory, but complement one another. The next topic touches upon the question of differing opinions between the followers of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka on the status of the three natures. Chengguan seems to be quite aware of the dispute on this matter in Indian Buddhism. As we saw above, Yogācāra attributed emptiness only to the imaginary nature, retaining some kind of existence of the other two natures. Chengguan explains that according to faxiangzong the dependent nature has a resembling existence and is therefore not nonexistent (siyou buwu ). Thus, it cannot be identical with the perfect nature that is revealed through the absence of self-nature. However, according to the faxingzong, the absence of self-nature in the dependent nature is identical with the perfect nature, and as absence of self-nature is emptiness, thus the perfect nature is iden tical with emptiness. This way, faxingzong demonstrates that the perfect nature is empty, just like the imaginary nature. The dependent arising (yinyuan ) includes all three aspects, being identical with both emptiness and existence; hence, these are not separate. The sixth difference is related to the first and second differences. According to the five natures of faxiangzong, beings of the fifth nature divested themselves of 大乘起信論 遍緣 不變 似有不無 因緣 51 T 1666: 32.576b8–9. Hakeda 36, Girard 2004: 28–29. 52 Whalen Lai translated and analysed the relevent part of the Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang . See Lai 1986. 53 Ibid., 2–3. 華嚴一乘教義分齊章 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 209 Buddha-nature forever and can never become Buddha. Consequently, they can never leave the realm of living beings; they are sentenced to maintain this world. Thus, this realm cannot decrease. The faxingzong teaches that the one principle is ubiquitous (yili qiping ), that is to say the potency of becoming Buddha is inherent in all living beings including icchantikas. The realm of living beings cannot decrease, while the realm of Buddha cannot increase. Why? Because both living beings and buddhas have already been in the domain of faxing, and faxing cannot increase faxing. This is similar to how the Eastern space cannot add anything to the Western space, i.e. the Western space cannot increase with the decrease of the Eastern space. In other words, Buddha and sentient beings share the same absolute nature; there is therefore nothing to increase or decrease. In the next topic, two questions are discussed: first, the identity or difference of two truths; then, the identity or difference of emptiness and existence. These are closely related as emptiness and existence are regarded, especially by Madhyamaka, as absolute truth and mundane truth, respectively. According to faxiangzong, the mundane truth and the absolute truth are different, while according to faxingzong they are in fact identical, and as the Nirvāṇa-sūtra states it is only an upāya that there are two truths.54 The Absolute is not beyond the mundane, it is Absolute if it is identical with the mundane. The former concentrates on discriminating the two truths, while the latter tends to fuse them. Chengguan warns against clinging to any of these positions one-sidedly. The faxiangzong argues that the cause ceases when the fruit is produced (guosheng yinmie ). This way, the extremes of nihilism and eternalism are avoided, as existence is not eternal due to the cessation of cause, and is not interrupted due to the production of fruit. The way in which the faxingzong avoids the two extremes is to underline that emptiness is the emptiness that is identical with existence (jiyou zhi kong ), and existence is the existence that is identical with emptiness (jikong zhi you ). It is therefore empty but not interrupted, and existent but not eternal. Non-existence and existence are neither identical, nor different. This is how the middle way is achieved. If they were identical, then the meaning of existence and non-existence would be abolished. If they were different, then it would lead to the extremes of nihilism and eternalism. As is quite obvious, the differing views of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka on the absolute truth are found here. As we discussed above, Yogācāra does not accept the emptiness of absolute nature that is the absolute truth, while Madhyamaka strongly argued for it. The faxiangzong propounds the successiveness of the four characteristics (birth, duration, differentiation, cessation),55 which is to say that something that was not existent is born due to various conditions. It then endures and in this duration it changes, 一理齊平 果生因滅 即有之空 即空之有 54 For the relevant passage cited by Chengguan, see T 374: 12.443a7–19. 55 For the relevant passage from Cheng weishi lun cited by Chengguan, see T 1585: 31.6a8–17. For the English translation, see Cook 1999: 34–35. 210 IMRE HAMAR and finally it reverts to non-existence. According to the faxingzong, the past, present and future are all empty; their essential natures are therefore extinct, and this is what Chengguan calls returning to nature through coalescence with characteristics (huixiang guixing ). In this way, faxingzong establishes that the four characteristics are simultaneous. The ninth difference concerns the result of religious practice. The faxiangzong states that the object and subject of enlightenment are different. It says that there are two aspects of wisdom: wisdom that eliminates delusion (duanhuo ) and wisdom that realises principle (zhengli ). According to one of the interpretations, the fundamental nondiscriminating wisdom (genben zhi ), i.e. Buddha’s absolute wisdom, is able to eliminate the propensities (suimian ) of delusions concerning both principle and phenomena, while the subsequently acquired wisdom (houde zhi ), i.e. wisdom related to the ordinary world, cannot. The other opinion is that this latter wisdom can eliminate only the propensities of delusions concerning phenomena.56 Consequently, the fundamental wisdom and the subsequently acquired wisdom are different. Regarding the wisdom that realises the principle, it says that wisdom that is the subject of enlightenment is conditioned (youwei ), but the principle that is realised by this wisdom is unconditioned (wuwei ). Thus, the subject and object of enlightenment are not identical. The faxingzong also discusses two aspects of wisdom. It shows that in both cases wisdom and the object of wisdom are not different. The wisdom that eliminates the delusion (huo ) and the delusion that is eliminated, in fact, share the same substance. If we search for the origin of delusion, it cannot be found anywhere; it is thus has a nonabiding origin (wuzhu ben ). Therefore, the origin of delusion is nonabiding; that is to say, it does not have an origin (wuben ). Next, this nonabiding origin is nothing more than a different name for the ultimate truth (shixiang ). Thus, the origin of the delusion is the essence of wisdom, and consequently their essences are not different. Regarding wisdom that realises the principle, Chengguan argues that the essence of wisdom is being without thought (wunian ), and it can be defined only with the help of delusion; thus, wisdom does not have a self-nature (zixing ). This absence of self-nature is also the essence of tathatā that is realised in the process of enlightenment. As wisdom, subject, and the tathatā, object, have the same essence, i.e. not having self-nature, the identity of subject and object is established. The last topic revolves around the conditioned or unconditioned nature of the body of Buddha. The main divergence lies in what the two lineages regard as the support of the transcendental wisdom. According to the faxiangzong, it is the seeds of the saṃsāric consciousness (shengmie shizhong ), while according to the faxingzong it is the tathāgatagarbha. The Cheng weishi lun clearly states that the 會相歸性 證理 根本智 隨眠 後得智 有為 為 斷惑 無 惑 無住本 無本 實相 無念 自性 生滅識種 56 This is discussed in Cheng weishi lun, which is cited by Chengguan. See T 1585: 31.54c29– 55a6. For the English translation, see Cook 1999: 337–338. A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 211 four kinds of wisdom include all conditioned qualities of the stage of Buddha.57 As the four kinds of wisdom are born of seeds, they must therefore be conditioned. In addition, if the consciousness that gives birth to wisdom has a nature of saṃsāra, wisdom that is born out of it must be conditioned. The four kinds of wisdom are included in the three bodies of Buddha. Moreover, one of these four kinds of wisdom, the great perfect mirror wisdom (mahādarśana-jñāna, dayuanjing zhi ), creates what a Buddha receives for his own use or enjoyment (zi shouyong ); therefore, the body of retribution (saṃbhogakāya, baoshen ) is conditioned and untainted (youwei wulou ). However, the tathāgatagrabha, the supporter of wisdom is eternal, thus, that which is supported, i.e. wisdom, must also be eternal. The Awakening of Faith distinguishes between two kinds of enlightenment: one is that which beings originally possess (benjue ), the other is that which is attained through cultivation (shijue ).58 Consequently, the former is eternal as it exists as a principle (liyou ), whereas the latter is not because it requires conditions in order to be generated. Chengguan abolishes the distinction between these two kinds of enlightenment, stating that they are both eternal. On the one hand, enlightenment attained through cultivation from the aspect that it is generated it must be regarded as conditioned. On the other hand, it is identical with the nature of tathāgatagarbha, and thus is unconditioned. Even the nirmāṇakāya of the three bodies of Buddha is therefore eternal. If this is eternal, then the more subtle saṃbhogakāya must be eternal as well. Chengguan adds that wisdom must be identical with essence because if it existed outside essence then it would not be eternal. In order to evaluate the content of these differences it is worth examining the scriptural sources that Chengguan quotes to substantiate his statements.59 As we might expect, Chengguan often refers to the Cheng weishi lun and other Yogācāra works in discussing the teaching of faxiangzong, and cites Madhyamaka and Tathāgatagarbha scriptures to demonstrate the arguments of faxingzong. However, we also find Yogācāra works (Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra, Vasubandhu’s commentary on the Daśabhūmika-sūtra) and Mahāyāna sūtras (Lotus Sūtra, Nirvāṇa-sūtra, Vimalakīrti-sūtra) under the rubric of faxingzong. It is important to note that the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra and Prajñāpāramitā scriptures are cited by both faxiangzong and faxingzong. 報身 有為無漏 理有 始覺 大圓鏡智 自受用 本覺 57 T 1585: 31.56b1–2. Cook 1999: 348. 58 Hakeda 38–42, Girard 2004: 30–37. 59 These references are included in Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao. Some of the scriptures listed here are well-known Indian ones, others have survived only in Tibetan and Chinese translations, and we also find works that were presumably written in China. I use the Sanskrit titles whenever they are available or have reconstructed versions. For the reconstructed titles, I am indebted to Demiéville 1978 and Conze 1982. 1. one-vehicle or three vehicles 2. one nature or five natures Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra T 676: 16.695a19–20, 22–25; 697b5. Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra T 220: 7.1066a28–b6. Daśacakrakṣitigarbha-sūtra* T 411: 13.769c4–27. Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra T 671: 16.526c8–11. Yogācārabhūmiśāstra T 1579: 30.478b13–c15; 720c23–26. T 1581: 30.888a20–21, b4–5; 900a16–17. Mahāyānasaṃgraha-upanibandhana T 1598: 31.447a25–b10. Saddharmapuṇḍarika-sūtra T 262: 9.7c5; 8a17–19; 9a6–11; 11b14– 15; 13c10–14; 15a18–19, a29–b3, b9c1–5; 17b7–10, 13–15; 18c14–15; 25c12–20; 30a15, a19–b1; 31b16–21; 50c20–51a1. Saddharmapuṇḍarikopadeśa* T 1519: 26.8b15–17; 8c25–9a3; 9a12– 20; 18a4–5 Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra T 279: 10.275a19–21, 25–26; 444a10–11. Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra T 374: 12.365c6–7; 419b1–7; 420a23– 25; 493b17–18; 522c23–24; 523c1–2; 524b8, c8–9, 11–16, 559a21–23; 574b11–28, c5–6 Mahāprajñāpāramitā-śāstra T 1509: 25.369c13; 714a9–21. Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra T 671: 16.525c12–19; 527b2–20; 540a9– 10; 541a11–12; 555a9–10. Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanāda-sūtra T 353: 12.219c5–18; 220c21; 223b8–9. IMRE HAMAR Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāravyākhya T 1604: 31.594b1–17. faxingzong 212 faxiangzong Anuttarāśaya-sūtra T 669: 16.470b3–6; 472a24 Buddhatvaśāstra* T 1610: 31.788c19–23; 799a6–7. Ghanavyūha–sūtra T 682: 16. 774a13–16. Mahāyānasaṃgraha T 1594: 31.151b17–18. 1595: 31.212b17. 無量義經 T 276: 9.386a10–12. 百喻經 T 209: 4.548a22–23. 3. consciousness only is real or Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra false T 1579: 30.478c12–16. Āryaśāsanaprakaraṇa* T 1602: 31.581a2–3. Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi T 1585: 31.14a17. Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra T 672: 16.594c11–14. 213 Mahāyānasaṃgraha (Xuanzang’s version) T 1594: 31.133b15–16. Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra* T 1666: 32. 576b8–9. A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS Ratnagotravibhāga T 1611: 31.830b8–11; 831b6–9. 4. the tathatā is dependent arising or is immovable Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi T 1585: 31.48a23–24. faxingzong 214 faxiangzong Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanāda-sūtra T 353: 12.222c4–5. Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra* T 1666: 32.576c13–14. Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra T 670: 16.510b4–8, 512b16–17. Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi T 1585: 31.45c8–11; 46b5–18. Ghanavyūha-sūtra T 681: 16.746c10–11. 6. the number of living beings and buddhas is not increasing or not decreasing 7. the emptiness and existence are identical or different, two truths are identical or different Madhyamaka-śāstra T 1564: 30.33b11–12. Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi T 1585: 31.7c19–20; 12c4; 48a19–21. Madhyamaka-śāstra T 1564: 30.20b17–18. Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra T 1579: 30.653c27–654a6. Nirvāṇa-sūtra T 374: 12.443a7–19. Mahāyānasaṃgraha (Paramārtha’s version) T 1595: 31.53c5. Kāruṇikā-rājā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra* T 245: 8.829a4–8, 9–13,16–17, 20. IMRE HAMAR 5. the emptiness and existence related to the three natures are identical or different Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi T 1585: 31.6a8–17. Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra* T 1666: 32.576c1–4. Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra T 475: 14.542b3–6. Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra T 670: 16.512c18–19. 19. the subject and the object of Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi enlightenment are identical T 1585: 31.54c29–55a6. or different Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra T 279: 10.134b5–6, 24–25. Nirvāṇa-sūtra T 374: 12.410c21, 27–28. Daśabhūmivyākhyāna T 1522: 26.133a10, 28–b2. 10. the body of Buddha is unconditioned or conditioned Buddhabhūmyupadeśa T 1530: 26.301c1–8. Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi T 1585: 31.55b2–3; 56a7–11; 56b1–2. Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra T 374: 12.374a21–23, a19–b2, b10–14; 388b26–27. Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra T 475: 14.542a17–18. A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 18. the four characteristics are simultaneous or successive 215 216 IMRE HAMAR One-vehicle of faxing Fazang’s classification of teachings was at variance with that of his master Zhiyan (602–668) in that he exclusively identified the Huayan jing with the perfect teaching while his master related it to the sudden teaching as well. In addition, they both regarded the Huayan jing as the separate teaching, and the Lotus Sūtra as the common teaching, but Fazang degraded the Lotus Sūtra to the level of the advanced teaching of the Mahāyāna.60 He thus established the superior position of Huayan, and his awareness of it was certainly enhanced by the lavish support that he received from Empress Wu (r. 684–705). Fazang was eager to demonstrate that the one-vehicle of Huayan is different from the one-vehicle of Lotus Sūtra and from the one-vehicle of Nirvāṇa-sūtra, proclaiming that the one-vehicle of Huayan is the basic one-vehicle (genben yisheng ). Chengguan, however, identifies all one-vehicles as faxing, accepting them as his own tradition.61 On the other hand, though he, unlike Fazang, does not draw a sharp distinction between separate and common teaching, he retains the superiority of Huayan: 智儼 華嚴經 武 根本一乘 The ocean of this teaching is vast and profound; there is nothing that it does not include. Form and emptiness exchange their brightness, merit and function interpenetrate. Concerning its content, it contains the five teachings in their entirety. It comprises all teachings as far as the teaching of men and gods. This is the only way to reveal its profundity and broadness. It is similar to how rivers do not include the ocean, but the ocean must include rivers. Though it includes all rivers, it tastes salty everywhere. Therefore, every drop of the ocean is different from rivers. The previous four teachings do not include the perfect teaching, but the perfect teaching must include those four teachings. Although the perfect teaching includes the four teachings, it goes beyond them. Thus, ten virtues and five prohibitions can also be found in the perfect teaching, but they are not those of the third and the fourth teachings, not to speak about those of the first and the second teachings. [These four teachings] have teachings in common [with the perfect teaching], but they do not hold the same position. As this perfect teaching is described as broad, it is named immeasurable vehicles. It is said to be profound because this teaching reveals the one-vehicle. There are two kinds of one-vehicle. The first is the one-vehicle of common teaching that is common in the sudden and real [final] teachings. The second is the one-vehicle of separate teaching that perfectly comprises all merits. The separate teaching includes the common teaching, and the perfect teaching comprises all teachings.62 此 教 海宏 深包 含 無外 。色 空交 映 德 用重 重。 語 其橫 收全 收五教 。 乃至 人天 總 無不 包。方顯深廣。其猶百川不攝大海。大海必攝百川。雖攝百川同一鹹味。故隨一適 迥 異百 川。 前之 四教 不攝於 圓。圓 必攝 四。 雖攝 於四 圓以貫 之。故 十善 五戒 亦圓 教 60 Gregory 1991: 128–129; in his comprehensive book, Yoshizu Yoshihide discusses the seperate teaching of one-vehicle as a central concept of Fazang’s teachings. He demonstrates the distinction between seperate and common teachings in Zhiyan’s writings; then he treats various aspects of this question in Fazang’s works. See Yoshizu 1991. 61 Yoshizu 1991: 470–477. 62 For a Japanese translation of this passage, see Yoshizu 1991: 473–474. A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 217 攝。上非三四。況初二耶。斯則有其所通無其所局。故此圓教語廣名無量乘。語深 唯 顯一 乘。 一乘 有二 。一同 教一乘 。同 頓同 實故 。二 別教一 乘。唯 圓融 具德 故。 以 別該同皆圓教攝。 63 Conclusion: is Huayan faxingzong? It is quite clear from the discussion above that it was Chengguan who introduced the term faxingzong, and started to use the paradigm of faxiangzong versus faxingzong. In doing so, he had recourse to philosophical frameworks established by Fazang. First, in treating Divākara’s classification of Indian Mahāyāna philosophies, Chengguan identified Madhyamaka with faxingzong. Second, on the basis of the paradigm of xing versus xiang propounded by Fazang, Tathāgatagarbha teachings also came to be included in faxingzong. Thus explaining the ten differences between faxiangzong and faxingzong, the stance of faxingzong is described by the teachings of Madhyamaka and/or Tathāgatagarbha. In terms of scriptures that represent faxiangzong and faxingzong, we have seen that some scriptures belong to both categories. The paradigm of faxiangzong versus faxingzong is thus a hermeneutical, ‘transscriptural’ device for the classification of Mahāyāna teachings. It is more flexible than the classical Huayan classification of five teachings advocated by Fazang, which simply qualifies Yogācāra and Madhyamaka as elementary teachings of Mahāyāna, and Tathāgatagarbha as the final teaching of Mahāyāna. This paradigm attempts to sort out some principles in the giant corpus of Mahāyāna literature, and one group of principles or guidelines is called faxiangzong while the other is referred to as faxingzong. Consequently, the term zong should be rendered as a principle or guideline and definitely not as a ‘school’. When Chengguan elaborates on the ten differences, he says that faxiangzong is the elementary teaching of Mahāyāna while faxingzong is the final teaching of Mahāyāna. If faxingzong is the final teaching, it cannot be identified with Huayan, which represents the perfect teaching, the highest of all teachings. The final teaching claims that the tathāgatagarbha is not isolated from the world of life and death; it is thus described as the non-obstruction of principle and phenomena (lishi wu’ai ) using the Huayan terminology. The perfect teaching also includes this important tenet, but it goes one step further. It advocates the notion that on the basis of the non-obstruction of principle and phenomena, the interrelatedness of phenomena becomes established. This interrelatedness is depicted as the non-obstruction of phenomena (shishi wu’ai ).64 As we have seen above, the perfect teaching includes the set of advanced principles called faxingzong, but they are not identical: “although the ocean includes all rivers, it tastes salty everywhere.” 宗 理事 無礙 事事無礙 63 T 1735: 35.514a6–16. 64 Shih 1992: 138. 218 IMRE HAMAR References Ch’en, Kenneth K.S: Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964. 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Forte, Antonino: “Divākara (613–688), un monaco indiano nella Cina dei Tang.” Annali della Facoltà di lingue e letterature straniere di Ca’ Foscari, Ser. Or. 5. (1974) 13: pp. 135 – 164. Girard, Frédéric, trans.: Traité sur l’acte de foi dans le Grand Véhicule. Tokyo: Keio University Press, 2004. (The Izutsu Library Series on Oriental Philosophy 2.) Groner, Paul: Saichō: The Establishment of the Japanese Tendai School. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000. Hamar Imre: “The Doctrines of Perfect Teaching in Ch’eng-kuan’s Introduction to his Commentary on the Hua-yen-ching.” Journal of The Center for Buddhist Studies (1988a) 3: pp. 331 – 349. Hakeda, Yoshito S.: The Awakening of Faith Attributed to Aśvaghosha. New York: Columbia University Press, 1967. Hamar Imre: “Chengguan’s Theory of Four Dharma-dhātus.” Acta Orientalia Hung. (1998b) 51,1– 2: pp. 1–19. Hamar Imre: “Buddhism and The Dao in Tang China: The Impact of Confucianism and Daoism on the Philosophy of Chengguan.” Acta Orientalia Hung. (1999) 52,3–4: pp. 283–292. Hamar Imre: A Religious Leader in the Tang: Chengguan’s Biography. Tokyo: The International Institute for Buddhist Studies of The International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies, 2002. (Studia Philologica Buddhica Occasional Paper Series XII.) Hamar Imre: “Practice and Enlightenment in Chengguan’s Philosophy” in Enlightenment and its Cultural Aspects in the modern Perspective. Seoul, 2003a, pp. 277–286. Hamar Imre: “The Existence or Nonexistence of the Mind of Buddha: A Debate between Faxingzong and Faxiangzong in Chengguan’s Interpretation.” Acta Orientalia Hung. (2003b) 56,2–4: pp. 339–367. Hamar Imre: “Hermeneutical Methods in Chengguan’s Commentary to the Avataṃsaka-sūtra.” Ars Decorativa (2004) 23: pp. 9–16. : Chūgoku kegon shisōshi no kenkyū [A study of Kamata Shigeo Chinese Huayan Buddhism]. Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1965. Keenan, John P., trans.: The Summary of the Great Vehicle. Berkeley, Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 1992. (BDK English Tripitaka 46–III.) 鎌田茂雄 中国華厳思想の研究 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 219 Kim, Young-ho: Tao-sheng’s Commentary on the Lotus Sūtra: A Study and Translation. New York, State University of New York Press, 1990. (Bibliotheca-Indo-Buddhica No. 101.) Lai, Whalen: “The Defeat of Vijñāptimatratā in China: Fa-tsang on Fa-hsing and Fa-hsiang.” Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1986) 13: pp. 1–19. Lamotte, Etienne, trans.: Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra. Louvain and Paris: Université de Louvain & Adrien Maisonneuve, 1935. : Eon sen ‘Zoku kegon ryakusho kanjō ki’ no kisoteki kenkyū Li Huiying [A basic study of Huiyuan’s Xu huayan lüeshu kandingji]. Tokyo: Dōhōsha, 2000. Li Rongxi, trans.: A Biography of the Tripiṭaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty, translated from the Chinese of Śramaṇa Huili and Shi Yancong. Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 1995. (BDK English Tripiṭaka 77.) Liu, Ming-Wood: “The Teaching of Fa-tsang: An Examination of Buddhist Metaphysics.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1979. Liu, Ming-Wood: “The P’an-chiao System of the Hua-yen School in Chinese Buddhism.” T’oung Pao (1981) 67,1–2: pp. 10–47. Liu, Ming-Wood: “The Doctrine of the Buddha-nature in the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-Sūtra.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (1982) 5,2: pp. 63–94. Liu, Ming-Wood: Madhyamaka Thought in China. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994. Lusthaus, Dan: Buddhist Phenomenology: A Philosophical Investigation of Yogācāra Buddhism and the Ch’eng Wei-shih lun. London: Routledge Curzon, 2002. : Bukkyō daijiten [Great dictionary of Buddhism]. 10 Mochizuki Shinkō vols. Tokyo: Sekai seiten kankō kyōkai, 1958–1963. Monier-Williams, Monier: A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1899. Nakamura Hajime : Bukkyōgo daijiten [Great dictionary of Buddhist terms]. 3 vols. Tokyo: Tōkyō shoseki, 1975. Ng, Yu-Kwan: T’ian-t’ai Buddhism and Early Mādhyamika. Honolulu: Tendai Institute of Hawaii Buddhist Studies Program of University of Hawaii, 1993. Paul, Diana Y.: Philosophy of Mind in Sixth-Century China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984. Ruegg, David S.: The Literature of the Madhyamaka School of Philosophy in India. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1981. Sharf, Robert H.: Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism: A Reading of the Treasure Store Treatise. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2002. (Kuroda Institute Studies in East Asian Buddhism 14.) Shih, Heng-ching: The Syncretism of Ch’an and Pure Land Buddhism. New York: Peter Lang, 1992. Soothill, William E., Hodous, Lewis: A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms. London, 1937. Tamura, Yoshiro: Japanese Buddhism: A Cultural History. Tokyo: Kosei Publishing Co., 2000. Waldron, William S.: The Buddhist Unconscious: The Ālayavijñāna in the Context of Indian Buddhist Thought. London and New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. Williams, Paul: Mahāyāna Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundation. London: Routledge, 1989. . (ed.) Chengyi , Taibei: Huayan lianshe, 2001. Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Shōsō yūkai ni tsuite” [Concerning the interfusion of nature and characteristic]. Komazawa daigaku bukkyō gakubu kenkyū kiyō (1983) 41: pp. 300–321. 李恵英 略疏刊定記』の基礎的研究 望月信享 中村 元 新修華嚴經疏鈔 吉津宜英 教学部研究紀要 慧苑撰『続華 厳 佛教大辞典 仏教語大辞典 成一 性相融会について 駒澤大学仏 220 IMRE HAMAR 吉津宜英 華厳一乘思想の研究 Yoshizu Yoshihide : Kegon ichijō shisō no kenkyū [A study of the ekayāna thought in the Huayan]. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1991. Ziporyn, Brook: Evil and/or/as The Good: Omnicentrism, Intersubjectivity, and Value Paradox in Tiantai Buddhist Thought. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia Center for the Harvard-Yenching Institute, 2000. KIMURA KIYOTAKA HUAYAN AND CHAN 1. Introduction Here, I would like to discuss the subject “Huayan and Chan.” Although it might be impossible to give a sufficient argument to this extremely wide issue, it is necessary to begin with an introduction to the two concepts, Huayan and Chan, in order to better understand the topic. 1.1 The Concept of Huayan 華嚴 To the West, Huayan (J. Kegon; Skt. Avataṃsaka) may not be such a familiar concept as it is to East Asia, where traces of influence can still be found in the culture. For example, take Japan, the Great Buddha of the Tōdaiji Temple in Nara is the statue of Vairocana Buddha, known as the principal Buddha of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing ). In China, at the centre of the Longmen Grottoes (Longmen shiku ), is also located the statue of Vairocana Buddha that is said to be modeled after Wu Zetian (623 or 625–705), the only female monarch in the history of imperial China. Finally, at the Borobuḍur in Indonesia, a part of the cloisters surrounding this highly constructed architecture is decorated with relief in the motif of the story from the Gaṇḍavyūha, becoming the Entering the Realm of Reality (Ru fajie pin ), which was taken in as the final chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra afterward. At this point, it is useful to ask to what “Huayan” does refer. The meaning of Huayan can be approached from three different aspects. First, it refers to the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, one of the principal scriptures of Mahāyāna Buddhism, including three comprehensive translations in Chinese: the 60-fascicle, 80-fascicle and 40-fascicle versions. (But, the last one is different from the former two. It is that which the Gaṇḍavyūha was enlarged to.) As a compiled scripture, the Buddhāvataṃsaka might have assumed its integral form by the end of the 4th century or the beginning of the 5th century. This scripture reveals a peculiar vision of the Buddha’s Enlightenment and the Way for bodhisattvas to achieve enlightenment. 華嚴經 龍門石窟 武則天 入法界品 東大寺 222 KIMURA KIYOTAKA Secondly, Huayan also stands for the doctrine of the Huayan school, an independent philosophy system based upon the Buddhāvataṃsaka. This school was founded, in outline, during the early Tang Dynasty, from the 7th century to the beginning of the 8th century in China. Finally, besides the school itself, Huayan also represents the whole thought in general that has developed under the strong influence of the Huayan jing, the Chinese version of the Buddhāvataṃsaka. In fact, it had such a considerable impact on the Buddhist world in East Asia – such as China, Korea and Japan – that reflections can also be found in the teachings of Tiantai school, Sanlun school and Chan school, and so on. Those three schools were especially influenced by the philosophical ideas of the Huayan jing during the formation of their thought. 天台 禪 三論 1.2 The Concept of Chan 禪 Compared to Huayan, the term chan (J. zen) must be much more familiar to the West. As a Buddhist terminology, chan was originally derived from channa or chanding , the Chinese equivalents of dhyāna in Sanskrit. In this sense, chan stands for an intuitive method of spiritual training or mental concentration aimed at tranquilizing and purifying the mind. In Buddhism, besides chan, various synonyms are used without clear distinction between each another. One of them is sanmei (Skt. samādhi, J. sanmai, zanmai). Sanmei originally refers to the state deep in meditation. Subsequently, this term comes to represent the way to be concentrating on something in Japan such as dokusho-zanmai , that means to be absorbed in reading a book. Another important instance of a popular synonym is zhiguan , a term frequently used to refer to contemplative practices by the Tiantai school. This school was established by Zhiyi (538–597) of the Sui Dynasty (581–618) in China, who systemized a peculiar contemplative theory called zhiguan in one of his greatest treatises, entitled the Mohe Zhiguan .1 The term zhiguan indicates two aspects of meditation: zhi (Skt. śamatha), particularly emphasizes the meditative state of equanimity and comfort; while guan (vipaśyanā), represents the insight attained through contemplation, during which the true wisdom is to be realized by the practitioner. Involved in the teachings of the Tiantai school, this pair of concepts has been extensively accepted and generally acknowledged throughout the East Asian world. Furthermore, the term chan also refers to changuan , a broadened idea developed based upon dhyāna. Chan, in this sense, represents the contemplative practices in general that aim at an awakening stage. Thirdly, and most frequently, chan stands for the Chan (J. Zen) school, one of the Buddhist traditions developed in China. Though the final goal of this school can 禪定 禪那 三昧 讀書三昧 智顗 止 止觀 摩訶止觀 觀 禪觀 1 T 1911. 223 HUAYAN AND CHAN be regarded as the Great Meditation of the Buddha, it had actually assumed the fundamental form especially under the influence of Daoist ideas. The Chan school contained various lineages. Two primary branches of this, which were developed during the Tang Dynasty (618–907), are the Northern Chan and the Southern Chan schools. The latter subsequently split into the so-called Five Lineages Seven Sects (wujia qizong ), two of which were transmitted to Japan, the Linji (J. Rinzai) by Eisai (1141–1215), the Caodong (J. Sōtō) by Dōgen (1200–1253). In addition, the Huangbo (J. Ōbaku) , a sect similiar to the Linji, was born later in China and transmitted to Japan by Yinyuan (J. Ingen) (1592–1673) during the Edo period (1600–1867). The followers of Chan school must have been so proud of their “independent transmission out of doctrines (jiaowai biechuan )” that they tended to refer themselves as chanjia (the chan family). This appellation was particularly used in contrast to jiaojia (the doctrinal family), which the Chan school used to refer to as the Buddhist sects or schools that depended on particular scriptures or doctrines, that is to say, all schools and sects only except itself. However, objectively, such a classification from the viewpoint of the Chan school contains limitations. For instance, the Tiantai school with obvious practical characteristics might tend to be a member of chanjia, rather than jiaojia. Finally, or fourthly, Chan also refers to the Chan thought, or Chan Buddhism (or Zen Buddhism), that has been generally accepted in the West. 曹洞 道元 隠元 禪家 教家 臨濟 五家七宗 榮西 黄檗宗 教外別傳 2. Doctrines Concerning Dhyāna in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra In consideration through the first paragraph, Huayan and Chan may seem to have little in common; except for the relation, to some degree, between the Huayan thought in its broadest meaning and Chan school’s thought. However, further observation suggests otherwise. First, let us see whether any idea concerning meditative thought is taught in the Buddhāvataṃsaka. 2.1 Contemplative Vision of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra that consists of seven Acts and eight Scenes reveals an amazingly large-scale imagination and fantasy of the Indian and Central Asian peoples. It is based upon such a vast vision that the scripture represents the true Way to Buddhahood, as well as that of bodhisattvahood. Fundamentally, the vision of this scripture is based upon the world of the Buddha’s Enlightenment and reveals the way for bodhisattvas to attain that Enlightenment, for which they have been determined and devoted themselves into entirely practices. Therefore, the scripture begins with a line to announce that the Buddha had accomplished His great Enlightenment, which says, “At one time the Buddha was in 224 KIMURA KIYOTAKA the land of Magadha, in a state of purity, at the site of enlightenment, having just realized true awareness.” Immediately after this announcement, a splendid world of beauty and magnificence emerged before the audience of the assembly: “The ground was solid and firm, made of diamond, adorned with exquisite jewel discs and myriad precious flowers, with pure clear crystals,” and so forth. Such a vision of the Buddha’s Enlightenment is regarded as the fundamental, yet not the only stage, in the Huayan jing, for Vairocana Buddha, the principle buddha, was to be seen in several assemblies at the same time. For example, in Ascent to the Palace of the Suyama Heaven (Chapter 19), it is said that “due to the spiritual power,” “without leaving the foot of the enlightenment trees and the peaks of the polar mountains,” Vairocana Buddha “headed for the jewel-adorned hall of the palace of the Suyama Heaven.” This is the second time that the Buddha was seen to move to a new stage where another Act was to begin. What fascinates us is the description of the Buddha to appear before another assembly without leaving the places He used to be. Thus “moving without leaving” is considered to be one of the Buddha’s characteristics that are defined within the Huayan jing. Another distinctive feature of the Buddha is His complete silence at the site of Enlightenment. In fact, in the Buddhāvataṃsaka great bodhisattvas preached teachings instead of the Buddha, for whom various gods uttered verses of praise. Such unique treatment or comprehension of the Buddha might have been rooted in the insight into Truth attained through contemplative practices. In this respect, the Buddhāvataṃsaka can also be regarded as sort of dhyāna scripture. 2.2 Analyses of Samādhi in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra A series of close analyses of samādhi can be found in the Buddhāvataṃsaka. For instance, the chapter 12 of the Huayan jing named Bodhisattva of Chief of the Good makes clear the correspondence and interrelationship respectively between samādhi and the six sense-organs (ṣaḍ indriyāṇi, liugen ) or the six objects of cognition corresponding to the six sense-organs (ṣaḍ viṣayāḥ, liujing ). The whole analysis begins with an observation on the relationship between samādhi (concentration) and the function of the eyes. This says, “Entering right concentration in the eyeorgan, Bodhisattva emerges from concentration in the field of form, showing the inconceivability of the nature of form.” 2 That is to say, I guess, a person cannot only enter the right concentration by perceiving a vision, but also emerge from that perceived vision. Another instance is buddhānusmṛti-samādhi (Ch. nianfo sanmei, J. nenbutsu zan-mai ) that is preached in the Buddhāvataṃsaka. To speak of nianfo , many of us in East Asia might tend to associate it with the invocation of the name of Amitābha Buddha, which is mainly preached in the Pure Land teachings. 六根 性不思議 念佛 2 念佛三昧 T 279: 10.77c29–78a1. 六境 於眼根中入正定 於色塵中從 定出示現色 225 HUAYAN AND CHAN Nevertheless, as a Buddhist term, nianfo originally meant meditating on the figure or world of a buddha. Therefore, nianfo sanmei refers to a kind of religious contemplation by means of visualizing and concentrating on an imaginary buddha, with which the practitioner is supposed to be eventually unified in his conscious mind. Since such a teaching was transmitted into East Asia including Japan, it has undergone a considerable transformation and resulted in a new style of Buddhist practice, oral invocation of the name of Amitābha Buddha; on the other hand, the original meaning has also survived. The tenet of buddhānusmṛti can be found in the final book of the Buddhāvataṃsaka, which originally was an independent scripture entitled the Gaṇḍavyūhasūtra. Sudhana-śreṣṭhi-dāraka, the main character of this book as well as a truth pursuer who is to gradually deepen his state of mind and approach the world of the Buddha during his journey, which starts from his visit to the first teacher monk Meghaśrī under Manjuśrī’s guidance. Meghaśrī himself has practiced a kind of buddhānusmṛti and attained “mindfulness of the buddhas from the universal light in which is concentrated the information of all sense objects (nian yiqie zhufo jingjie zhihui guangming puxian famen ),”3 However, he admits that what he has gained is still superficial if compared with the awakening state of those great bodhisattvas who have respectively attained twenty-one kinds of meditations, from “the means of mindfulness of buddhas in the sphere of universal illumination of wisdom (zhiguang puzhao nianfo men )” to “the means of mindfulness of buddhas in space (zhu xukong nianfo men ).”4 This reminds us of the fact that Sudhana’s journey for truth substantially begins with the practice of buddhānusmṛti that leads to a deep and profound contemplative world. After his visits at least fifty-two (fifty-three, or fifty-four) teachers, Sudhana eventually gained a vision of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva, from whom he was to receive the final lesson on journey. The details of Sudhana’s first meeting with Samantabhadra are given in the scripture that says: Then Sudhana, contemplating the body of the enlightening being Universally Good, saw in each and every pore untold multitudes of buddha-lands filled with buddhas. And in each buddha-land he saw the buddhas surrounded by assemblies of enlightening beings. And he saw that all those multitudes of lands had various bases, various forms, various arrays, various perimeters, various clouds covering the skies, various buddhas appearing, various enunciations of cycles of the Teaching.5 Observing Samantabhadra, in every pore, every part, or every feature of the bodhisattva’s body, Sudhana “saw” infinite realms fulfilled with buddhas, each of whom was accompanied by one or innumerable great bodhisattvas. All of the buddha’s realms that Sudhana saw were distinctive from one another. According to the 念一切諸佛境界智慧光明普見法門 智光普照念佛門 住虛空念佛 門 3 4 5 T 279: 10.334b22–23. T 279: 10.334b24–c22. Cleary 1987: 386. 226 KIMURA KIYOTAKA Huayan school, these descriptions culminated as a theory of “one is all, all is one,” or “one in all,” “all in one.” That is to say, each individual phenomenon embraces every other phenomenon, including the magnificent world of Truth. Thus, in each individual being is present the whole cosmos, and the life of which is also manifested within an individual life. Such observation seems to reflect nothing but the insight into the meditation world. In Japanese, the tip of a finger, besides its literal meaning, is also an idiom to express something very small and trivial. If using this idiom, Huayan philosophy asserts that even within such a little fingertip there are present infinite buddhas as well as a vast world of truth. Speaking in connection with this insight, in Chinese medicine, it is said that the five fingertips of a hand reveal the health condition of the body that is concerning with the whole movement of the cosmos. In this respect, we may recognize that any individual being is absolutely neither isolated nor trivial. In connection, the song most selled now in Japan is titled “the only one flower”, which is a metaphor of each person as an originally incomparable being. 3. The View of the Buddhāvataṃsaka of the Huayan School: with a Special Reference to Haiyin samādhi The Buddhāvataṃsaka, as above mentioned, can be regarded as a kind of large-scale dhyāna scripture. However, actually, such an aspect of this scripture was of little interest to the Huayan school, because it is inevitable for this school to be restricted by the limitations of the times during which it was founded, as well as that of the traditional interpretations through a long history that had begun even much earlier than the formation of the Huayan school. If any teaching of meditation in the Buddhāvataṃsaka did interest the Huayan followers, it must be the ocean-seal samādhi (Ch. haiyin sanmei , Skt. sāgara-mudrā-samādhi). This samādhi is often paired with huayan samādhi (huayan sanmei ) (It is said a meditation into which Samantabhadra Bodhisattva entered), both of which can be found in the Huayan jing. According to the scripture, it is taught that “for the sake of the power of haiyin samādhi,” the bodhisattvas who have accomplished their stage of belief are enabled to perform various religious practices extensively, and to develop all kinds of virtues freely. However, haiyin samādhi in the Buddhāvataṃsaka was not so much important as that in other Mahāyāna Buddhist scriptures, including the Wisdom Sūtras (Skt. Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras). Nevertheless, to the Huayan school, haiyin samādhi was regarded as the ultimate meditation of the Buddha. Fazang (643–712), the systematizer of Chinese Huayan school, explicitly defined it as the basis of the doctrine of one-vehicle (Ch. yisheng , Skt. ekayāna). According to the Huayan school, haiyin samādhi refers to the Buddha’s great meditation that makes all truth appear clearly and vividly, just 海印三昧 華嚴三昧 一乘 法藏 227 HUAYAN AND CHAN as all beings are reflected in a quiet ocean without a slightest wave. Thus, this reveals an insight into the origin of Buddhism of the Chinese Huayan followers. In Korean Hwaŏm school, the first patriarch Ŭisang ( 625–702), also known as a co-disciple of Fazang, wrote a treatise entitled The Diagram of the Realm of Reality (Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo ), that consisted of a square seal-like illustration and annotations, and represented Uisang’s unique perception of the Huayan world. Within that figurative design with some magic implication there are notes in verse that began with “the non-duality (pŏpsŏng wŏnyung puri sang )” at the center. The verse on the upper right of the illustration says that within haiyin samādhi (K. haein sammae), all truth is to be seen actively and freely. Furthermore, the annotations also suggest that the three-constituents of the Buddhist world are the embodiment of haiyin samādhi, which is considered as the basis of the whole religious world. This notion of haiyin samādhi was to be the basis of Korean Hwaŏm school, as well as that of the Korean Sŏn Buddhism that assumed its main form under the influence of the former. 華嚴一乘法界圖 義相 義湘 法 性圓融不二相 4. Treatises on Contemplation of the Huayan School Although haiyin samādhi is the most significant contemplative theory of the Huayan school, contemplations organized in Contemplation of the Realm of Reality (Fajie guanmen )6 and The Ending of Delusion and Return to the Source (Wangjin huanyuan )7 are most powerful in regard to the influence upon the descendent of Huayan. It is generally accepted that Contemplation of the Realm of Reality made the pretense of Du Shun (557–640) consists of three parts that correspond to the three stages of contemplation: the view that śūnyatā is the real nature of all phenomena (zhenkong guan ), the view that all phenomena are harmonious with the Truth (lishiwu’ai guan ), and the view that everything has no obstruction each other, and, no matter how infinitesimal, contains the whole phenomenal world (zhoubian hanrong guan ). In fact, among these views, only the first one can be considered to have clarified a contemplative stage to some extent. The latter two parts have rather described the insight gained through contemplation. On the other hand, The Ending of Delusion and Return to the Source attributed to Fazang tends to be a manifestation of specific world-view that roots in contemplative experiences. At the very beginning of this treatise, referring to “the One Essence,” 法界觀門 妄盡還源 杜順 真空觀 理事無礙觀 周遍含容觀 6 7 華嚴法界玄鏡 注華嚴法界觀門 This work is preserved by Chengguan’s and Zongmi’s commentary to this. See Huayan fajie xuanjing , T 1883. and Zhu huayan fajie guanmen , T 1884. For an English translation of Du Shun’s work with references to the commentaries, see Gimello 1976: 456–510. For an English translation of Chengguan’s commentary, see Cleary 1983: 69–124. The complete title of the work is Xiu huayan aozhi wangjin huanyuan guan , T 1876. For an English translation, see Cleary 1983: 147–170. 還源觀 修華嚴奧旨妄盡 228 KIMURA KIYOTAKA the author defined it as “the inherently pure, complete and luminous essence.” Such a definition reveals the Buddhistic world-view of the Huayan school after Fazang, in which the substantial essence per se is considered the root of the world of beings. 5. Li Tongxuan and the Contemplation of Buddha-light Besides the Huayan school, another unique trend of Huayan study that was developed by Li Tongxuan (635–730) is also worth of attention. Li Tongxuan was a lay Buddhist who was a contemporary of Fazang. During his declining years, he was devoting himself into the study of the Buddhāvataṃsaka and his effort resulted in an extraordinary commentary on this scripture. Differing from traditional interpretations by the Huayan school, Li Tongxuan’s commentary was a challenging approach that was thoroughly practical in its point of view.8 In Chinese Buddhist history, Li Tongxuan is among those representative figures of the lay Buddhist tradition. Inheriting the efforts of his predecessors, Li Tongxuan organized a unique theory of contemplation named the contemplation of Buddhalight (foguang guan ). This theory was based upon the descriptions in Chapter 9 of the Huayan jing, Awakening by Light which depicted the light that emanated from beneath the Buddha’s feet and was to progressively illuminate the whole universe. Depending on these descriptions for his interpretation, Li Tongxuan attempted to trace that light in mind. He suggested that as the light expands further and further, so to the conscious self extends and becomes universalized more and more until the self is unified with universal light. Such a contemplative practice aims at the realization of emptiness or non-substance of the self. Furthermore, Li Tongxuan also had a considerable influence on Buddhism of other East Asian countries. For example, it was due to his influence that Myōe Shōnin (Kōben , 1173–1232), of the Kamakura period (1185–1333) in Japan, known as the restorer of Japanese Kegon school, initiated a new theory of contemplation.9 In any case, Li Tongxuan is a memorable figure of great importance to the development of East Asian Buddhism. 李通玄 佛光觀 明惠上人 高辨 6. The Chan School and Huayan Philosophy Conversely, how has Huayan philosophy been involved in the development of the Chan school? In The Interrelationship between Huayan and Chan, Takamine Ryōshū introduced several Chan followers who were affected by the teachings of the Huayan scripture or the Huayan school.10 One typical instance for this is 高峰了州 18 For Li Tongxuan, see Gimello 1983. 19 Girard 1990, Tanabe 1992. 10 Takamine 1956. 229 HUAYAN AND CHAN 圜悟克勤 Yuanwu Keqin (1063–1135), a Chan monk known as the compiler of Biyan lu , a Chan treatise of peculiar importance to the Linji Sect. This Chan monk did not only frequently refer to the Buddhāvataṃsaka, but also showed a tendency to comprehend it through his own religious experiences. Moreover, as a matter of philosophy and in relation to the history of thought, what interests us most is his critical view on the doctrine of the “four dharmadhātus” that is considered to be ontology in Huayan philosophy. The doctrine of the four dharmadhātus (si fajie ) classifies the world of reality into four categories: the realm of phenomena (shi fajie ), the realm of noumenon (li fajie ), the realm of nonobstruction between noumenon and phenomena (lishi wu’ai fajie ), and the realm of nonobstruction among phenomena (shishi wu’ai fajie ).11 Showing a particular concern on this doctrine, Yuanwu indicated how these categories corresponded to those stages of Chan in one of his conversations with Zhang Shangying (1043– 1121), a representative intellectual of his time. In this conversation, Zhang Shangying argued that, “Huayan philosophy is great. It does clarify the ultimate stage of Chan.” However, Yuanwu suggested, “Except for the former three realms. Only the realm of nonobstruction among phenomena does share something in common with Chan. Yet, none of them is to approach the realm of Truth as long as those conceptive categories exist. On the other hand, the sphere of Chan is beyond all conceptualizing.” (Luohuyelu , 1) Yuanwu’s suggestion is that only after the four categories or realms disappeared, would there emerge the stage of Chan that is rooted in the realm of nonobstruction among phenomena. To live among phenomena, without any obstruction to each other, is the goal as well as the liberated stage of Chan. Though this Chan monk criticized the Huayan school for its doctrinal limitations, nevertheless the worlds of Huayan and Chan are, in his thought, deeply interconnected with each other in substance. 碧巖録 理法界 四法界 理事無礙法界 事事無礙法界 事法界 張商英 羅湖野録 7. Substitute for Conclusion In connection with sāgara-mudrā-samādhi, above mentioned, I would lastly like to touch upon a curious question of Shōbōgenzō by Dōgen (1200– 1253), the first patriarch of Japanese Sōtō Zen. This famous Buddhist treatise contains a chapter named kaiin-zanmai (Ch. Haiyin sanmei), which exactly shares the Chinese name with, though definitely differs from in contents. Why did he never mention the teaching of “sāgara-mudrā-samādhi” that is taught in the Huayan jing as well as the theory of it by the Huayan school? This question is one of the subjects of my life-study. 海印三昧 11 Hamar 1998. 正法眼藏 道元 海印三昧 230 KIMURA KIYOTAKA References Cleary, Thomas: Entry Into the Inconceivable: An Introduction to Hua-yen Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. Cleary, Thomas, trans.: The Flower Ornament Scripture: A Translation of the Avatamsaka Sutra III. Boulder: Shambhala Publications, 1987. Gimello, Robert M.: “Chih-yen and the Foundation of Hua-yen Buddhism.” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1976. Gimello, Robert M.: “Li T’ung-hsüan and the Practical Dimensions of Hua-yen” in R. M. Gimello, P. N. Gregory (eds.): Studies in Ch’an and Hua-yen. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1983. Girard, Frédéric: Un moine de la secte Kegon à l’époque de Kamakura, Myōe (1173–1232) et le « Journal de ses rêves ». Paris: EFEO, 1990. Hamar Imre: “Chengguan’s Theory of Four Dharma-dhātus.” Acta Orientalia Hung. (1998) 51,1–2: pp. 1–19. [A study of Kimura Kiyotaka: Shoki Chūgoku kegon shisō no kenkyū early Huayan thought in China]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1977. Kimura Kiyotaka: “Engokokugon to kegon kyōgaku [Yuanwu and Huayan doctrine]” in Commemorative Volume of Dr. Yoshirō Tamura on His 60th Birthday. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1982. Takamine Ryōshū: Kegon to Zen no tsūro [The passage of Huayan to Chan]. Nara: Nanto bukkyō kenkyūkai, 1956. Tanabe, George J., Jr.: Myōe the Dreamkeeper: Fantasy and Knowledge in Early Kamakura Buddhism. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992. (Harvard East Asian Monographs 156.) 初期中国華厳思想の研究 圜悟克勤と華厳教学 華嚴と禪の通路 JANA BENICKÁ (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY (OR UNITY) OF ESSENCE AND ITS FUNCTION (OR PRINCIPLE AND PHENOMENA) IN SOME COMMENTARIES ON “FIVE POSITIONS” OF CHAN MASTER DONGSHAN LIANGJIE The so-called Northern Chan school of Chinese Buddhism is often said to have been heavily influenced by Huayan thought. With the demise of that school, and the rise of its rival, the Southern school, in the mid-eighth century, the importance of Huayan thought was downplayed.1 It nevertheless continued to influence some trends of Chan, even despite Chan’s alleged “anti-intellectualism”. A case in point is the theory of the “five positions” (wu wei ) of Dongshan Liangjie (807–869), a founder of the more intellectual Caodong (Jap. Sōtō) school. The “five positions” represent five perspectives or modes of experiencing reality in terms of mutual relationship between “the right” (zheng ) and “the biased” (pian ).2 Traditionally, the “five positions” were considered to be a kind of Chanlike “version” of the “four dharmadhātus” in Huayan Buddhism,3 the “right”/“biased” paradigm being analogous to the Huayan principle/phenomena (li /shi ) paradigm.4 Thus, accordingly, in the following text, we might interpret the terms “the right” and “the biased” as “principle” and “phenomena” (“phenomenal manifestation of the principle”). But, anyway, even regardless of this analogy with the Huayan terms, according to various texts of Caodong, we can say that the term “the right” denotes absoluteness, equality, essence or principle while “the biased” can denote relativity, diversity, particularity or phenomenon. Thus, the “five positions” 五位 曹洞 偏 1 2 正 理 事 Faure 1997: 37–49. The teachings of the “five positions” philosophy are found mainly in three texts usually appended to the “recorded sayings” (yulu ) of either Dongshan Liangjie or Caoshan Benji as independent treatises – Gāthā on Five Position (also called) Lords and Vasals (Wu wei jun chen song – in T 1986B: 47.525c1–8.), Exoteric Explaining of Dongshan’s Five Positions (Dongshan wu wei xian jue ; T 1987A, 1987B.) and Precious Mirror Samādhi (Bao jing sanmei ; T 1986B: 47.525c23–526a19.). For “four dharmadhātus” theory, see Chang 1971: 141–169, Hamar 1998. The “five positions” are: 1. zheng zhong pian – “the biased within the right”; 2. pian zhong zheng – “the right within the biased”; 3. zheng zhong lai – “coming from within the right”; 4. jian zhong zhi – “arriving at within together [the right and the biased]”; 5. jian zhong dao – “going within together [the right and the biased]”. 五位君臣 頌 3 4 洞山良價 偏中正 語錄 寶鏡三昧 兼中到 洞山五位顯訣 兼中至 正中偏 正中來 232 JANA BENICKÁ represent five different perspectives of the comprehension of the mutual interrelation of these two aspects of reality.5 Regarding the term wei itself, which I translate as “position”, Whalen W. Lai suggests that in Chinese this character also evokes the meaning “occupying a proper position”, which in the Buddhist context can imply connotations like taking a proper “position” toward reality.6 The “positions” in question are believed to be a kind of altered modes of discerning reality, which, resulting from awakening and cultivation, represent different “forms” in which reality is given in the experience of the awakened mind. In my paper I want to try to show some aspects of the Huayan influence on the Chan “five positions” or five modes of experiencing reality, using the commentaries on them, written by two respected Chan masters: Caoshan Benji (804– 901) – a direct disciple of Dongshan Liangjie who also elaborated his own “five positions”7 – and a much later commentator on the “positions” Yongjue Yuanxian (1578–1657). They both seem to accentuate a Huayan-like notion of the inseparability of the principle and phenomena in the theory of the “five positions”, mainly in their elaboration on the mutual relationship between essence and function (or principle and phenomena) in various “positions”.8 In Chinese Buddhism, the essence and its function are often paraphrased as “nature” and “practice” – only Buddha perfectly actualizes his essence and completely unfolds it, while the enlightenment experienced by other beings is nothing 位 曹山本寂 永覺元賢 5 6 7 8 William F. Powell (1986: 11–12) in his short introduction to Dongshan’s “five positions” (he translates the term wu wei as “five ranks”) says that the first “rank” suggests an experience of reality in which “form is emptiness” and that such an experience of reality might, for example, result from the conceptual reductionism taught by Nāgārjuna, while the second “position” presents the experience from the opposite perspective, i.e., that the truth of emptiness can be manifested in phenomenal events, and that metaphor and poetry are ideally suited to function in this way. Regarding the third “position” Powell states that it suggests the experience of reality that results from an absorption in emptiness, as in meditation, while in the fourth “position” attention is redirected to phenomena, where phenomena are totally identified with emptiness – phenomena, when experienced in a particular frame of mind, are not merely metaphorical representations of the ultimate but they are directly experienced as the ultimate. And, finally, the fifth “position” seems to be an attempt to account for a completely harmonious experience of reality that transcends the previous four “positions”. See also Chang 1965. Lai 1969: 231 I used his commentary on the Dongshan’s “five position” rather then his own elaboration of the “positions”, since the commentary seems to be more rich in a formally expressed “philosophical” content. A. Charles Muller (1999: 12) states that in various East Asian Buddhist schools the essencefunction construction appears in other analogous forms, one of the most prominent being the li/shi (“principle/phenomena”) terminology used by the philosophers of Huayan. (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY 233 more than being trapped in the attributes of the purity of the enlightened nature.9 Generally speaking, in Mahāyāna Buddhism, the human beings are seen to be pure in the aspect of essence and it is an aspect of function that people differ. Based on this basic understanding of the essence/function paradigm in Buddhism, in my elaboration on the relationship between essence and its functioning in different “positions”, I am also going to try to apply a more general understanding of the terms essence and function, thought basically used in Western philosophical discourse, yet, I think, also valid for Buddhism as well: the function is “the appearing (in some space) when the (regulative) principle sets it”. Caoshan Benji His commentary on one of the crucial works explaining the “five positions” Explaining of Dongshan’s Five Positions (Jieshi Dongshan wu wei , hereafter Explaining) is titled Elucidation of the Exoteric Explaining of Dongshan’s Five Positions (Jieshi Dongshan wu wei xian jue – hereafter Elucidation).10 The influence of Huayan philosophy can be seen, I think, especially in the first two “positions” of the Elucidation, more or less directly pointing to the inseparability of the principle and phenomena, while the following three “positions” are elaborated in a more “Chan-like” way, playing with the terms “the spoken” and “the unspoken”, and I’m not going to analyze them in this paper. 解釋洞山五位 解釋洞山五位顯訣 1st “Position” Explaining: 正位卻偏 就偏辨得 是圓兩意 The right position is yet the biased. It is discernable within the biased. This is fulfillment of both meanings. 圭峰宗密 荷澤 19 For example, Guifeng Zongmi (781–841), traditionally honored as a patriarch in both the Huayan school and Heze Branch of Chan, even assimilates the essence/function paradigm into that of root/branch (ben/mo ) – it entails a notion of religious practice as a return to a more basic state, the primordial condition of the mind before its bifurcation into subject and object attendant upon the first subtle movement of thought. And, it is only through a direct experience of the essence that its functioning can be validated as true. See Gregory 1991: 237. Zongmi introduces a critical distinction between two levels of functioning: 1. intrinsic functioning of the self nature (zixing benyong ) and 2. responsive functioning in accord with conditions (suiyuan yingyong ). See Gregory 1991: 239. 10 T 1987: 47.541c14–542b15. 本末 自性本用 隨緣應用 234 JANA BENICKÁ In the Elucidation we read: 正位卻偏者 為不對物 雖不對物 卻具正中 無用為偏 全用為圓 是兩意 11 [1] The right position is yet the biased, because [one] does not confront things [with the ‘right’]. Though, [one] does not confront things [with the ‘right’], yet it is within the right. [2] When there is no function, it is biased. [3] Total function is completeness. This is both meanings. The three sentences in bold we can, I think, paraphrase (keeping in mind what I mentioned earlier – “the right” equals “principle”, “the biased” holds the meaning “phenomenal manifestation (of the principle)” and “function” means “the appearing (in some space) when the (regulative) principle sets it”) like this: [1] “The ‘position’ of the principle is that of the phenomenal manifestation [of the principle], because [one] does not confront things [with the principle]”. – at the same time: [2] “When there is no ‘appearing when the principle sets it’, [even then] it is [also] phenomenal manifestation [of the principle]”. – at the same time: [3] “‘Appearing whenever the principle sets it’ is completeness”. The sentences, at some points contradicting each other but at the same time completing each other, I think, simply aim to point, in a typical Chan-like way, to a Huayan notion of the inseparability of the principle and phenomena, in the sense that the principle is manifested exclusively through the phenomena and at the same time that phenomena are produced exclusively while attached to the principle.12 澄觀 11 T 1987B: 47.541c19–20. 12 For example, in Chengguan’s (738–839) Manual of Avataṃsaka-sūtra (Da huayan jing lüece ) – hereafter Manual), in a passage explaining the meaning of the term “dharmadhātu”, we read: “Phenomena are produced while attached to the principle, the principle is manifested through the phenomena” . See T 1737: 36.707c13. 大華嚴經略策 事攬理成理由事顯 (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY 235 2nd “Position” Explanation 偏位雖偏 亦圓兩意 緣中辨得 是有語中無語 The biased position, though being biased, still fulfills both meanings. It is discernable within conditions. This is “the unspoken within the spoken”. Elucidation also states: 為用處不立的 不立的則真不常用也 偏位雖偏亦圓者 用中無物不觸 是兩意 雖就用中明 為語中不傷 13 This is because no location is defined in the function. [When] No [location] is defined, then it is really not a fixed function. The biased position, though being biased, it is still complete. In function there is nothing which is not touched/related. This is both meanings. Though it is clarified in the function, no violence is done in speech. Here we can read: “No location is defined in ‘the appearing (in some space) when the principle sets it’ ”. Being so, “it is really not a fixed ‘appearing (in some space) when the principle sets it’”. This kind of interpretation implies, in my opinion, a Huayan-like notion that in the process of origination nothing is to be originated that had not existed earlier – it is only that a given phenomenal mark cannot be manifested at the same moment (of linear time) at the same place as any other. Yongjue Yuanxian Yongjue Yuanxian, in my opinion, points to the inseparability of the principle and phenomena from different points of view at every single “position”, and, in the “positions” four and five he even accentuates a total unity of the essence and its functioning. 13 T 1987B: 47.541c24–25. 236 JANA BENICKÁ The commentaries of Yongjue Yuanxian can be found in the Recorded Sayings of the Chan Master Yongjue Yuanxian (Yongjue Yuanxian Chanshi guang lu ), section Dongshan’s Five Positions (Dongshan wu wei )14 and a section titled Commentary on the Gāthā on Dongshan’s Five Positions (Dongshan wu wei song zhu ).15 Concerning the first “position”, Yuanxian criticizes other masters who consider this “position” to express that the “function is initiated within the essence” (ti zhong fa yong ),16 whereby they convey the meaning, according to Yuanxian, that “the biased is produced after the right” (zheng hou qi pian ).17 Yuanxian says that the relationship between “the biased” and “the right” should be like “there is the biased in the right” (zheng zhong bian you pian )18 – thus, in our understanding, “there is a phenomenal manifestation (of the principle) in the principle.” Here Yuanxian indicates that phenomena are not produced after the principle; and that “there is a phenomenal manifestation (of the principle) in the principle”. Again, I think, the author of the commentary simply points to the inseparability of the principle and phenomena, here in the sense that they come into being together and cease together as well.19 賢禪師廣錄 洞山五位頌注 體中發用 永覺元 洞山五位 正後起偏 正中便有偏 In the commentary on the 2nd “position” we read: 此位師家多作轉用歸體釋者非是 以洞山意 是偏中便有正 非偏後歸正也 20 The way that many masters often make this position [to mean] “transformation of the function [of the appearing when the principle sets it] by returning to the essence” is not a correct explanation. Because according to Dongshan’s meaning, it is “the right is there in the biased”. It does not mean that “after [truly comprehending] the biased [the phenomenal manifestation of the principle], one returns to the right [the principle]”. In the commentary of this “position”, the author points to the “fact” that every phenomenon is nothing but a direct and total manifestation of the principle; there is no reality beyond the phenomenal world. Therefore, in the process of origination 14 15 16 17 18 19 XZJ vol. 27. XZJ vol. 27. XZJ 27.356a18. XTJ 27.356b1. XZJ 27.356a18. Chengguan in his Manual (1737: 36.707c13–14.) states: “[If] they both [phenomena and principle] cease to exist together, then both phenomena and principle perish. If they come into existence together, then they are permanent phenomena and permanent principle”. 20 XZJ 27.356b7–9. (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY 237 nothing is to be originated that had not existed earlier – but there are different phenomenal marks appearing in any different moment (of a linear time) in any different space. 3rd “Position” In Yuanxian’s commentaries on the third “position”, I did not find the term function explicitly explained. Yuanxian simply claims that this is the “right position” (zhengwei ),21 thus the “position” of pure principle. It seems to be a little surprising step, after the two previous stages, in which there were accentuated that the principle can be manifested exclusively through the phenomena. On the other hand, in the light of the “soteriological” content of the “positions”, stressing the upāya (“skillful means”) aspect of the bodhisattva’s mind,22 here Yuanxian seems simply trying to say, that this “position” does not necessarily (unlike following two “positions”) imply the “upāya-oriented” functioning of the essence, when stating that “[one] has not yet entered into the ordinary and is still separated from the ‘earthly pollution’”.23 正位 4th “Position” In the commentary on the fourth position we also read: “the total essence is the function” (quan ti ji yong ).24 Thus, using the definition of the term “function” I introduced earlier, in our paraphrase we can read it like this: 全體即用 “The essence in its entirety is ‘the appearing (in some space) when the principle [of the essence] sets it’”. From this short sentence, explaining the “fourth level” of the experience of reality, we can derive the following notion: The essence in its entirety is (nothing but) its own functioning. Here, I think, the Huayan notion of every phenomenon being totally pervaded by the principle in its entirety can be applied. If we do not distinguish between the terms essence and principle (I think that we can do it in the case of Chan Buddhism since these both aspects of reality don’t need any kind of justification), thus replacing the term essence by the term principle, we can read: 21 XZJ 27.356b12. 22 The “soteriological” aspect of Dongshan’s positions is mainly propagated in his another set of stanzas called Gāthā of the “Five Positions” of Merits (Gongxun wu wei song , T 1986B: 47.525c14–22.). 23 XZJ 27.356b15. 24 XZJ 27.355d2–3. 功勳五位頌 238 JANA BENICKÁ “The principle in its entirety is ‘the appearing when the principle sets it’”. Of course, this sentence is incoherent in the sense of formal logic, yet it can express the notion that the essence (principle) is nothing but the active functioning of itself, in a Chan-like “illogical” way. 5th “position” In the commentary on the fifth position we read: “the total function is the essence” (quan yong ji ti ).25 Thus: 全用即體 “‘The appearing in whatever space whenever the principle [of the essence] sets it’ is [nothing but] the essence”. Here the commentary suggests that all the functioning of the essence is nothing but the essence itself. Therefore, can we say that all phenomena are totally comprised by the principle (of the essence)?26 Or, if we formally replace the term essence by the term principle, we can read: “‘The appearing (in whatever space) whenever the principle sets it’ is the principle.” Here, again, this sentence is incoherent in the sense of formal logic, yet the notion that all the functioning of the essence (principle) is nothing but the essence (principle) itself, is expressed in a Chan-like “illogical” way. Conclusion Both masters in the above mentioned commentaries obviously seem to accentuate the Huayan notion of the inseparability of the principle and phenomena in Dongshan’s “five positions”. In Caoshan’s case (in this particular commentary), the inseparability of the principle and phenomena is mainly elaborated in the sense that the principle can be manifested exclusively through the phenomena and at the same time that phenomena are produced exclusively while attached to the principle. Yongjue Yuanxian’ commentary seems to more accentuate that aspect of Huayan teaching which introduces a notion of a total interpenetration of the principle and phenomena and that of all phenomena being totally comprised by the principle, while suggesting that (position 4) the essence in its entirety is (nothing but) its own functioning and (position 5) that all the functioning of the essence is nothing but the essence itself. 25 XZJ 27.355d4–5. 26 In Chengguan’s Manual (T 1737: 36.707c16.) we read: “The fourth [“dharmadhātu”] is the “dharmadhātu” of the non-obstruction of phenomena, which means that the principle includes phenomena (yi li rong shi ). 以理融事 (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY 239 References Chang, Chung-Yuan: “Tsao-Tung Ch´an and its Metaphysical Bacground.” The Ching-hwa Journal of Chinese Philosophy (1965) 1: pp. 33–65. Chang, Garma C.C.: The Buddhist Teaching of Totality: The Philosophy of Hwa Yen Buddhism. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971. [Studies in the ObChen Yingbo: “Caodong zong de wu wei zongzhi yanjiu” jective of the Five Positions of the Caodong school]. Ph.D. dissertation, National Taiwan University, Taibei, 1973. Cleary, Thomas: Entry Into the Inconceivable. An Introduction to Huayen Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. Gregory, Peter N.: Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. Honolulu: Hawaii University Press, 1991. Fang, Keli: “On the Categories of Substance and Function in Chinese Philosophy.” Chinese Studies in Philosophy (1986) 17,3: pp. 26–77. Faure, Bernard: The Will to Orthodoxy: A Critical Genealogy of Early Chan. Stanford University Press, 1997. Hamar Imre: “Chengguan’s Theory of the Four Dharma-Dhātus.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (1998) 51,1–2: pp. 1–19. Lai, Whalen W: “Sinitic Mandalas: The Wu-wei-t´u of Ts´ao-shan” in Original Teachings of Ch´an Buddhism. New York: Random House, 1969. [The hexagram douLin Yizheng. “Zhouyi chongli gua yu Caodong chan” bled li of Zhouyi and the Caodong Chan] in Zhongguo fojiao, September 1981, pp. 26–32. Muller, A. Charles: The Sutra of Perfect Enlightment. Korean Buddhism’s Guide to Meditation. New York: State University of New York Press, 1999. Powell, William F., trans.: The Record of Tung-shan. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1986. Verdú, Alfonso: “The ’Five Ranks’ Dialectic of the Soto-Zen School.” Monumenta Niponica (1966) 22,1–2: pp. 125–170. Verdú, Alfonso: Dialectical Aspects in Buddhist Thought. Kansas: University of Kansas, 1974. 曹洞宗的五位宗旨研 周易重離卦與曹洞禪 HUANG YI-HSUN HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU: SIX CHARACTERISTICS AND TEN PROFOUND GATES Introduction 永明延壽 Yongming Yanshou’s (904–975) Records of the Tenet-Mirror (Zongjing lu ) is the best-known source for investigating the development of Chinese Buddhism between the Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1279) dynasties in southern China. Buddhist scholar Jan Yün-hua remarks that despite this, it is difficult to single out Yanshou’s own thought in the Zongjing lu because the work functions like an encyclopedia. Jan recommends research on Yanshou’s smaller works, which he believes were written after the Zongjing lu and better represent Yanshou’s thought.1 I therefore have chosen the Profound Pivot of the Contemplation of Mind (Guanxin xuanshu , referred to hereafter as the Profound Pivot) as the focus for my research on Yanshou’s Huayan thought.2 In the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot, Yanshou uses the six characteristics (liuxiang ) and the ten profound gates (shixuan men ) to connect the practice of contemplation of mind (guanxin ) and Buddha deeds (foshi ).3 Yanshou’s usage of these two sets of Huayan concepts in his Profound Pivot demonstrates a doctrinal change from the Huayan tradition. To understand the significance of this change, this paper will begin with a brief introduction of the Profound Pivot, then analyze the structure of issue fifty-three, and finally discuss the six characteristics and ten profound gates. 宗鏡錄 觀心玄樞 六相 觀心 十玄門 佛事 The Discovery of a Complete Version of the Profound Pivot The title of the Profound Pivot is attributed in two accounts. One is the Record of the Self-cultivations of Chan Master Zhijue (Zhijue chanshi zixinglu 智覺禪師自行 1 2 3 天理 Jan 1995: 227. According to the preface of the Tenri University manuscript of the Profound Pivot, it is abstracted from the Zongjing lu (Zongjing lu zhong lüechu dayi ). Foshi will be discussed below. 宗鏡錄中略出大意 242 HUANG YI-HSUN 錄 行明 ) compiled by Yanshou’s disciple Xingming (d. 1001). In it Xingming lists sixty-one of Yanshou’s works, including the Profound Pivot.4 According to the Japanese scholar MORIE Toshitaka , the other account is the Catalogue of the Transmission of Lamp of the East (Tōiki dentō mokuroku ), compiled by the Japanese monk Eichō in 1094, approximately one hundred twenty years after Yanshou’s death.5 While an incomplete version of the Profound Pivot exists in the XZJ,6 my paper is based on a complete manuscript of the Profound Pivot.7 According to the colophon of the complete manuscript, it was copied by a Japanese monk named Dentoku Ryōson at the Muryōkōin in 1069. The Muryōkōin was a temple of the Shingon school, but the details of Dentoku’s life are unknown.8 Morie came upon this manuscript in the Tenri University library in 1976.9 Morie subsequently collated this complete version with three other incomplete versions: the version in the XZJ, the version belonging to Japanese book collector Ikeda , and a version from Tokyo University. He then published two articles containing an edited version of the Profound Pivot. He also wrote two other short articles giving a general introduction to the text and explaining its relation with the Zongjing lu.10 Morie’s version of the Profound Pivot is a convenient and helpful work, but he did not analyze it or explain its role in the development of Chinese Buddhism. Moreover, after comparing Morie’s version with a copy of the manuscript I obtained from the Tenri University in 1997, I found that Morie made a serious mistake: his version omits one page of the original manuscript. In the Profound Pivot, Yanshou summarizes seventy-two important issues and discusses how the contemplation of the mind relates to them. Because of the missing page, Morie states that there are only seventy issues in the Profound Pivot. In addition, Morie’s version also contains several instances of erroneous or omitted Chinese characters. Therefore, I have collated a new version, based on Morie’s version, the Tenri manuscript, and occasionally the Zongjing lu.11 森江俊孝 永超 傳得良尊 真言 東域傳燈目錄 無量光院 池田 14 15 16 17 18 19 10 11 XZJ 111.166b11. Morie 1981: 50. The first third of the Profound Pivot in the XZJ is missing. XZJ 114.847a–870a. See appendix 2 for my collated version and translation of the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot. Morie 1981: 56. Morie 1977. Morie 1976, 1979. For a complete version and English translation of the Profound Pivot, see my Integrating Chinese Buddhism: A Study of Yongming Yanshou’s Guanxin Xuanshu. HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 243 The Structure of Issue Fifty-three The topic of issue fifty-three is “If one does not contemplate the mind, how can one accomplish Buddha deeds?”12 Before going on to examine the relation between the contemplation of mind and Buddha deeds, it is first necessary to understand the meaning of the contemplation of mind provided in Yanshou’s works. Yanshou’s interest in the contemplation of mind seems to relate to the Tiantai school. In the Zongjing lu, he quotes from the Fahua xuanyi to explain that for common people doing meditation, contemplating the Buddha-Dharma is too difficult, and contemplating worldly things is too general. It would be easier and more accessible for them to contemplate their minds.13 Fahua xuanyi then uses the Nirvāṇa-sūtra and the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra as its canonical bases to argue for the importance of the contemplation of mind. The Nirvāṇa-sūtra states that every sentient being has the ability to attain three kinds of samādhi: supreme, middle and inferior. Supreme samādhi is the samādhi in which one is able to see one’s Buddha-nature and seeing one’s Buddha-nature is seeing the nature of one’s mind.14 According to the Huayan jing, if one contemplates one’s mind and experiences the dharmadhātu as being like empty sky, one has achieved the state of Buddhas.15 This is because the dharmadhātu is the middle way; empty sky is emptiness; mind and Buddhas are conventional truth. When one is able to contemplate these three truths in one mind, one has achieved the state of Buddhas and this is called the contemplation of mind. The nature of mind is, therefore, related to Buddha-nature and the dharmadhātu, and the practice of the contemplation of mind is Tiantai’s “contemplation of threefold truth in one mind.” Buddha-nature as the nature of mind expresses Yanshou’s soteriology; dharmadhātu as the nature of mind demonstrates the centrality of mindonly for Yanshou. As a result, Yanshou firmly believes that contemplating the mind in order to understand the nature of mind is the essential practice of liberation.16 To advocate this belief, Yanshou connects the contemplation of mind with seventy-two important Buddhist doctrines and practices in the Profound Pivot. With regard to Buddha deeds, the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra is one of the most important sources for Yanshou’s discussion of this concept.17 For Yanshou, any activity helping people to achieve enlightenment is a Buddha deed (foshi). He further argues that all phenomena in the world are Buddha deeds which can help people to achieve enlightenment. He says in issue fifty-three: “This teaching of the mind can make the ordinary and the sacred interact with each other.” The fundamental theory 法華玄義 12 13 14 15 16 17 For this and all subsequent citations from issue fifty-three, see Appendix 2. T 2016: 48.425c6–13, T 1716: 33.692c26–27. T 2016: 48.425c9–10, T 1716: 33.696a15–19, T 374: 12.524c29–a1. T 2016: 48.425c10–12, T 1716: 33.696a19–22, and T 278: 9.409c1. Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.442b7. Lamotte provides the Sanskrit term “buddhakārya” for “Buddha deeds” in Lamotte 1976: 223. 244 HUANG YI-HSUN underlying this statement is his belief that our mind can transform the myriad things to be Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment. It is as Master Fu says, the mind has no shape and no characteristic, but it has great divine power. With the mind, all phenomena in the world, such as world-weariness, defilements, mountains and rivers of this Flower Treasure world (huazang shijie ), can become Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment. Yanshou then gives several examples from Buddhist sūtras and Chinese literature to explain how everything can be a Buddha deed. He tells us stories of the youth Sudhana, the Wheel Turning King Ajātaśatru, the rice from Gandhalaya Buddhaland, and even a story from the Zhuangzi. Yanshou continues by explaining that the power of mind is not bound by space and time. For example, innumerable Buddha-lands are seen in one particle of dust, a mustard seed can contain the high and broad Mt. Sumeru, and Chinese monk Jietuo met the emanation of the historical Buddha. Listening to Buddhist sūtras for fifty eons is like an instant, but when one obtains immediate comprehension in seven days, time expands like a great eon. All the differences of large and small, and ancient and modern time disappear in the stories. These Buddha deeds happened beyond our ordinary perception of form, space and time, but all have to be understood through our mind. This is why Yanshou argues that one has to practice the contemplation of mind in order to see Reality in every phenomenon and then establish them as Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment. Next, Yanshou uses the six characteristics and the ten profound gates to explain the relationship between one-mind and its aspects. By using these two sets of Huayan concepts, he argues in issue fifty-three that, “Any single example taken from the immeasurable Dharma teachings is not outside one’s own mind.” He then concludes this issue with more sayings and stories to prove his point from the Vimalakīrtisūtra, Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, Shoulengyan jing , and the Song of Monk Nanyue Lanzan . 傅大士 華藏 世界 解脫 首楞嚴經 南嶽懶瓚和尚歌 Yanshou’s Interpretation of the Six Characteristics 五教章 Fazang’s discussion of the six characteristics in his Wujiao zhang is the most representative explanation of the Huayan school.18 Yanshou cites Fazang’s famous analogy of a building and its parts several times in his Zongjing lu.19 According to Fazang, the six characteristics are universality (zong ), particularity (bie ), identity (tong ), difference (yi ), integration (cheng ), and disintegration (huai ). This teaching of the six characteristics serves to explain the meaning of 別 壞 同 異 總 成 18 The full title of the Wujiao zhang is Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang T 1866. This discussion is found in T 1866: 45.507c20–508c22. 19 For example, T 2016: 48.690b1ff. 華嚴一乘教義分齊章, HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 245 法界緣起 一乘圓教 dependent origination of the dharmadhātu (fajie yuanqi ) and to demonstrate the perfect teaching of the one-vehicle (yisheng yuanjiao ).20 Fazang uses the six characteristics to explain the relationship between the dharmadhātu and phenomena depedently arisen in the dharmadhātu (i.e., principle and phenomena). He uses the analogy of a building and its parts to explain this relationship.21 The building has the characteristic of universality. At the same time, the building is also composed of rafters and other parts. Without rafters and other parts, there could not be a building. Thus, it could be said that because rafters and other parts make up the building, they therefore share in the characteristic of universality. Fazang continues to explain that rafters and other parts must also have the characteristic of particularity, meaning they are different from the building; otherwise, they cannot be used as material to construct a building. Then, since rafters and other parts are used together to construct a building, they have the identity of being parts of a building, but at the same time, rafters are different from other parts such as the roof. Finally, the building can be erected due to the integration of its parts, but at the same time every part retains its own character and function (disintegration). Peter Gregory explains this relationship between the dharmadhātu and phenomena: “The character of each phenomenon is thus determined by the whole of which it is an integral part, just as the character of the whole is determined by each of the phenomena of which it is comprised.”22 Thus each phenomenon possesses the six characteristics due to its role as an integral part of the dharmadhātu and its relation with other phenomena. In his Zongjing lu, Yanshou includes Fazang’s analogy of a building and its parts, but then adds his own interpretation, in which he replaces a crucial element. He writes, “Because the true one-mind (zhenru yixin ) includes mundane and supermundane dharmas, it has the characteristic of universality.”23 Yanshou describes dharmas and remaining characteristics as follows: Mundane and supermundane dharmas produce various conditions, so they have the characteristic of particularity. They are equal due to the lack of self-nature, but they have different forms. They come together to establish this realm, but at the same time, retain their own role. Yanshou borrows Fazang’s conceptual structure, but replaces the dharmadhātu – the most representative element for the Huayan tradition – with the onemind, one of the central tenets of the Chan school. Thus Yanshou’s Zongjing lu employs a relationship of one-mind and phenomena. In his subsequent work, the Profound Pivot, Yanshou uses a terse 28-character passage to set forth a new position with regard to the six characteristics. Yanshou says that one-mind has the characteristic of universality, while the various aspects 真如一心 20 T 1866: 45.507c7–12. My translation is based on Cook 1994: 77, but I have modified it. 21 The description that follows, continuing to the subsequent paragraph, is a summary of the discussion in the Wujiao zhang, T 1886: 45. 507c19–508c22. 22 Gregory 1991: 155–56. 23 T 2016: 48.690c14–18. 246 HUANG YI-HSUN 多心 of mind (duoxin ) possess the characteristics of particularity, identity, integration, and disintegration. Thus he shifts to a model using the relationship between one-mind and the various aspects of mind. As explained in the Zongjing lu, various aspects of mind includes erroneous views and the functions such as seeing, listening, and knowing.24 The Profound Pivot concludes that, the various aspects of mind are merely the appearances of the root (ben ) and the branches (mo ) of one-mind. In other words, one-mind is the ultimate source of its various aspects and their relationship is like that of a building and its parts.25 To sum up, in the Zongjing lu, Yanshou first cites Fazang’s terms and explanation of the six characteristics without alteration. Then, he replaces the dharmadhātu with one-mind, and finally, in the Profound Pivot, replaces phenomena with the various aspects of mind. The six characteristics thus are used to explain the relationship between one-mind and the deluded aspects of mind in the Profound Pivot. Yanshou’s concept of the relationship of one-mind and the deluded aspects of mind is similar to the well-known theory of the two aspects of one-mind in the Awakening of Faith. The Awakening of Faith states that although the relationship between the two aspects of one-mind is neither one of sameness nor difference, one-mind is pure and yet appears to be defiled.26 The doctrine of one-mind is also a monistic ontology in the Profound Pivot. However, with the six characteristics Yanshou proposes that the relationship of onemind to its various aspects is the whole and its parts and they together comprise and share their characteristics. This relationship is the theoretical foundation for understanding the ten profound gates in the following discussion. 本 末 Yanshou’s Interpretation of the Ten Profound Gates As most scholars who are familiar with Huayan doctrine know, there are the socalled “old ten profound gates” and “new ten profound gates.” The old ten profound gates are first formulated by Zhiyan in the Huayan yisheng shixuan men . The new ten profound gates are formulated by Fazang in his Huayan jing tanxuan ji , and inherited by Chengguan in his Huayan jing suishu yanyichao .27 Fazang rearranges the old ten profound gates and replaces two of them. Both the old and the new ten profound gates are cited in the Zongjing lu, and Yanshou is also aware of the significance of Fazang’s change. One of the two old profound gates that Fazang excludes from his newer version is “the endowment of all repositories with both purity and mixed qualities” (zhuzang chun- 十玄門 華嚴經探玄記 華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 華嚴一乘 24 T 2016: 48.895b04–5; 889c4; 949c20–22. 25 The Zongjing lu also states, “One-mind produces various aspects of mind and various aspects of mind are included in one-mind. They comprise each other without obstruction.” (T 2016: 48.895b4–6.) 26 Gregory 1991: 181. 27 T 1868, T 1733 and T 1736 respectively. 247 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 諸藏純雜具德門 za jude men ). Fazang replaces it with “the gate of mastery of the general and the specific” (guangxia zizai men ).28 The other category deleted by Fazang is “creation through the transformation of the mind-only” (weixin huizhuan shancheng ). This category of “creation through the transformation of the mind-only” is, however, Yanshou’s favorite gate. As a result, Yanshou adopted Zhiyan’s old ten profound gates in the Profound Pivot. Despite the fact that Yanshou uses the categories of Zhiyan’s ten profound gates, there are two significant changes in the list and his explanation. First, as described, he lists creation through the transformation of the mind-only as the last gate, concluding the other nine with it. Second, he changes their contents to accord with the theory of mind-only. He uses the ten profound gates to explain the unobstructed interrelationship between one-mind (yixin ) and its deluded aspects of mind (duoxin ). In his discussion, Yanshou also substitutes one-mind for the mind of equality (pingdeng xin ), subtle mind (weixi xin ), and one-real mind (yishi xin ) in order to contrast one-mind with its deluded aspects of mind such as the differentiating mind (chabie xin ), mind of all (deluded) thoughts (yiqiexin ), and coarse mind (guangda xin ). Yanshou lists and defines the ten profound gates in the Profound Pivot as follows:29 1. The gate of simultaneous completion and respondence (tongshi juzu xiangying men ): The mind of equality is one and the differentiating mind are 多心 一實心 一切心 平等心 廣狹自在門 唯心迴轉善成 一心 微細心 差別心 廣大心 同時具足相應門 理事無礙 28 Yanshou explains the problem with the “older” gate: it maintains a dual view. Specifically, this gate elucidates the dharmadhātu of lishi wu’ai , the harmonious interaction of the principle and the phenomenal without obstruction. The principle has the quality of purity while the phenomena possess mixed qualities. For example, if great compassion is a pure practice of a bodhisattva, then the bodhisattva’s other practices will be seen as unimportant. On the contrary, if one adopts the perspective of “the gate of mastery of the general and the specific,” then with generosity as the pure practice of a bodhisattva, any forms of practice the bodhisattva does can be seen as instances of that generosity. In this way, pure practice includes mixed practices; this is called mutual interpenetration (xiangru ). Furthermore, pure practice is identical with mixed practice; this is called mutual determination (xiangji ). This way of understanding demonstrates the realm of shishi wu’ai , the unobstructed interrelation of each and every phenomenon. This is why Fazang deletes the old name and changes it to the profound gate of the mastery of general and specific. Yanshou uses the following analogy to describe the meaning of the new gate: It is like flowers embroidered on a piece of silk. Although the flowers are made by different colors of thread, the threads are knitted together. See T 2016: 48.573c11–24. I borrow these terms from Gregory 1991: 156. For Fazang’s own discussion, see T 1733: 35.124c26–27. 29 See the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot. This description of the ten profound gates is quoted in the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.644a12–27. My translation of the ten gates is mostly based on Gimello 1976: 432–33. and partly on Gregory 1991: 150–51, but I have modified them slightly. Although the order of Yanshou’s explanation for the ten gates is different from his list, both end with the gate of the excellent creation through the transformation of the mindonly. The order of my explanation is in accordance with the list. 相入 事事無礙 相即 248 HUANG YI-HSUN many. The differentiating mind, according to Yanshou’s explanation in the Zongjing lu, arises because of the deluded mind (wangxin ), and is associated with sensation and attachment.30 The differentiating mind and the mind of all (deluded) thoughts by definition should be different from one-mind. Yanshou, however, states that one-mind is the mind of all (deluded) thoughts. This is the meaning of mutual determination (xiangji ) and is also the meaning of simultaneous respondence. The mind of all thoughts enters one-mind; this is the meaning of interpenetration (xiangru ). 2. The gate of the mutual inclusion, and yet difference, of the one and many (yiduo xiangrong butong men ): To say that the differentiating mind includes one-mind means that the mind of equality can be manifested without destroying the differentiating mind. To say that one-mind includes the differentiating mind means that the differentiating mind can be manifested without concealing the mind of equality. 3. The gate of revelation and concealment in secrecy (yinxian men ): Concealment means that one-mind encompasses (she ) all (deluded) thoughts. Revelation means that all (deluded) thoughts complement (zi ) one-mind. 4. The gate of Indra’s net (diwang men ): one-mind bears (dai ) the mind of all (deluded) thoughts and again enters one-mind. This is the meaning of Indra’s net. 5. The gate of the endowment of all qualities (jude men ): one-real mind is pure and the differentiating mind is mixed. Nevertheless, because the differentiating mind is also one-real mind, the mixed is always pure; and because one-real mind is also differentiating mind, the pure is always mixed. This is the reason that it is called the repositories with both purity and the mixed (zhuzang chunza men ). 6. The gate of the mastery (zizai men ): For an unknown reason, Yanshou does not define the meaning of this gate in the Profound Pivot. The original title of this gate in Zhiyan’s work is the gate of the mastery of the mutual determination of all phenomena (zhufa xiangji zizai men ). Based on the pattern Yanshou uses to interpret the other gates, the definition of this gate could be that one-mind can be regarded as determining the character of all other aspects of mind as well as having its own character determined by all other aspects of mind. 7. The gate of the concordance (anli men ): Subtle mind does not obstruct coarse mind; coarse mind does not obstruct subtle mind. 8. The gate of ten life-times (shishi men ): Long eons and short eons, long periods and short periods are all established by accumulated thoughts and manifested by one-mind. 9. The gate of the reliance on phenomena (tuoshi men ): Objects are manifested because of the mind, and by seeing objects the mind is known. 10. The gate of the excellent creation through the transformation of the mindonly (weixin huizhuan shancheng men ): Based on the correct mean- 妄心 相入 相即 一多相容不同門 帝網門 純雜門 攝 隱顯門 資 具德門 諸藏 自在門 諸法相即自在門 安立門 十世門 託事門 唯心迴轉善成門 30 T 2016: 48.674a18–19. 帶 249 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU ing of one-mind, the inconceivable Dharma teachings are expounded, so that language is cut off and deluded thoughts are extinguished. With these ten profound gates, Yanshou contends that one-mind is identical with its various deluded aspects of differentiation, impurity, and coarseness. They mutually include and reflect each other’s qualities. As Yanshou says, it is not easy to understand how one-mind encompasses the deluded thoughts, for one-mind is not easily seen. However, it is easier to see how deluded thoughts complement one-mind and that their relationship crosses many life-times. Finally, as long as one can follow the Dharma teachings in accordance with the correct meaning of one-mind, one will obtain the ultimate goal and deluded thoughts will be extinguished. To Yanshou, the ten profound gates demonstrate the infinite interpenetration and mutual determination of one-mind and its deluded aspects of mind. Yanshou’s alteration of the ten profound gates in the Profound Pivot is no mere reshuffling of categories. Not only does he re-interpret every profound gate with the theory of onemind, but he also concludes the discussion with the gate of the excellent creation through the transformation of mind-only. The main reason for this deviation is Yanshou’s consistent predilection to see the mind as the root of every thought based on mind-only theory, which represents one of the essential teachings of the Chan tradition. Summary In the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot, Yanshou states that the contemplation of mind is a necessary condition for accomplishing Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment. The Huayan concepts of the six characteristics and the ten profound gates are used to illustrate the interpenetration and mutual determination of one-mind and its deluded aspects. As Yanshou states in the Zongjing lu, these six characteristics and ten profound gates are used to understand and perfect31 the meaning of lishi wu’ai , no obstruction between the principle and the phenomena.32 In his Profound Pivot, a work deeply rooted in mind-only theory, the interrelation of the principle and the phenomena therefore is not important, for phenomena are empty by nature. The significance of phenomena is more in how the mind perceives them and how the mind reacts to them. The six characteristics and ten profound gates serve to explain the relation between the mind and its various aspects: even though its various thoughts are differentiating, mixed, and coarse, they are parts of the mind. Yanshou’s alteration is not simply an ontological statement, it is more an expression of Yanshou’s soteriological concern and his emphasis on religious practice. The 理事無礙 該之 圓之 31 Gai zhi and yuan zhi ; see the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.487b1; 498a12. 32 Robert Gimello also states that each of Zhiyan’s ten gates is “a particular principle of dependent origination” to understand the interfusion of principle and phenomena. See Gimello 1976: 432. 250 HUANG YI-HSUN contemplation of mind – regarded as the pivot of Buddhist practice by Yanshou – is a practice to transform every thought into a Buddha deed. The content of the six characteristics and the ten profound gates is changed and used to help practitioners observe the relationship between their mind and thoughts in the contemplative state. As Yanshou describes in the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot, if one understands the teaching of mind-only, one is able to attain the Path by merely smelling the fragrance of a flower. Flying flowers and moving swords also can show one the truth. The Zongjing lu also emphasizes that those who do not truly understand the meaning of mind-only can not see Buddha-mind (foxin ) in external phenomena. However, by following the thoughts of the various aspects of mind, Buddhas and tathāgatas can immediately and thoroughly comprehend the truth even with various thoughts in their minds.33 This way of dealing with the relationship between one-mind and delusion displays Yanshou’s distinct identity as a Chan monk. From the perspective of the development of Huayan doctrine, Yanshou’s understanding of one-mind is the same with that of Zongmi. Moreover, Yanshou argues that the establishment and endless interrelation of ten dharmadhātus, four realms of the principle and phenomena, and other realms are all based on the dharmadhātu of one-mind (yixin fajie ).34 Yanshou’s position is also consistent with the later Song Huayan thinkers’ position that “the unitary and pure ‘principle’ is the basis of reality.”35 Even the most prominent Huayan (and Chan) master in the Northern Song (960–1127), Changshui Zixuan (965–1038), cannot resist the influence of the Chan school. In his sub-commentary (Qixin lun shu bixiaoji ) on Shibi Chuan’ao’s (d.u.) no longer extant Qixin lun suishuji ,36 he remarks that the Awakening of Faith only discusses three of the four dharmadhātus. It does not include the realm of shishi wu’ai , which represents the perfect teaching (yuanjiao ) to the Huayan school. Zixuan explains that this is because the essence of one-mind (yixin zhi ti ) is the true dharmadhātu (zhen fajie ). He therefore concludes that, although the realm of shishi wu’ai is not discussed in the Awakening of Faith, any discussion of lishi wu’ai implicitly included shishi wu’ai.37 In summary, Yanshou not only found a successful way to interpret and connect the Huayan school’s philosophical doctrines with Chan’s theory of mind-only, he also skillfully utilizes Huayan thought to supplement his Chan contemplative practice. Yanshou’s thought also provides us with one example of how a Chan monk adopted Huayan thought in the period between the Tang and the Song dynasties. 佛心 一心法界 傳奧 長水子璿 圓教 33 34 35 36 起信論疏筆削記 起信論隨疏記 事事無礙 一心之體 T 2016: 48.778b15–17. Ibid., 435c26–436a2. Gregory 1999: 8–9. Chuan’ao’s work is a subcommentary on Zongmi’s Qixin lun shu Ŭich’ŏn’s catalogue, Sinp’yŏn cheyong kyojang ch’ongnok 55.1175a15. 37 T 1848: 44.308a26–b4. 義天 石壁 真法界 起信論疏 and is listed in 新編諸宗教藏總錄, T 2184: HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 251 Appendix 1 The Ten Profound Gates in the Zongjing lu and the Profound Pivot The Zongjing lu From Zhiyan’s Shixuan men (T 2016: 48.641a12ff) From Chengguan’s Huayan yanyi (T 2016: 48.579c10ff) The Profound Pivot Issue fifty-three 1 The gate of simultane- The gate of simultaneous ous completion and re- completion and responspondence dence The gate of simultaneous completion and respondence 2 The gate of Indra’s net The gate of mastery of generation and specific The gate of the mutual inclusion, and yet difference, of the one and many 3 The gate of the co-establishment of revelation and concealment in secrecy The gate of the mutual in- The gate of revelation clusion, and yet differand concealment ence, of the one and many 4 The gate of the concor- The gate of the mastery of The gate of the Indra’s dant compatibility of mutual determination of net the subtle and minute all phenomena features 5 The gate of the segregation of phenomena and their different formation in the ten lifetimes The gate of the co-estab- The gate of the endowlishment of revelation and ment of all qualities concealment in secrecy 6 The gate of the endowment of all repositories with both purity and mixed qualities The gate of the concorThe gate of mastery dant compatibility of the subtle and minute features 7 The gate of the mutual inclusion, and yet difference, of the one and many The gate of Indra’s net The gate of the concordance 252 HUANG YI-HSUN The Zongjing lu The Profound Pivot 18 The gate of the mastery The gate of the reliance on The gate of ten life-times of mutual determinaphenomena to display tion of all phenomena Dharma and to generate understanding 19 The gate of the excellent creation of all phenomena through the transformation of mind only The gate of the segregation of phenomena and their different formation in the ten life-times The gate of the reliance on phenomena 10 The gate of the reliance on phenomena to display Dharma and to generate understanding The gate of main and accompanying phenomena being endowed with perfection and illumination The gate of the excellent creation of all phenomena through the transformation of mind only Appendix 2 The Fifty-third Issue of the Profound Pivot and its English Translation 若不觀心，何成佛事？以萬法隨心迴轉，善成一切，能令凡聖交徹，大小 相含，隱顯 互 成，一多 融 攝。故 云：「觀 空 心 王，玄 妙 難 測，無 形 無 相，有 大 神 力。」所 以 云：「此之供具，皆是無作法所印，無上心所成。」是以華藏山河，皆成佛事。 38 If one does not contemplate the mind, how can one accomplish Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment? The myriad things are transformed according to the mind and thus are all things established. This teaching of the mind can make the ordinary and the sacred interact with each other, the vast and the miniscule contain each other, revelation and concealment supplement each other, and the one and the many harmonize and encompass each other. It is said, “The mind of contemplating emptiness is profound and abstruse. It has no shape and no characteristic, but it has great divine power.”39 Therefore, it is said, “These kinds of offerings are the unconditional Dharma seal and made by the supreme mind.”40 Thus, the Flower 小 少 38 The Tenri manuscript uses the character “ ” (shao) here, but for consistency I have changed it to “ ” (xiao). See Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.484a8. 39 This verse is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.536b27–28. It is originally from the Xinwang lun attributed to Fu Yi . See Jingde chuandeng lu , T 2076: 51.456c 25–26. 40 This sentence is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.553a28–29. It is originally from the Huayan jing, T 279: 10.367c13–15. 心王論 傅翕 景德傳燈錄 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 253 Treasure world, rivers and mountains are all Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment. 善財知見，悉入法門。輪王坐妙寶床時，入四禪而離五欲。菩薩著法性冠處，見一切 法，悉現在心。或寂寞 無言，示心輪而顯妙；或虛空絕相，化闍王以悟真。袈裟懸於 高幢，香飯取於上土。或目擊而存道，或異相而傳心。放一毫智慧之心光，示種種塵 勞之佛事。 41 The wisdom and views of the youth Sudhana are all in the Dharma teaching. When the Wheel Turning King sat in the profound and precious chair, entered the four dhyānas and abandoned the five desires, and the bodhisattvas wore the crowns of dharma-nature, they saw all dharmas appearing in their minds. Sometimes, they are silent with no words, but the wheel of mind manifests excellently. Sometimes, it is empty and has no characteristics, but it makes King Ajātaśatru realize the truth. Sometimes, a monk’s robe is hung on a high flag and fragrant rice is taken from a supreme land. Sometimes, merely by seeing, one obtains the Path.42 Sometimes, by showing the form, the mind is transmitted. Sometimes, by emitting the light of the mind of wisdom, various Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment in the world are shown. 乃至如法華身內，積大鐵圍之山川。摩耶腹中，展不可說之世界，一塵中見難思之佛 國，針鋒上立無邊之身雲。以四海之渺瀰，攝歸毛孔。用須彌之高廣，內入芥中。飛 佛 土 於 十 方，未 移 本 處。擲 大 千 於 界 外，含 識 莫 知。日 月 懸 於 毫 端，供 具 現 於 體 內，腹納劫燒之焰，火事如然，口吸十方之風，身無損減。斯皆自心轉變，不動而遠 近俄分，一念包容無礙，而大小相入。 It is like that the lotus body contains Great Iron Mountains and rivers. In the womb of Māyā, an ineffable world expands. The inconceivable Buddha Land is seen in one particle of dust. Innumerable Buddhas stand on the tip of a needle. The four vast seas can be contained in a hair follicle, and the high and broad Mt. Sumeru can be contained in a mustard seed. It is like flying to the buddha-fields in the ten directions without leaving one’s starting place at all; it is like throwing the world to outer space and not understanding that the world is still in one’s consciousness. The sun and moon are hung on the end of a hair and offerings appear inside the body. Then the belly lets in flames that burn for eons; the burning is like this. A person inhales the wind from the ten directions, but the person’s body does not shrink or expand. These are all the transformation of one’s own mind, which is immovable and does not have the discrimination of near and far. In one thought, big and small forms interact with each other without obstruction.43 莫 寞 41 This character is “ ” (mo) in the Tenri manuscript, but according to the meaning of the sentence, it should be “ ” (mo). 42 This paragraph is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.924b6–8. It is originally from the Huayan jing, T 279: 10.82a24–27. This translation is from Cleary 1993: 375, but with minor modifications. 43 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.556c27–557a2. 254 HUANG YI-HSUN 或云： 香積去此，有四十二恆沙世界者，即是經歷四十二位心地法門。或云：散 華 瓔珞 空中 ，成 四柱 之寶台 者，即 是常 樂我 淨， 一心 四德之 涅槃。 所以 云： 此華 蓋 等 ，皆 是無 生法 忍之 所生起 。或佛 言： 彼時 鹿王 者， 即我身 是。結 會古 今， 明自 心 一際之法。 44 It is also said that going from here to the world of the Buddha of Fragrance, there are as many worlds as there are grains of sand in forty-two Ganges Rivers; thus does one undergo the teachings of forty-two mind grounds. It is said that the spreading flowers and precious stones becomes a precious platform with four pillars which represents eternity, bliss, Self, and purity, the nirvāṇa of four virtues in one-mind. Therefore, it is said that these flowery canopies and so on are produced by the truth of nonproduction.45 The Buddha says, “Long, long ago, the Deer King was me.”46 The Buddha combines ancient time and present time to illustrate the mind is a single reality. 或 教 中凡 有空 中 發聲 告示 ，言 下 息 疑者 ，並 是 頓悟 自心 ，非他 境 界。 如解 脫 和尚 得遇化佛，因請問深旨。佛隱身不現，空中說偈云：「方便智為燈，照見心境界， 欲知真實法，一切無所見。」因玆悟道。又如楞伽王聞佛說法後，佛與四眾，忽然 不見。因此思維，頓入唯心之旨。 It is said in Buddhist texts that the Buddha preached from the sky and people eradicated their doubts immediately. This means that they immediately realized their own mind and that there were no other objects.47 When the monk Jietuo met the Emanation-Buddha, he asked the Buddha for the meaning of the profound tenet. The Buddha became invisible and preached a verse from the sky: By using the wisdom of expedient means as a lamp, One lights up the state of mind. If you want to know this true Dharma, There is nothing that can be apprehended.48 Because of this, the monk attained liberation. Moreover, after the King of Laṅka listened to the Buddha’s preaching, the Buddha and four assemblies suddenly disappeared.49 In the same way, one suddenly understands the tenet of mind-only. 或 法 花移 天人 於 他土 ，即 是三 變 心 田。 或維 摩 取妙 喜來 此方， 斯 乃即 穢明 淨 。或 丈 室 容於 高座 ， 寶蓋 限於 大千 。 未 離兜 率， 已 般涅 槃。 不起樹 王 ，而 昇仞 利 。執 手 經 無量 之劫 ， 登閣 見三 世之 因 。 釋迦 眉間 ， 出菩 薩身 雲之眾 。 普賢 毛孔 ， 示諸 佛 境 界之 門。 小 器出 無限 之嘉 羞 ， 仰空 而雨 難 窮之 珍寶 。不動 此 處， 遍坐 道 場。 44 45 46 47 48 Ibid., T 2016: 48.558b29–c9. This thought is originally from the Huayan jing, T 279: 10.118a25–26. This story is originally from the Huayan jing, T 279: 10.148a6–13. This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.558b23–29. Ibid., T 2016: 48.942b9–12. It is originally from the Dafangguang fo huayan jing yanyi chao , T 1736: 36.115b22–23. 49 This story is originally from the Ru Lengqie jing , T 671: 16.514c3. 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 入楞伽經 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 255 十方寶坊，合為一土。聞經於五十小劫，猶若剎那之時。現通於七日之中，舒之為 大 一 劫。 In the Lotus Sūtra, heavenly beings were moved to another land.50 This is called the three changes of the mind ground.51 In the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra, Vimalakīrti moved the World of Akṣobhya to this world.52 This shows that an impure [land] is bright and pure. Moreover, a ten-foot square small room can accommodate a high seat; and a precious canopy can cover the whole world. Without leaving Tuṣita Heaven, one enters nirvāṇa; without planting the king tree, one ascends to Trāyastriṃśas Heaven. When one raises one’s hand, immeasurable eons have passed. When one ascends a pavilion, one sees the causes of the three time periods. Between the eyebrows of Śākyamuni Buddha, the assembly of innumerable bodhisattvas appears. A single hair follicle of Samantabhadra shows access to the states of all Buddhas. Unlimited amounts of delicious food are taken from a small container. The sky rains indescribable treasures. Without moving from this place, one sits in every practice hall. The precious places in the ten directions are united in one land. Listening to Buddhist sūtras for fifty eons is like an instant. When one obtains immediate comprehension in seven days, it expands into a great eon. 如 王 質遇 仙， 一 局經 三年 ，而 謂 食 頃。 周穆 皇 隨於 幻士 ，積多 年 歲， 實謂 剎 那。 尚 能 以短 為長 ， 以長 為短 。故 知： 非 多時 劫， 唯 識所 成耳 。 It is also like Wang Zhi meeting the immortals playing go. One round was in fact three years long, but he thought it was merely the length of a single meal.53 Emperor Zhou Mu followed a magician for many years, but in fact it was merely one instant.54 Thus, short can be long and long can be short.55 One should know that the length of time of eons is established by consciousness-only. 乃 至六 相義 十玄 門， 皆是一 心圓融 ，顯 現無 礙。 六相 義者， 一心為 總相 ，多 心為 別 相 ，乃 至能 同能 異， 能成能 壞，皆 是一 心本 末建 立。 十玄門 者，同 時具 足相 應門 ， 一 多相 容不 同門 ，乃 至隱顯 門，帝 網門 ，具 德門 ，自 在門， 安立門 ，十 世門 ，託 事 門，皆於此由心迴轉善 成一門，無量教義，一時成就。 56 50 T 262: 9.33a14. 51 In the chapter “Emergence of the Treasure Tower” in the Lotus Sūtra, the Buddha transformed this sahā world into a pure land three times, T 262: 9.32b–34a. 52 T 475: 14.555c1. 53 T 2016: 48.579a24–27. This story is based on the Dongxian zhuan , v. 10. Wang Zhi came across a cave when he was cutting wood in the mountains. He entered the cave and saw two people playing go. He watched them until they finished the round. After he came out from the cave, he found that his ax was rusted and more than one hundred years had passed since he entered the cave. See Yunji qiqian: 791. 54 This story is from the chapter “Zhou Muwang” in the Liezi. See Zhou 1983: 56–70. 55 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.579a25–26. 56 Morie’s version miscopies this character as “ ” (yi). See Morie 1981: 64. 洞仙傳 義 256 HUANG YI-HSUN Together, the six characteristics and the ten profound gates perfectly and harmoniously manifest one-mind without obstruction. Of the six characteristics, one-mind is universality and the various aspects of mind are particularity. In the same way, the mind can also be identity, difference, integration, and disintegration. These are all established by the root and branches of one-mind. The ten mysterious gates are: 1. The gate of simultaneous completion and respondence; 2. the gate of the mutual inclusion, and yet difference, of the one and many; 3. the gate of revelation and concealment; 4. the gate of Indra’s net; 5. the gate of the endowment of all qualities; 6. the gate of mastery; 7. the gate of the concordance; 8. the gate of ten life-times; 9. the gate of the reliance on phenomena; all of the above are due to 10. the transformation of mind, which excellently creates all phenomena.57 [Thus] are innumerable teachings accomplished simultaneously. 以 平等 心是 一義 ，差 別心是 多義。 以一 心即 一切 心， 是相即 義。是 同時 相應 義， 以 一切心入一心，是相入義。以一心攝一切心，是隱義。以一切心資一心 ，是顯 義。以不壞差別心，而現平等心，是多中一義。以不隱平等心，而現差別心，是一 中 多 義 。 又 微 細 心 不礙 廣 大 心 ，廣 大 心 不 礙 微 細 心 ，是 一 多 不 同義 。 58 59 Because the mind of equality is one, the differentiating mind is many. Because one-mind is the same as the mind of all [deluded] thoughts, this is the meaning of “mutual determination” and “simultaneous respondence.” Because the mind of all [deluded] thoughts enters one-mind, this is the meaning of “interpenetration.” Because one-mind encompasses the mind of all [deluded] thoughts, this is the meaning of “concealment.” Because the mind of all [deluded] thoughts complements onemind, this is the meaning of “revelation.” Because the mind of equality is manifested without destroying the differentiating mind, this is the meaning of “many including one.” Because the differentiating mind is manifested without concealing the mind of equality, this is the meaning of “one including many.” Because the subtle mind does not obstruct the coarse mind, and the coarse mind does not obstruct the subtle mind, this is the meaning of “the difference of one and many.”60 以 一 實心 是純 ， 差別 心是 雜， 差 別 心即 一實 心 ，雜 恆純 ；一實 心 即差 別心 ， 純恆 雜，即諸藏純雜義。以一心帶一切心，還入一心，是帝網義。因心現境，見境識 心 ，是託事顯法義。長劫短劫，延促時量，皆從積念而成，一心所現，是十世 義。因一心正義，演難思法門，究竟指歸，言亡慮絕，即唯心迴轉義。自心既爾， 他 心 亦 然 。 涉 入 交 羅， 重 重 無 盡。 61 57 These ten gates are based on the Huayan yisheng shixuanmen, T 1868: 45.515b20–29. This translation is based on Cleary 1983: 132–33, but I have modified it slightly. 58 The Tenri manuscript reads “ ” (zi yiqie xin). For intelligibility, I followed the XZJ version, which omits the character “ ” (qie). 59 Morie’s version omits these three characters. See Morie 1981: 64. 60 This paragraph is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.644a12–19. These ten profound gates are based on Zhiyan’s Huayan yisheng shixuan men , T 1868. 61 Morie’s version miscopies this sentence as “ ” (neishijing shixin). See Morie 1981: 64. 資一切心 切 內世境識心 華嚴一乘十玄門 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 257 Because one-real mind is pure, the differentiating mind is mixed. [However,] because the differentiating mind is one-real mind, the mixed is always pure; because one-real mind is the differentiating mind, the pure is always mixed. This is the meaning of “repositories with purity and the mixed.” Because one-mind bears and enters the mind of all [deluded] thoughts, this is the meaning of “Indra’s net.” Because of mind, objects are manifested; when objects are seen the mind is known. This is the meaning of “revelation of Dharma by relying on phenomena.” Long eons and short eons, long periods and short periods are all established by accumulated thoughts and manifested by one-mind. This is the meaning of “ten life times.” Based on the correct meaning of one-mind, the inconceivable Dharma teachings are expounded, so that language is cut off and deluded thoughts are extinguished. This is the meaning of “excellent creation through the transformation of mind-only.” One’s own mind is thus; so are the minds of others. Mind interpenetrates and interacts without end.62 並是圓機入處，悉堪投足棲神。且如觀味聞香，皆能悟道。華飛劍動，盡可證真。 語 默 嘗合 ，玄 微 動止 。未 離法 界 ， 乃至 恆沙 義 聚， 無量 法門， 舉 一例 諸， 俱 不出 自心之法。故知：菩薩隨世所作皆表心。故淨名經云：「不捨道法，現凡夫事。」 如 云 ：「 一念 於 一切 處， 為一 切 眾 生， 示成 正 覺。 是菩 薩園林 ， 法身 周遍 ， 盡虛 空 一 切世 界故 。 」 Furthermore, this is where sentient beings obtain the perfect teaching and rest their feet and spirits. It is similar to how, by tasting the flavor and smelling the fragrance, one is able to attain the Path. Flying flowers and moving swords all can show the truth. Although words are silenced, this corresponds with the truth. Although the profundities are subtle, disturbances cease. Without leaving the dharmadhātu, meanings innumerable as the sands of the Ganges come together. Innumerable teachings are explained by means of a single example, and none of them are outside one’s own mind. Thus, one should know that all a bodhisattva does in any lifetime is merely from the mind. It is said in the Jingming jing, “Not abandoning the principles of the Path and yet showing oneself in the activities of a common person.”63 It is also said, “[The bodhisattvas] demonstrate all sentient beings the attainment of perfect enlightenment in one thought at everywhere. Based on this, innumerable bodhisattvas and the Dharma-body pervade all worlds in space.”64 則 知 不用 天眼 ， 觀徹 見十 方際 ， 曷 假天 眼？ 耳 聽通 聞法 界聲， 寧 伏神 足通 疾 至十 方 土 ？端 坐寂 不 動， 諸佛 常現 前 。 緊那 羅琴 ， 豈假 調品 而韻？ 似 無聲 之樂 ， 何須 62 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.644a19–27. 63 This sentence is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.558c12–13. It is originally from the Weimojie jing, T 475: 14.539c22. This translation is based on Watson 1993: 37, but I have modified it slightly. 64 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.558c13–15. It is originally from the Huayan jing, T 279: 10.286c29–287a1. 258 HUANG YI-HSUN 彈 擊 而成 ？故 云 ：「 摩訶 迦葉 久 滅 意根 ，圓 明 了知 ，不 因心念 。 」又 云： 「 我有 一 語 ，不 過直 語 ，小 於毫 末， 大無 方 所， 本自 圓 成， 不勞 機抒 。」 Therefore, if without using the divine eye, one sees throughout the world in the ten directions, why does one need the divine eye? If the ears hear the voice of the dharmadhātu entirely, why does one need the supernatural power of divine feet to quickly go to [Buddha] lands in the ten directions? Sitting still without moving, the Buddhas always appear before one. Does the lute of Kiṃnara need to be tuned in order to play melody?65 If the music is the music without sound, why does it need to be played? Thus, it is said, “Although Mahākāśyapa eradicated the root of consciousness a long time ago, he finally realized [the truth] perfectly by not depending on thought.”66 It is also said, “I have one sentence which I will teach you directly. It is as small as the tip of a hair; it is also very big without boundaries. It is originally perfect and does not need any effort.”67 References Cleary, Thomas, trans.: The Flower Ornament Scripture: A Translation of the Avatamsaka Sutra. Boston: Shambhala, 1993. Cleary, Thomas: Entry into the Inconceivable: An Introduction to Hua-yen Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. Cook, Francis: Hua-yen Buddhism: the Jewel Net of Indra. Delhi: Sri Satguru, 1994. Gimello, Robert: “Chih-Yen (602–668) and the Foundations of Hua-Yen Buddhism.” Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1972. Gregory, Peter: Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1991. Gregory, Peter ed.: Buddhism in the Sung. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999. Huang, Yi-hsun: Integrating Chinese Buddhism: A Study of Yongming Yanshou’s Guanxin Xuanshu. Taibei: Dharma Drum Publishing Corporation, 2005. Jan Yün-hua : “Yanshou foxue sixiang de xingcheng – wenxianxue shang de yanjiu” – in Cong yindu fojiao dao zhongguo fojiao . Taibei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1995. Lamotte, Étienne, trans.: The Teaching of Vimalakīrti. Trans. from French to English by Sara Boin. London: The Pali Text Society, 1976. : “Kanshin gensū ni tsuite” . Shūgaku kenkyū Morie Toshitaka (1976) 26: pp. 166–167. 冉雲華 佛學思想的形成 文獻學上的研究 中國佛教 研究 森江俊孝 延壽 從印度佛教到 觀心玄樞について 宗学 65 According to the Tanxuan ji, Kiṃnara is a music god who plays wonderful music, T 1733: 35.135b21–22. 66 This sentence is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.432b12–13. It is originally from the Shoulengyan jing , T 945: 19.123c5–6. 67 This paragraph is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.942a1–2. According to the Zongjing lu, the original source is from A Song of Monk Lanzan by the Chan master Nanyue Mingzan . A complete text of his song can be found in the Fozu lidai tongzai , T 2036: 49.606b4ff. 首楞嚴經 代通載 南嶽明瓚 懶瓚和尚歌 佛祖歷 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 259 森江俊孝: “Shinshutsushiryō itsubun Kanshin gensū no kenkyū” 新出資料逸文 『觀心玄樞』の研究. Sōtōshū kenkyūsei kenkyūin kiyō 曹洞宗研究生研究員紀要 (1977) 9: pp. 78–88. Morie Toshitaka 森江俊孝: “Sugyōroku to Kanshin gensū ni tsuite” 宗鏡錄と觀心玄樞について. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度學佛教學研究 (1979) 27, 2: pp. 305–307. Morie Toshitaka 森江俊孝: “Kanshin gensū no kenkyū (ni)” 觀心玄樞の研究(二). Sōtōshū kenkyūsei kenkyūin kiyō 曹洞宗研究生研究員紀要 (1981)13: pp. 56–72. Watson, Burton, trans.: The Lotus Sutra. Tokyo: Soka Gakkai, 1993. Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤. Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1992. Zhou Shaoxian 周紹賢: Liezi yaoyi 列子要義. Taibei: Zhonghua shuju, 1983. Morie Toshitaka JOERG PLASSEN SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO* Introduction Consisting of a meandering diagram of 30 verses of 7 words each, accompanied by a brief introduction of only a few sentences, and a commentary filling somewhat more than seven pages of the Han’guk pulgyo chŏnsŏ (HPC), the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 1 (“Diagram of the dharma-realm2 of the one-vehicle”) undoubtedly is one of the most influential works of Silla Buddhism.3 For centuries, the text as a whole was commonly ascribed to Ŭisang (625– 702), the well-known Silla monk who went to China to study with Zhiyan (602– 668),4 the implicit assumption being that it should be regarded an auto-commentary. 一乘法 界圖 * 義湘 智儼 崔鈆植 1 2 3 金相鉉 I should like to express my gratitude to Dr. Wolfgang Behr and an anonymous reader for their numerous suggestions on earlier drafts, as well as to Prof. KIM Sang Hyun , Prof. CHOE Yeonshik and Dr. SATO Atsushi for sharing their expertise on the matter and making some important materials available to me. Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo , HPC 2.1a–8c. Due to the Zokuzōkyō and Taishō editions, the text is more commonly known under the name of Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo. However, as SATO Atsushi has shown, in the majority of the traditional catalogues the title does not bear the expression “Hwaŏm”. Cf. Sato 1999, p. 141f. I.e., dharmadhātu. There has been a vast number of publications on Ŭisang’s thought in general, and on the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo in particular. A fairly recent survey on the state of research related to Ŭisang can be found in Choe 2002, an extensive bibliography of the secondary literature and reprints of some major contributions by Korean scholars (YI Ki-yong, KIM Haeju, NAM Dongsin et alia) in Ŭisang ki’nyŏmgwan 2001. (Among others, also consult Kim 1994, 71–223 and Chŏng 1998, 117–182). For discussions of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo in English language, refer to Odin 1982, which also contains a full translation of the commentary, and, although much more essayistic than his seminal “Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo-ŭi kŭnbon chŏngsin ” [The fundamental spirit of the Diagram of the dharma sphere of Hwaŏm] (first appeared in Silla-Kaya munhwa 4 (1972), reprinted also in Kim 2001), Yi Kiyong 1994. A Pŏpkyedo is ascribed to Ŭisang (625–702) already in the Sin pyŏn chejong kyojang ch´ongnok , Ŭich’ŏn’s (1055–1101) inventory of the supplement to the Canon published in 1090. Cf. T 2184: 55.1166c29. 佐藤厚 華嚴一乘法界圖 華嚴一乘法界圖 華嚴一乘法界圖 華嚴一乘法界圖의 근본정신 4 法界圖 新編諸宗教藏總錄 義天 262 JOERG PLASSEN More recently, however, doubts have been raised whether the author of the seal diagram indeed was Ŭisang, or rather his mentor Zhiyan. The present article attempt to re-approach the problem through a reassessment of certain passages in the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok , the implications of which appear to have been somewhat neglected. By the way of introduction, a short introduction of the diagram and its textual embedding for those not accustomed with the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo commentary will be given. Before turning to the respective passages, the two conflicting outlooks on the texts will have to be sketched, and a short digression on their shared main textual basis will be in place. According to the HPC edition, the already mentioned introduction to the seal runs as follows: 法界圖記叢髓錄 一乘法界圖 Now, the good teachings of the Great sage are without direction; responding to [the differing] capacities [of the living beings] and in accordance with [their] diseases, they are not one. Because of the last days, [during] which the deluded ones [concerning] the traces [in form] of the characters (zi ji/chajŏk ) do not know that they loose the body (ti / ch’e , i.e. the essential) and zealously [strife to] return to the ancestor, [we] – relying on the [underlying] structure (li /i ) and based on the teachings – by way of summary drew up a rotating poem (banshi / pansi ), hoping that the followers grasping at names still [may] return to the nameless true source. [As for] the method how to read the poem: One should start from the “dharma” in the middle as the beginning [point], and in numerous turns [follow] the bends, until reaching the “Buddha” as the end, by reading along the path of the seal. (54 corners, 210 characters) 理 字迹 體 槃詩 夫 大聖善教無方 應機隨病非一 迷者 字迹 不知失體 懃而歸宗 末日故 依理據教 略制槃詩 冀以執名之徒還歸無名真源 讀詩之法 宜從中法為始 繁迴屈曲 乃至佛為終 隨印道讀 五十四角二百一十字 5 Immediately afterwards, the seal itself is depicted (see next page). In Steve Odin’s only slightly deviant rendition,6 the poem reads as follows: 1. Since dharma-nature is round and in- 16. Saṃsāra and nirvāṇa, terpenetrating, Are always harmonized together. It is without any sign of duality. 法性圓融無二相 2. All dharmas are unmoving, And originally calm. 諸法不動本來寂 5 6 7 生死涅槃常共龢 17. Particular-phenomena (shi) and Universal-principle (li)7 Are completely merged without distinction. 理事冥然無分別 HPC 2.1a3–8; T 1887A: 45.711a5–a9. In the text given above, textual variants have been omitted, as these are of minor concern for the argument. While Odin does resort to minor graphical variants some of which could not be reproduced, a semantic difference can be found only in verse 19, where Odin reads in/ren (“benevolent”) instead of in/ru (“to enter”). More literally: “structure”. 入 仁 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 263 一－微－塵－中－含－十 初－發－心－時－便－正－覺－生－死 一 量－無－是－即 方 成 益－寶－雨－議－思－不－意 涅 即 劫 遠－劫 念 一 別 生 佛－普－賢－大－人 如 槃 多 九 量 即 一 切 隔 滿 十 海－入－能－境 出 常 切 世 無 一－念 塵 亂 虚 別 印－三－昧－中－繫 共 一 十 是－如－亦－中 雜 空 分－無－然－冥－事－理－和 即 世－互－相－即－仍－不 衆－生－隨－器－得－利－益－是 一 相－二－無－融－圓－性－法 叵－際－本－還－者－行－故 一 諸 智－所－知－非－餘 佛 息 盡－寶－莊－嚴－法－界 中 法 證 甚－性－真－境 為 忘 無 隨－家－歸－意 實 多 不 切 深－極－微－妙 名 想 尼 分－得－資 如 寶 切 動 一－絕－相－無 不 動 必 羅－陀－以－糧 捉 殿 一 本－來－寂－無－名 守 不 不－得－無－緣－善－巧 窮 中－一－成－緣－隨－性－自 來－舊－床－道－中－際－實－坐 3. No name, no form, All (distinctions) are abolished. 無名無相絶一切 4. It is known through the wisdom of enlightenment, Not by any other level. 證智所知非餘境 5. The true-nature is extremely profound, Exceedingly subtle and sublime. 眞性甚深極微妙 18. This is the world of the Bodhisattva Samantabhadra, And the Ten Buddhas. 十佛善賢大人境 19. In Buddha’s ocean-seal samādhi, 能仁海印三昧中 20. Many unimaginable (miracles) are produced, According to one’s wishes. 繁出如意不思議 264 JOERG PLASSEN 16. It does not attach to self-nature, But manifests following (causal) conditions. 21. This shower of jewels benefiting all sentient beings, Fills all of empty space. 17. In One is All, In Many is One. 22. All sentient beings receive this wealth, According to their capacities. 18. One is identical to All, Many is identical to One. 23. Therefore, he who practices (contemplation), Returns to the primordial realm. 不守自性隨縁成 一中一切多中一 一即一切多即一 雨寶益生滿虗空 衆生隨器得利益 是故行者還本際 19. In one particle of dust, Is contained the ten directions. 24. And without stopping ignorance, It cannot be obtained. 10. And so it is, With all particles of dust. 25. By unconditional expedient means, One attains complete freedom. 11. Incalculable long eons, Are identical to a single thoughtinstant. 26. Returning home (the primordial realm) you obtain riches, According to your capacity. 一微塵中含十方 一切塵中亦如是 無量遠劫即一念 叵息妄想必不得 無縁善巧捉如意 歸家隨分得資糧 27. By means of dhāraṇī, 12. And a single thought-instant, An inexhaustible treasure. Is identical to incalculable long eons. 一念即是無量劫 以陀羅尼無盡寶 13. The nine times and the ten times, Are mutually identical. 28. One adorns the dharmadhātu, Like a real palace of jewels. 14. Yet are not confused or mixed, But function seperately. 29. Finally one resposes in the real world, The bed of the Middle Way. 九世十世互相即 仍不雜亂隔別成 15. The moment one begins to aspire with their heart, Instantly perfect enlightenment (is attained). 初發心時便正覺 8 莊嚴法界實寶殿 窮坐實際中道床 30. That which is originally without motion, Is named Buddha. 舊來不動名爲佛 8 Odin 1982, Preface, xix–xx. The Chinese text has been added, and the transcriptions of Chinese terms have been transposed from Wade-Giles into Pinyin. SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 265 The seal having been presented, an outline of his commentary is given: Wishing to explain the text, two [access] gates are set apart: first, explaining the intention of the seal by generalizing; second, elucidating the characteristics of the seal seperately. Question: Why does [one] rely on the seal? Answer: Because [one] wants to manifest [how] the three kinds of worlds comprised by the Thus-come Śākyamuni’s net of teaching originate in the ocean-seal samādhi, emerge in rotation and become visible. What one calls the ‘three worlds’: First, the world as a vessel (containing the material things), second, the world of the living beings, third, the world of the correct awakening [based on] wisdom. [Those] who correctly awake [based on] wisdom are the buddhas and bodhisattvas, beacause in the three kinds of worlds [they] comprise and exhaust the [various] dharmas. That one does not treat the rest: As for the broad meaning: [It] is like the Huayan jing says. In the second gate of seperate characteristics, [again] three gates are set apart: First, exposing the characteristics of the seal text; second, clarifying the characteristics of the characters; third, explaning the intention of the text… 將欲釋文 二門分別 一總釋印意 二別解印相 問何以故依印 答 欲表 釋迦如來教網所攝三種世間 從海印三昧 槃出現顯故 所謂三種世間 一器世間 二眾生世間 三智正覺世間 智正覺者 佛菩薩也 三種世間攝盡法故 不論餘者 廣義者 如華嚴經說 第二別相門中 三門分別 一說印文相 二明字相 三釋文意… 9 As can be seen from the passages quoted, at first glance the introduction gives rise to the impression that the diagram and the commentary were the work of a single author. Later on, however, the commentary explicitly raises the issue of authorship, giving a distinctively “Buddhist” answer to the problem, which nevertheless might be considered somewhat suspicious: ‘The one seal combining the verses’ of the Ilsŭng pŏpkedo based on the Huayan jing and the Shidi lun manifests the ancestor and essentials of the perfect teaching. It was recorded on the 15th day of the seventh month in the first year of Zongzhang [period] (668). 一乘法界圖 合詩一印 依華嚴經及十地論 表圓教宗要 總章元年七月十五日記 Question: Why does one not see the personal name and style of the compiler? Answer: Because [this] manifests that all conditionally arisen dharmas have no owner. 問 何故不看集者名字 答 表緣生諸法無有主者故 Further question: For what reason is a name [given] in [respect to] year and month? Answer: Because [this] manifests that all dharmas arise based on conditions. 又問 何故在年月名 答 示一切諸法依緣生故 10 19 HPC 2.1b1–9; T 1887A: 45.711a41–b4. 10 T 1887A: 45.716a3–7. 266 JOERG PLASSEN The Dispute and Its Textual Basis In 1996, the Chinese scholar YAO Changshou introduced a stone inscription unearthed at Yangshan (70 km Southwest of Peking), which – apparently buried somewhen between 1118 and 1196 – bears the introductory lines and the seal.11 While the textual differences to the versions of the HPC text, which is based on sources preserved in Japan, are negligible, this version still differs significantly in as much as the characters Huayan shi zao (“created by a Huayan master”, or, somewhat less likely, “created by Master Huayan”) have been added to the introduction. Not surprisingly, Yao draws the conclusion that in fact Zhiyan is the author of both the seal and the introduction. – Following the Venerable Haeju, we may summarize the main arguments as follows 華嚴師造 – The addition to the introductory preface indicates that both the poems and the introduction were written by Zhiyan. 記 – The use of the word ki (“record”) upon giving the date when the text was produced indicates that one cannot consider the compiler of the preface and the seal to be identical with the one recording it. Furthermore, the use of the designation chipcha (“compiler”, instead of chakcha , or “author”) relates to the compilation of the seal and the commentary. Thus, these two have to be distinguished. Likewise, the title Pŏpkyedo chang given at the end of the Taishō edition indicates that the text as a whole is but a commentarial exposition, into which a separately existing Pŏpkyedo has been integrated. 集者 – – 著者 法界圖章 法界圖 The use of the phrase Yŏn pul p’il ŭi Ch’oe chŏng ya 然不必依崔傳定也 (“But [the question of authorship] should not necessarily be determined based on the biography [written by] Ch’oe”) in Kyunyŏ’s 均如 (923–73) Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki 華儼一乘圓通記 indicates that the eminent Koryŏ monk considered the account attributed to Ch’oe Chiwŏn not necessarily correct. The phrase Chang yok sŏk mun 將欲釋文 (“Wishing to analyze the text…”) in the commentary itself again entails that the introduction cum seal and the commentary have to be distinguished. – The Fangshan stone inscription appears to antedate the late 12th or early 13th century text contained in the Taishō, as well as the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok , which here is ascribed to the 14th century monk Ch’ewŏn . Besides, in Korea the text as a self-contained unit had been lost until Chosŏn times. 界圖記叢髓錄 法 體元 – The earliest extant commentary on the text is Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki , which, although written down in 1287, derives from a manuscript lectured upon by Kyunyŏ in the 7th month of the year 958. 華儼一乘圓通記 11 Yao 1996. 267 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO This commentary, however, asserts that the seal and the commentary originally were distinct. – The assumption that the author of the seal in 30 verses and the commentary are identical goes back to Ŭisang. Attributions to Fazang in other commentaries should be regarded as wrong. 法藏 法界圖記叢髓錄 – As the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok indicates, the so-called Kŭnbon in (“fundamental seal”, an expression for the diagram as occurring in the commentary) might be one among 73 seals allegedly written by Zhiyan. 根本印 – Ŭisang’s mention of the date of recording, which cannot be found in the biographical sources, should be considered significant: Zhiyan already knew that he would pass away, and by encorporating the date into his commentary, Ŭisang might have wanted to underline its acknowledgement by Zhiyan and thus its authoritativeness. – The line of thinking in the poem seal confirms to other works by Zhiyan.12 In a forthcoming article based on a paper presented in 199713, John Jorgensen seems to very carefully express general consent with the underlying basic hypothesis. However, it should come as no surprise that the ascription of the seal to Zhiyan has met with fierce resistance from Korean scholars, who follow the assumption that the stone inscription was actually based on Ŭisang’s text. Thus, the Venerable Haeju point to point refutes Yao’s arguments. The arguments forwarded again can be summarized as follows: 杜順 – Yao himself refers to the doubtful attributions of texts to Du Shun (558– 640) and Fazang appearing in the same material. Thus, the actual provenance of the Fangshan seal might be questioned: It might very well have been taken from Ŭisang’s commentary, the reference to Zhiyan being a later addition. 記 集 – The terms ki and chip only refer to the seal, and not to the commentary. The position that all parts of the text go back to Ŭisang derives from Ch’oe Chiwŏn’s biography, and is also found in the [Koryŏ work] Paekhwa toryang palwŏnmun yakhae . The attribution to Zhiyan can be found only in [indirect quotes from] the Wŏnsang nok, and there would only refer to the Pŏpsŏng ke , i.e. the poem. Thus, all works ascribe the pansi or “rotating poem” to Ŭisang. Likewise, one should dismiss the assumption (as maintained by Jorgensen) that the introductory preface, which is also contained 白花道場發願文略解 法性偈 槃詩 一乗法界図 12 Haeju 1999, 208–211. 13 “The authorship and cultural matrix of the Ilsûngpôpgyedo ”. I should express my gratitude to Prof. Jorgensen for the generousity of making this significant article accessible to me. The article provides a wealth of helpful ideological and cultural background information on related diagrams, which I will refrain from reproducing in this context. 268 JOERG PLASSEN in the stone inscription, has to be separated from the commentary: In that case one should expect the commentary to begin with explanations on the preface, which it does not even mention. Furthermore, by analysis of the contents it can be shown that Ŭisang first wrote the diagram and the exposition, and later wrote a preface based on the latter. 然不必依崔傳定也 – Yao’s reading of the phrase Yŏn pul p’il ŭi Ch’oe chŏng ya is erroneous: The correct meaning of the phrase would be that the same conclusion could also be reached by adducing other evidence. – The attribution of the introduction to Ŭisang can be found already in the Wŏnsang nok. 永明延壽 – Reference to Ŭisang is made already in Yongming Yanshou’s (904– 75) Zongjing lu (961), where both the seal and the commentary are quoted. Although the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo as a self-contained text had been lost by Chosŏn times, it was still available through the Ch’ongsu nok, which is not a work written by Ch’ewŏn and contains quotations from Silla dynasty works, among others from a record by Pŏbyung (end of 8th century). 宗鏡錄 一乘法界圖 法融 – According to the extant sources, Ŭisang passed the seal on to his disciples P’yohun , Chinjŏng etc., and his successors wrote expositions on it. Also, Chi-t’ong is said to have received the seal from Ŭisang. 表訓 智通 眞定 – The idea that this might be one of 73 diagrams by Zhiyan goes too far. – The date serves to clarify the conditional arising of the diagram. – The seal does not fully confirm to Zhiyan’s thought.14 Again, Jorgensen adduces enough circumstantial evidence to back up the first assumption, and thus the reader is referred to his forthcoming article. Among the remaining points, the second one of course is the most interesting, and we should have a look at the pertaining passages. As the wording in the Paekhwa toryang palwŏnmun yakhae appears to be based on one of the earlier texts and poses yet further textual problems, we will concentrate on the two underlying accounts. Thus, in the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki we find the following information: 白花道場發願文略解 一乘法界圖圓通記 One says: “[If it comes to] the poem of 30 verse-lines of 7 words, then this is what Master [Zhi]yan created, [if it comes to] the explaining [text], then this is what Sir Sang (i.e. Ŭisang) expounded.” That means the Wŏnsang nok says: “At the time Sir Sang received [the teachings of] Huayan at the place of Master Yan, Master Yan composed a poem of 30 verse-lines of 7 words in order to confer it to Master Sang. 14 Haeju 1999: 211–215. SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 269 Master Sang then drew on top of the black characters a red seal in order to present it. The master sighed and said: ’You have exhaustively born testimony to dharma-nature and have penetrated to the Buddha’s intention and purport. It would be suitable to create an explanation.’ Master Sang at first created an explanation of more than 40 pages in order to forward it to the master. The master wanted to know whether it matched the intention of the Buddha or not. Right in front of the Buddha he would establish a vow and burn it, and all burned away. [Sang] again created more than 60 pages and forwarded [them]; [they] also burned away. Again, he created more than eighty pages to forward to the master. The master together with the [Tae]tŏk Sang also like before burned them. In [their] middle, there were burned and not-burned [parts]. The unburned writings now circulate in the world.” 一云 七言三十句詩 則儼師所造 能釋則相公所述 謂元常錄云 相公 於儼師所受花嚴時 儼師造七言三十句詩 以授相公 相公則於黑字上 畫赤印以獻 師歎曰 汝窮證法性達佛意旨 冝造於釋 相公 初造四十餘紙釋 以進師 師欲知合佛意否 將至佛前 立願燒之 悉皆燒盡 又造六十餘紙進 亦燒盡 又造八十餘紙進師 師共相德 亦如前燒之 於中有燒不燒 不燒之文 今行於世 15 元常錄 Unfortunately, the Wŏnsang nok cannot be identified. As Jorgenson suggests, this designation might have resulted from a permutation of Sangwŏn nok , in which case it would refer to an (otherwise unknown) work by one of Ŭisang’s disciples. And yet, while the overall tendency towards numerology may be regarded typical of Zhiyan and his successors, it has also been pointed out that the series of 40, 60 and 80 appears to have been inspired by the various editions of the Huayan jing and betrays a considerable degree of artificiality in the above record. On the other hand, the major textual evidence for the theory that Ŭisang was the author of the diagram not only derives from the same text, but itself may be considered not less artful: 常元錄 One says: “In the biography narrated by Ch’oe Chiwŏn it is said: ‘At the time Sir Sang received Huayan at the place of Master Yan,16 in a dream there was a spirit , whose appearance was very tall and robust. Speaking of Sir Sang, he said that to make an exposition based on what he himself had awakened to and bestow it on others would be suitable. Again, in a dream [the Bodhisattva] Good Wealth (Sudhāna) gave him more than ten pills of wisdom-medicine. Again, he met a blue-clothed boy, who thrice gave him secret oral instructions.’ [When] Master Yan heard this, he said: ‘The spirit gave numinous presents to me once and to you thrice. You have come across from afar and practiced diligently, and the [future] reward for this such is manifested.’ Consequently, he ordered [Ŭisang] compile and order [a text], so that he could glimpse what [Ŭisang] had obtained. At that time, [Ŭisang] exerted his brush and wrote the Dasheng xuan zhang in ten fascicles, asking the Master to point out the flaws. Yan said: ‘The meanings are very beautiful, but the wordings still obstruct [them].’ 神人 15 HPC 4.1a5–15. 16 It should be noted that the wording of this passage is the same as in the first quotation. 270 JOERG PLASSEN Thereupon, [Ŭisang] retreated and weeded out the complicated [wordings] in four traversals, and styled it “Liyi chongxuan”, wishing to honour the meanings of the Souxuan fenqi written by his master. Yan then went with Sang to pray before the Buddha, made a vow so as to burn it, and moreover said: ‘In the case that [in] the words there is [something] matching the Saint’s purport, we wish that they will not burn’. Afterwards, from the remaining ashes he obtained 210 characters, and caused Sang to gather them. [They] sincerely swore and again threw [the characters] into the fierce flames, but unexpectedly they would not burn away. Yan, having tears [in his eyes], sighed, and had [Sang] compose [them] into gāthas. [Sang] shut his room for several evenings and accomplished thirty verses, including the profound purport of the three contemplations and raised the remaining beauties of the tenfold darkening. Therefore, the thirty verses of seven words are also something written by Mr. Sang. The latter meaning can be admitted [as correct]. But one does not have to decide relying [only] on Ch’oe’s biography: After this exposition now has stated about itself: “Relying on the structure and in accordance to the teachings, abbreviating [we] made a rotating poem”, then what is explained is also [something] exposed by the owner of the diagram. Why should one need to quote corroborating evidence in support? Moreover, [why does] Zhixiang’s (i.e. Zhiyan’s) Conduct make no mention of the affair of composing the thirty verses in seven words? 一云 崔致遠所述傳中云 相公 於儼師所 受花儼時 夢有神人 貌甚魁偉 謂相公曰 以自所悟 著述施人 宜矣 又夢善財授聡明藥十餘劑 又遇青衣童子 三授秘訣 儼師聞之曰 神授靈貺 我一爾三 遠涉勤修 厥報斯現 因命编次 窺澳所得 於是奮筆 緝大乘玄章十卷 請師指瑕 儼曰 義甚佳 詞尚壅 乃退而芟繫為四通 號曰立義崇玄 盖欲崇其師所著搜玄分齊之義 儼乃舆相詣佛前 結願焚之 且曰 言有脗合聖旨者願不爇也 既而煨燼之餘 獲二百十字 令相捃拾 懇誓更擲猛焰 竟不灰 儼 含涕嗟稱 俾綴為偈 閉室數夕 成三十句 括三觀之奥旨 舉十玄之餘美已上 故七言三十句 亦相公所述也 後義可許 然不必依崔傳定也 今釋既自叙 依理據教 略制槃詩 則 所釋亦是圖主自述斷矣 17 As can be inferred from the points of agreement between the two accounts, they again appear to relate to a common underlying narrative. – However, a detailed tex17 HPC 4.1a15–b15. My rough translation of this passage is heavily indebted to Jorgensen’s much more polished rendition. – This and the preceding passage have been quoted in full in Jorgensen’s forthcoming article. SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 271 tual analysis eventually would not lead too far, as the following short digression on the textual history of the text containing these accounts will manifest. In his Sin pyŏn chejong kyojang ch’ongnok , Ŭich’ŏn (1055–1101) remarks concerning Chit’ong’s (654?–?) [Hwaŏm] yoŭi mundap [ ] (aka. Ch’uhyŏl mundap ) and Tosin’s (n.d.) [Hwaŏm ilsŭng] yoŭi mundap [ ] (aka. Tosin chang ), two texts based on lectures by Ŭisang: 要義問答 華嚴一乘 要義問答 錐穴問答 新編諸宗教藏總錄 道身章 義天 華嚴 Note: Ŭisang’s biography in the Monks’ history of the Great Song says: “At times he took the brush and wrote on a sash, and he [always] carried lead and tablets at his bossom. – Transcripts [of them] were like collections knotted together, copies [of them] resembled recorded speech [in administration]. [In the case of] such gates of meanings [one] gives a title according to the disciple [responsible for the edition]: If one says ‘Tosin chang’, it is [just] this. Or, at times one creates a name by [referring to] a place, as like if one says ‘Ch’uhyŏl chang’”18, and so on. Yet, as the compilers of those times were not yet good in literary style, their paragraphs and sentences consequently were mean and coarse, and mingled with local language. – Sometimes it is the case that the Great Teaching flows over [at the beginning], and that the effort lies merely in complying with the occasion. Later gentlemen ought to add an embellished countenance. 按 大宋僧史義湘傳云 或執筆書紳 懷鉛札葉 抄如結集 錄似載言 如是義門 隨弟子為目 如云道身章是也 或以處為名 如云錐穴問答等云云 但以 當時集者 未善文體 遂致 章句鄙野 雜以方言 或是 大教濫觴 務在隨機耳 將來君子 宜加潤色 19 It does not need to be emphasized that the passage quoted from the Song gaoseng zhuan provides an interesting, albeit somewhat sobering, glimpse into pratices of lecturing and editing in 7th–8th century Silla: As the undoubted compiler of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo commentary, Ŭisang definitely was rather well-versed in both reading and writing Buddhist hybrid Sinitic. Nonetheless, he apparently would hold vernacular lectures, taking down vernacular notes in their preparation. His disciples would base their transcripts of the lectures mainly on these notes, transforming them – more or less successfully – into some sort of BhSi still “tainted” by the vernacular. Although Ŭich’ŏn’s own attitude clearly mirrors the “literary consciousness” of a leading Hwaŏm exegete of the capital (who at the same time was the third son of the ruling king), there is nevertheless no reason to doubt his devastating account of the shape of these lecture records. Thus, Ishii Kōsei has shown that the text of the [Hwaŏm] yoŭi mundap [ ] preserved in Japan still contains traces of the vernacular.20 – Even harsher criticism, however, Ŭich’ŏn directs at works commonly attributed to Koryŏ monks: 宋高僧傳 華嚴 要義問答 18 Cf. Song gaoseng zhuan, T 2061: 50.729b27–c1. 19 T 2184: 55.1167b25–c2, quoted and paraphrased in Nam 1999: 30. 20 Kōsei 1996: 272–276. 272 JOERG PLASSEN [That] the spurious writings considered by the world to be of the Masters Kyunyŏ, Pŏmun, Chinp’a and Yŏngnyun, in [their] words do not constitute texts (or: sentences), [that] in [their] meanings they are without [unfying bond] going through the transformations, and that they render the path of the patriarchs desolate, confusing those born later: There is nothing worse than this! 世所謂均如梵雲真派靈潤諸師謬書 語不成文 義无通變 荒蕪祖道 熒惑後生者 莫甚於斯矣 21 As a matter of fact, the editorial postfaces to four transcripts of lectures held by Kyunyŏ and one text ascribed to Kyunyŏ himself, edited after careful collation of available materials by the eminent monk Ch’ŏn’gi (fl. 1226–1248?)22 and his disciples, indicate that the situation had indeed not changed significantly at least until the beginning of the Koryŏ dynasty: Most of these editions involved the comparison of several transcripts (or records, ki ). According to its postface, the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki had been prepared based on a vernacular (pangŏn pon ) transcript of a lecture held in 958, which had been recorded by Kyunyŏ’s disciple Pŏpchin (n.d.), and a Hanmun translation of this lecture record (Hanyŏk pon ) prepared by a certain Hyŏn’yŏ , which contained further deviations and errors due to the circumstance that the translator personally had not witnessed any lecture by Kyunyŏ. By Ch’ŏn’gi’s times, only the Hanmun version had been available, until Ch’ŏn’gi’s contemporary Inwŏn , abbot of Kŭmsaeng-sa, rediscovered the old text, and the monk Ildang completed an edition in two roles based on a collation of the texts. Reportedly because this manuscript was feared to be in danger of being lost, it was again reedited by Ch’ŏn’gi and submitted by him and his collaborators for printing. The print version having been lost, the only extant written copy dates from the year 1287.23 From these brief remarks, it should have been become obvious that it is difficult to decide whether the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki should be attributed to Kyunyŏ, Pŏpchin, Ildang, or Ch’ŏn’gi: On the one hand, we have reason to assume a strong philological orientation on the side of the editors, and – although perhaps somewhat too naively – we thus may concede that both the extant version and its predecessor may have aimed at a faithful reconstruction of Kyunyŏ’s lecture as mediated by the available records. On the other hand, given the circumstance that at least parts of the Hanmun translation were considered inferior to the vernacular version, one should not give too much credit to the actual wordings of the quotations contained in the text.24 This observation again might be not without 天奇 記 玄如 日幢 一乘法界圖圓通記 方言本 法璡 漢譯本 印元 一乘法界圖圓通記 大覺國師文集 21 Cf. Taegak kuksa munjip , kw. 16, HPC 4.556b9–11, quoted in Nam 1999: 31, n. 4. 22 The standing of this monk can be seen from the fact that during his career he served both as abbot of the Haein-sa and Supervisor on Doctrine at Hŭngwang-sa. 23 Cf. HPC 4.38c5–39a8, esp. 38c14–39a4; Han’guk pulgyo ch’ansul munhŏn chongnok 96–97, no. 5. 24 In fact, we do not even know to what extant the quotations were collated with versions of the reference texts available to the editors. Likewise, we do not know the extent to which additional content was added. SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 273 significance in our context. Thus, the attribution of the poem to Ŭisang based on the anonymous (!) reference quoting from the lost (!) Ŭisang biography reportedly written by Ch’oe Chiwŏn depends on the correctness of a single character in the phrase pi chŏ wi ke . (“… had [Sang] compose [them] into gāthas…”). 俾綴為偈 Applied numerology: 73, or rather 70 × 3? 法界圖記叢髓錄 In the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok , which according to KIM Sang Hyun is likely to have been also compiled by Ch’ŏn’gi25 and thus probably dates to the 13th century, we find a series of possibly more helpful quotes, several among them from a Record by Pŏbyung Taedŏk (fl. 800), a disciple of Sillim and thus a member of the fourth generation after Ŭisang.26 These quotations from what should be regarded the earliest extant elaborations on the Pŏpkyedo not only seem to support the assumption that Zhiyan was the author of the verses and that Ŭisang’s contribution was the congenial addition of a vermillion line to a previously existing seal of characters. They furthermore indicate that the idea of producing seals visualizing the ultimate oneness of the dharmas had been put into practice already by Zhiyan: The Taedŏk Pŏbyung’s Record says: “… This ’One’ of the one-vehicle as well as the one vermillion seal seperate from beginning and end [presented] below this [passage] and Master Yan’s One character seal(s) within the ’Gate of mutual production of origin and end’ are all of one meaning.” That [he] attaches the One character seal(s) at the head of the Great Sūtra: [He] wishes to clarify that in the whole work, from the beginning to end, sentence by sentence and verse by verse merely reveal the One. Furthermore, that [he] attaches the one character seal at the passage on opposing that which deviates (i.e. heresies) and revealing the correct in [his] five kwŏn commentary: [If] one produces a dualistic understanding of the dharmas, this is “deviation”; [if] one knows that the dharmas are one, then this exactly is the “correct” [view]. 法融大德記云 此一乘之一及此下離始終之一朱印 與儼師本末相生門中一字印並一義也 大經之首按 一字印者 欲明 一部始終所說文文句句唯現一也 又 五卷疏對邪 現正之處按一字印者 於諸法中若生二解 則是邪 知法是一即是正也 27 While we can only speculate on whether the mentioned “One character seal(s)” should be thought of as shaped in the form of the character “one”, consisting of one 25 Kim 1991: 41. 26 Kim 1991: 42. Sillim had studied under Ŭisang’s disciple Sangwŏn dered the legitimate heir to the Pusŏk tradition. Cf. Kim 1991: 313. 27 T 1887B: 45.716c24–a4. 相元 (n.d.) and was consi- 274 JOERG PLASSEN character, or of separate individual characters, it is remarkable that Zhiyan is reported to have employed seals designed to visualize oneness in at least two texts. The Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok also contains some interesting numerological speculations. – Quoting from a nowadays lost work supposedly written in the early Koryŏ period, it says: 法界圖記叢髓錄 The Great record says: “As for the two-hundred ten characters: [Starting with] the five rounds of cause and fruit, one takes away the first [pair of] cause and fruit, and selects the causes and takes up the fruits from among the latter four rounds. In each of the four rounds of reasons, there are 50 ranks, therefore one accomplishes 200. [As to] the rank of the fruits contained in the four rounds: One combines the four into one. Because one wants to visualize that these fruits uniformly are the fruits of the ten buddhas, one says ‘10’. Furthermore, it says: “[The phrase] ‘…is (or: are) the three worlds, ten gates and ten dharmas which are visualized in this ocean seal’ means: The metaphor of the 10 coins and the ten universal dharmas [further] below in the text make up 20, [and these] 20 each discuss the ten-fold darkening. Combined [they] make up two hundred’. Because one adds the original ten darkenings, one says ‘two hundred and ten’. ” 大記云 二百一十字者 五周因果 除初因果 於後四周簡果取因 於四周因各有五十位 故成二百 其四周中所有果位合四為一 欲現此果同是十佛果故 言一十也 又云 此海印中所現三世間十門十法也 謂下文十錢喻及十普法為二十 二十各論十玄 合為二百 并本十玄故 云二百一十也 28 Quite obviously, these calculations do not help us too much concerning the matter under consideration. However, they are immediately followed by another numerological account: Furthermore: “This seal is the general, the seventy [by] three seals are the separate. In the [case of the] separate seals, one takes 70 seals and continues them through a seal of the three boundaries. Since for each single boundary there are 70 seals, combined they make up 210.” Therefore, combining the 210 seals, one completes the one seal with the characteristic of generalness of the ocean-seal samādhi. As for the thirty verse-lines of seven characters: The dharma similes [presented] before each are ten. One adds the original ten darkenings, and combined they make up 30. As these 30 verses do not go beyond the 7 characters of the title of the sūtra, one makes a poem by means of 7 words [per verse-line]. Therefore, although the dharmas of the dharma-realm are inexhaustible, they do not go beyond the 210 characters. Generalizing this, one then accomplishes 30 verse-lines. Again generalizing this, they do not go beyond the seven characters. Again generalizing this, they do not go beyond structure and wisdom. Again generalizing this, they do not go beyond the one most clean dharma-realm. – Therefore, the title says: The Diagram of the dharmarealm of the one-vehicle. 又此印為總 七十三印為別 就別印中 將七十印 歷三際印 28 T 1887B: 45.718b10–b20. 275 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 一際各七十故 合為二百一十也 故 合二百一十印成 一海印三昧總相印 也 七言三十句者 前之法喻各十 并本十玄 合為三十 此三十句不出經題七字故。以七言造詩也 是故法界之法雖云無盡 不出二百一十字 總此即成三十句 又總此不出七字 又總此不出理智 又總此不出一最清淨法界 是故題云一乘法界圖也 29 Against conventional wisdom expressed in the secondary literature, we apparently have reason to read “70 x 3 seals”, instead of “73 seals”. Thus, the reference would not entail that Zhiyan wrote 73 seals in all, but rather that he composed “70 x 3” seals (here referring to individual characters). – The source underlying this passage or perhaps even the passage itself again seems to be echoed in a quote appearing even in the spurious Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki : 一乘法界圖圓通記 Furthermore, the old worthy says: “This seal is the seal with the characteristic of generalness, the seventy [by] three are the seals (or: seal) with the characteristic of separateness. Further, in the seventy [by] three of these separate characteristics, the 3 boundaries are the general. The insides of these 3 boundaries each contain 70. Therefore it [makes] 210.” – Therefore, one says “210 characters”. [If] one now wants to visually unite the 210 seals contained in the three boundaries [so that they] form the one ocean-seal. [That] is such because of the seal with the characteristic of generalness. 又古德云 此印是摠相印 七十三印是別相印 又此別相七十三中 三際是摠 此三際中各具七十 故二百一十也 故云二百一十字也 今欲現合此三際印中 所具二百一十印 成一海印 摠相印故爾也 30 The circumstance that the pertaining section ends with these words seems to suggest that the compilators, and possibly even Kyunyŏ himself, while being critical of the attribution of the poem to Zhiyan, did not object against the application of the 70 × 3 numerology as such. In fact, the expression ch’il-sip san in seems to be used very much in the same sense in the following quote from Pŏbyung’s Record, again contained in the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok : 七十三印 法界圖記叢髓錄 [Tae]dŏk Pŏbyong’s Record says: “[As for] ‘The One seal combining the verses’: The vermillion stroke of the One Way combines all black characters, and the squares [of the seal] form the round (i.e., perfect) seal. Therefore, one says ‘combining the verses’. 29 T 1887B: 45.718b20–b29. 30 Cf. HPC 4.4b1–7. 276 JOERG PLASSEN Question: Does [one] draw the vermillion stroke after having written the black characters? Or does [one] write the black characters after having drawn the vermillion stroke? Answer: The two [answers] both are right. That [one] writes first and afterwards draws: [this is] due to the meaning that the structure originates with (or: ‘follows’) the affairs. That [one] draws first and afterwards writes: [this is] due to the meaning that the affairs originate with (or: ‘follows’) the structure. Although Master [Zhi]yan created the 70 [by] 3 seals, he only wanted to reveal the meaning of the one seal, and because Monk [Ŭi]sang deeply understood the intention of the Master, he merely created this one fundamental seal.” 法融德記云 合詩一印者 一道朱畫合諸黑字 方成圓印 故云合詩 問書黑字後畫朱畫耶 畫朱畫後書黑字耶 答二俱是也 先書後畫者 以理從事之義 先畫後書者 以事從理之義也 儼師雖作七十三印 但欲現其一印之義 而相和尚深得師意故 唯作此一根本印也 31 As implied by the two options concerning the order of the characters and drawing the stroke, the question apparently does not refer to the way the al” diagram was written, but rather to the way it should be written: The passage refers to a meditative32 writing practice, in the course of which the diagram, i.e. both the 70 x 3 characters and the one vermillion stroke are to be created anew. Also, the seamless juxtaposition of the statements on the temporal order of writing and drawing and the references to Zhiyan’s and Ŭisang’s seals seems to suggest that the former’s [written] seal (i.e. the 30 × 7 “character seals”) and the latter’s [drawn] seal are complimentary parts which in fact are forming a whole. How then does this relate to Ŭisang’s Ilsŭng Pŏpkyedo? – Unfortunately, there is no mention of the vermillion stroke. However, the term kŭnbon in (“fundamental seal”) does occur: 根本印 What is called “six characteristics”: The characteristic of generalness, the characteristic of separation, the characteristic of identity, the characteristic of difference, the characteristic of completion, the characteristic of destruction. The characteristic of generalness: [It is found in] the fundamental seal. The characteristic of separation: [It is found in] the excessive bends. – Because they separately depend and rest upon [the path of] the seal and fill that seal. The characteristic of union: Because they enter the seal. – By which one means: Because the bends are separate, but unitedly [form] the seal. 31 T 1887B: 45.718a18–24. 32 The meditative context will become even more evident from the next quote. SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 277 The characteristic of differentiation: Because of the characteristic of increase. – By which one means: Because the first, second, etc. turn separately increase the calmness. The characteristic of completion: Because of the summarizing exposition. – By which one means: Because one completes the seal. The characteristic of destruction: Because of the extended exposition. – By which one means: Because the numerous turns and bends each and every are not created from the very beginning. [Among] all dharmas produced by conditions there is none which is not completed by [means of] the six characteristics. 所謂六相者 總相 別相 同相 異相 成相 壞相 總相者根本印 別相者餘屈曲 別依止印滿彼印故 同相者[入]印故 所謂曲別而同印故 異相者增相故 所謂第一第二等曲別增安故 成相者略說故 所謂成印故 壞相者廣說故 所謂繁迴屈曲 各各自本來不作故 一切緣生法 無不六相成也 33 As can be seen from the above quotation, also Ŭisang himself uses the designation kŭnbon in not in reference to one particular seal among several ones, but in order to designate the diagram as a unity, as in contrast to its parts. Moreover, the reference to the increase of calmness (an ) with each bend again corroborates the assumption that the seal was used in a meditation practice designed to lead towards the experience of haein sammae . 根本印 安 海印三昧 Some Preliminary Conclusions As has been demonstrated, in the light of the textual history of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki , there is ample reason to doubt the evidential value of the quotational excerpt from the otherwise not extant biography ascribed to Ch’oe Chiwŏn, which serves as the major textual basis for the thesis that the poem has been written by Ŭisang. On the other hand, the quotes from Pŏbyung’s Record in the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok are not only consistent with each other, but – as far as their numerological contents are concerned – are not put to question even in the former text. Also, at least the notion of the “one fundamental seal” as opposed to its meandering parts can be found already in Ŭisang’s commentary. As has been pointed out in the secondary literature, Ŭisang is reported to have transmitted the diagram to several of his students. At this point, one could speculate 一乘法界圖圓通記 法界圖記叢髓錄 33 HPC 2.1c5–12; T 1887A: 45.711b22–29. 278 JOERG PLASSEN whether Pŏbyung’s early account possibly might have been a forgery made up by later authors in an attempt to establish hegemony among competing lineages, but there is no concrete evidence pointing in that direction. Quite to the contrary, the scarce circumstantial evidence we have seems to indicate that Pŏbyung enjoyed unrivaled popularity and thus also himself would have had little reason to invent a legimatory tradition.34 As can be inferred from the above, I am inclined to suggest that – at least in the light of the evidence we have at hand – the verses of the Pŏpkyedo indeed were not composed by Ŭisang but rather by Zhiyan, and that Ŭisang’s own contributions were to arrange the verses in a diagram and to add the all-pervading vermillion stroke. In his further explanations to the diagram, Ŭisang equates the characteristic of separateness (biexiang ) with the three teachings (sanjiao ) and the characteristic of generalness (zongxiang ) with the round teaching (yuanjiao ). While both adhere to the middle way (zhongdao ), they represent very different perspectives: Whereas the first and the last bend of the diagram signify the reason and the result of enlightenment as perceived in the expedient three teachings, the diagram seen as a whole reflects the perspective of the round teaching, in which there is no “before and after”.35 Thus the addition of the single stroke provides an astounding new dimension to the diagram: Without it, the verses would have remained biased towards a temporal, “worldly” perception of the path to awakening. Adding the one pervasive stroke and thus underlining the unity of the diagram, Ŭisang took the qualified step of reinterpreting the phrases and characters themselves as tokens of seperateness/temporality and balancing them with a symbol for the aspect of generalness/atemporality. Thus, he created an intricate device for a truly “round” meditative practice. Of course, at this point one might raise the objection that Ŭisang’s commentary, while referring to “the one fundamental seal”, does not explicitly mention the vermillion line. This, however, might be related to the usage of the diagram in the nascent Silla Huayan tradition: As Jorgensen and in nuce already Odin have pointed out, the diagram has to be understood in the framework of esoteric practices. It is therefore not too far-fetched to assume that there might have been exoteric as well as esoteric explanations to it. This assumption appears to be supported by the circumstance that the tradition names several of Ŭisang’s disciples as recipients of a transmission of the seal, which seems to indicate that there was at least something about it which initially would not be disclosed in public. – In other words, we may raise 别相 總相 中道 三教 圓教 34 Furthermore, being only two generations removed from Ŭisang, he would have met strong resistance by other offsprings of the nascent tradition. By contrast, Kyunyŏ seems to have been involved in factional struggles between the Namak and Pukak factions, which are partially regarded as mirroring a political background at the end of Silla (pro or contra Wang Kŏn), but are also viewed as reflecting the Fazang and the Ŭisang lineage, respectively. Cf. Haeju 1992, 114f. 35 HPC 2.1c13–2a5, and T 1887A: 45.711b29–c9. SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 279 the question whether the commentary might only reflect the exoteric part of the transmission.36 Most obviously, more research should be done in order to substantiate (or falsify) this hypothesis. If we accept it for the moment, however, it should give rise to further considerations. Thus, the case of the diagram seal(s) contained in Ŭisang’s commentary might very well be seen as merely an extreme instance of a more general phenomenon of unmarked incorporation of the teacher’s writings into lecture records (ki ),37 and a reminder of how arbitrary our historicising ascriptions of a given text to an individual may be. Furthermore, the intricate reference to the conditional arising of the diagram in Ŭisang’s commentary cautions us concerning the problematic nature of the very concept of an “author” or “editor” in the Buddhist context. At the same time, it reminds us that the still quite fashionable attempts at “deconstructing” the author are not that modern after all. 記 References 최연식 崔鈆植 義相 연구의 현황과 과제 국내 연구를 중심으로 義相 韓國思想史學 全海住 全好蓮 義湘華儼思想史研 究 정병삼 의화엄사상연구 海住 全好蓮 一乘法界圖의 著者에 대한 再考 韓國佛教學 石井公正 華厳思想の研究 一乗法界図 Choe Yeon-shik [Ch'oe Yŏnsik ]: “Ŭisang yŏn'gu-ŭi hyŏnhwang-gwa kwaje. Kungnae yŏn'gu-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” . [Present state of and tasks concerning the research on Ŭisang, centering on domestic research; English title of abstract: A survey of the Studies of Eui-sang ( ) in Korea]. Han’guk sasangsa hak (2002) 19: pp. 1–29. Chŏn Haeju [Chŏn Horyŏn ]: Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasangsa yŏn’gu [Studies in the history of Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1994 [1st ed.: 1993]. Chŏng Pyŏngsam : Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu [Studies in Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought]. Seoul: Sŏul Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1998. Haeju [Chŏn Horyŏn ]: “‘Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo’-ŭi chŏja-e taehan chaego” [A reexamination concerning the author of the Diagram on the dharmarealm of the one-vehicle]. Han’guk Pulgyohak (1999) 24: pp. 197–216. Ishii Kōsei : Kegon shisō no kenkyū [Studies in Kegon thought]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1996. Jorgenson, John: “The authorship and cultural matrix of the Ilsŭngpŏpgyedo ”. Forthcoming. [Revised version of a paper presented during a conference held at Inha University in 1997]. [StudŬisang Ki’nyŏmgwan (eds.): Ŭisang-ŭi sasang-gwa sinang yŏn’gu ies in Ŭisang’s thought and belief]. Seoul: Pulgyo sidae sa, 2001. Kim Sang Hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] : Silla Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu [Studies in the Hwaŏm thought of Silla]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1991. 金相鉉 義相의思想과 信仰 研究 新羅華儼思想研究 36 This esoteric dimension also would be another explanation for the fact, that later conflicting versions concerning the origin of the diagram would arise. 37 In fact, the majority of early Sino-Korean commentaries extant today seem to be either notes prepared for or notes recording lectures. Needless to say, in the latter case the distinction between editor and author at least in some cases becomes blurred. 280 JOERG PLASSEN 南豊鉉 國語史를 위한 口訣研究 Nam P’unghyŏn : Kugŏsa-rŭl wihan ku’gyŏl yŏn’gu. [Studies on ku’gyŏl with regard to the history of Korean language]. Seoul: T'aehaksa, 1999. Odin, Steve: Process Metaphysics and Hua-Yen Buddhism. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1982. : “‘Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo’-ŭi t’eksŭt’ŭ munje” Sato Atsushi [Satō Atsushi] [Textual problems of the Diagram of the dharma-realm of the one-vehicle]. Pulgyo ch’unch’u (1999) 15: pp. 135–149. Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guso (eds.): Han’guk Pulgyo Ch’ansul munhŏn ch’ongnok . Seoul: Tonguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1976. Yao Changshou : “Bōzan sekkyō ni okeru Kegon tenseki ni tsuite” [On the Huayan materials within the stone sūtras on Mt. Fang]” in Kegasawa Yasunori (ed.): Chūgoku Bukkyō sekkyō no kenkyū. Bōzan Ungoji sekkyō o chūshin ni – [Studies in Chinese stone sūtras – with emphasis on the stone sūtras at Yunju Tempel on Mt. Fang]. Kyoto: Kyōtō Daigaku gakujutsu shuppansha, 1996, pp. 411–437. : “Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo-ŭi kŭnbon chŏngsin – Yi Kiyong [The fundamental spirit of the Diagram of the dharma sphere of Hwaŏm]” in Ŭisang Ki’nyŏmgwan (eds.): Ŭisang-ŭi sasang-gwa sinang yŏn’gu [Studies in Ŭisang’s thought and belief]. Seoul: Pulgyo sidae sa, 2001, pp. 246–315. [reprint of article in Silla-Kaya munhwa (1972) 4]. Yi Kiyong : “Hwa-yen Philosophy and Bodhisattva Ethics” in Yi Kiyong : Wŏnhyo sasang yŏn’gu I I. Seoul: Han’guk Pulgyo yŏn’guwŏn, 1994, pp. 363–388. [reprint of article in Pulgyo yŏn’gu (1986) 3]. 텍스트 문제 佛教春秋 佐藤厚 일승볍계도 의 東國大學敎佛敎文化研究所 韓國佛敎撰述文獻總錄 房山石経における華厳 姚長寿 典籍について 気賀沢 保規 中国仏教石経の研究 房山雲居寺石経を中心に 李箕永 의상기념관 李箕永 新羅伽倻文化 元暁思想研究 華嚴 乘法界圖의 근본정신 義相의思想과 信仰 研究 李箕永 CHARLES MULLER WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN IN HIS EXPOSITION OF THE TWO HINDRANCES 1. The Two Hindrances as Representative Buddhist Soteriological Paradigm Precursory Models for the Hindrances in Early Indian Buddhism When Yogācāra specialists take on the task of trying to introduce the tradition to newcomers and non-specialists, whether it be in a book-length project, or an article in a reference work, they inevitably choose different points of departure, depending on their particular approach to understanding Yogācāra, and Buddhism in general. Some will start with the explanation of the eight consciousnesses; some will start with the four parts of cognition; some will start with the three natures; others will start with the doctrine of no-self, and so on. There is no special need to try to assess whether one of these approaches is better than the other, for indeed, in the vast and complex system that is known as Yogācāra, all of these different approaches and categories are ultimately tied into each other, and thus, starting with any one of them, one can eventually enter into all of the rest. Another approach, partially utilized in a recent introductory Yogācāra book by the Japanese Yogācāra specialist Yokoyama Kōitsu – Yasashii yuishiki (“Easy Consciousness-Only”), would be to take the two hindrances as a point of departure for an introduction to the Yogācāra soteriological system. This is also a viable approach, since there is nothing within the Yogācāra system that cannot be tied into or developed from the two basic categories of problems that Buddhist practitioners must work their way through: (1) afflictive/emotive disorders and (2) distorted apprehensions of reality. The two hindrances are the afflictive hindrances (kleśa-āvaraṇa ; also rendered in English as “obscurations from defilement,” “veils of the afflictions,” etc.) and the cognitive hindrances (jñeya-āvaraṇa , ; “obstructions of the knowable,” “obscurations of omniscience,” etc.). These two broad categories are a way of articulating what Buddhism takes to be the two basic categories for the main problems of the human condition: (1) that we suffer from a wide range 二障 所知障 智礙 煩惱障 282 CHARLES MULLER of emotive imbalances, such as anger, jealousy, pride, lust, dishonesty, and so forth, which come into existence based on the fact that (2) we live in a state of continuous misapprehension of reality, reifying and attaching to conceptual constructs that lead us to see our own existence as an autonomous “self,” along with the assumed intrinsic, “as-is” reality of the objects that surround us. Even though the two hindrances do not appear as expressly articulated doctrinal categories until fourth century Mahāyāna, one may argue that in retrospect, it is not only Yogācāra that may be explained through these two perspectives, but just about any form of Buddhism that places emphasis on the application of individual effort toward a path of moral discipline, meditation, and wisdom.1 This includes not only the Mahāyāna schools that are based on meditative practices, but early Indian Buddhism and modern forms of Theravāda. For example, the remedies of the eightfold path can be analyzed in terms of their application to these two kinds of hindrances, with its components of moral discipline, concentration, and right thought being applicable to afflictive problems, and right view being applicable to cognitive problems. Within the twelve-linked chain of dependent arising, the first link, ignorance, can be seen as a cognitive problem, with the important eighth and ninth links of desiring and grasping being afflictive troubles. Or again, among the three poisons, ignorance can be seen as representing the core cognitive issue, with the pair of attraction/aversion being the ground of afflictive difficulties. As Indian Buddhism developed into its Abhidharmic stage, the meaning of the concept of “ignorance” became clearly associated with the errant mental function of imputing in our beings the existence of an isolable and enduring self, or ego. As this self is believed in, and attached to, it produces an identity (asmimāna), and then desires to accumulate things and create stability for itself. It then compares itself with other selves, which, being judged through this self’s own colored view, are assessed as superior, inferior, or mistakenly equal. Name, profit, and comparative evaluation become a perpetual preoccupation of this self, and thus it cannot but continually suffer from desire, pride, jealousy, ill-will, resentment, and a whole gamut of troubling thoughts and emotions. In Abhidharma, this array of afflictions becomes precisely schematized within their chart of seventy-five mental factors. Prioritizing the Cognitive in Mahāyāna: Bodhi and Śūnyatā With the attachment to an imputed self understood as the source of all problems, there was in Abhidharma apparently not yet a perceived need to differentiate the 1 Thus, other-power oriented schools such as Pure Land, and chanting oriented schools such as Nichiren Buddhism really don’t fit in here. It is not that practice and attainment within these schools could not also be explainable from the perspective of the hindrances. But since the practices in early Buddhism, Madhyamaka, Yogācāra, Chan, and so forth that are applied toward the removal of the hindrances cannot but fall under the "self-power" rubric, it would be hard to initiate a discussion of the hindrances in the context of other-power oriented systems. 283 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN types of obstructions to liberation into the pair of cognitive and afflictive. However, with the arrival of Mahāyāna, as part of the broadening of the discourse that occurred with the shift from early Indian scholasticism to the Mahāyāna-based Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha , the inclinations and character of the bodhisattva as Mahāyāna hero came to be defined in the context of the three intertwined concepts of emptiness, compassion, and bodhi (enlightenment), which supersede the Abhidharmic trio of no-self, indifference (upekṣā), and nirvāṇa (cessation). In defining the course of the bodhisattva’s practice through the five stages,2 the Yogācāras took great pains to provide reference to the two lesser vehicle practitioners of the Abhidharmic arhat path – śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas, mainly so that detailed distinctions could be made between their practices and progress in comparison with those of the bodhisattvas.3 A key element utilized in making this distinction was the newly introduced classification of all mental disturbances (kleśa, doṣa) into the two categories of afflictive hindrances and cognitive hindrances. 唯識 如來藏 Parameters for the Cognitive Hindrances The Mahāyāna teaching of śūnyatā had taken the earlier doctrine of no-self to a new level of subtlety by arguing that it was not only the individual self, or ego, that lacked an intrinsic and defining nature, but also all the objective dharmas, “things” (fa ) that we perceive, whether these be physical objects, mental images, or linguistic constructs. It was understood by Mahāyānists that the uncritical acceptance of the reality of the phenomena that we cognize was a far subtler and more pervasive stumbling block than the imputation of an ego, and that if this was not overcome, the tendency to reify an ego-conception would be especially difficult to eradicate. To only eliminate the notion of an ego in the way of a lesser-vehicle Arhat was a stage significantly removed from that of buddhahood, which implied the attainment of bodhi-enlightenment. Thus, the cognitive hindrances in the Yogācāra system were defined as attachment to dharmas – “phenomena” (Ch. fazhi; K. pŏpchip ). The cognitive hindrances were understood to operate at a generally subtler level than the afflictive hindrances, serving as the causes for the generation of the afflictions (simply put, the various kinds of suffering that we experience are ultimately caused by our mistaken understandings of reality). Also, while the karmic moral 法 法執 2 3 加行位 資糧位 通達位 The five stages are: 1. the stage of preparation (ziliang wei ), 2. the stage of applied practices (jiaxing wei ), 3. the stage of proficiency (tongda wei ) (also known as the stage, or "path," of seeing jiandao ), 4. the stage of practice (xiuxi wei ) and 5. the stage of completion (jiujing wei ). We often hear the reason for this inclusion of the "two-vehicle" practitioners being described as "polemical" in purpose. In other words, as a means for disparaging the "Hīnayāna" system. There is probably a certain amount of validity to this, but I would tend to take this inclusion as simply a doctrinal practicality. Why reinvent the wheel (i.e. create an entirely new path structure) when you already have one that just needs a few modifications? 見道 究竟位 修習位 284 CHARLES MULLER quality of the afflictive hindrances was understood to almost always be of negative value, the cognitive hindrances were in most cases karmically indeterminate, or neutral (avyākṛta, Ch. wuji; K. mugi ) – a characteristic that would also tend to make them less obvious to identify and treat. In other words, although the cognitive hindrances continually lead us to believe that we are seeing things as they actually are, they are usually not in themselves “bad.”4 For the purposes of getting a general grasp of the differences in character between the hindrances, the above characterization can be understood as being basically accurate. And on a very broad basis, the above model of the hindrances is used as the standard for distinguishing the content of the Mahāyāna path from the socalled Hīnayāna path. The general characterization is made that the practices of the adherents of the two vehicles (śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas) are limited in their focus and application of contemplation to the afflictive hindrances, while the practices of the bodhisattvas can be applied to both. This means that the two-vehicle practitioners are limited in their enlightenment to their realization of selflessness to that of their recognition of anātman, and thus only attain the Hīnayāna nirvāṇa, whereas the bodhisattvas penetrate further, to the meaning of śūnyatā and can hence attain bodhi equal to the buddhas. In this very basic and general Mahāyāna doctrinal device, the general understanding of the meaning of the two hindrances in juxtaposition with each other is relatively uniform throughout both the Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha corpora, as it is a seminal component to the explanation of the five-stage path of the bodhisattva in contradistinction to that of the two lesser vehicles in both the Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha systems. In making the general distinctions between the five stages in the path to perfect enlightenment laid out by the Yogācāras, one of the most oft-used set of criteria is that of the extent to which a practitioner has first quelled (Ch. fu; K. pok ), and then permanently eliminated (Ch. duan; K. tan ) the various manifestations of each of the two categories of hindrances, with final elimination of the most subtle forms of the cognitive obscurations (their karmic-impression form) being the last treatment of mental imbalance, leading to the attainment of buddhahood.5 It should be kept in mind that each of the types of hindrances is really a rubric for a broad category of mental disturbances and imbalances, each one having a wide range of variations in its manifestations. For example, each type of hindrance has both subliminal/dormant and conscious/active aspects; and each can carry on to some extent in the form of karmic impressions (vāsanās) after the main dormant and active forms have been quelled or eliminated. And despite the general lesser vehi- 無記 伏 4 5 斷 Some descriptions of the cognitive hindrances in the works of commentators such as Huiyuan and Wŏnhyo will even mention such positive tendencies as love of the Dharma to be cognitive hindrances. In the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment, even extremely advanced realizations are included in the category of cognitive hindrances. For a detailed explanation of the role of the hindrances defining in this process, see the entry on the five paths (weishi xiudao wuwei ) in the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism at http://www.acmuller.net/ddb. 唯識修道五位 285 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN cle/greater vehicle distinctions that are made between two, a little bit of understanding of the standard descriptions of both kinds of hindrances is going to lead the astute student to wonder if there are not some gray areas between the two. There are. While the standard definition that one sees given to these two hindrances in shorter summaries inevitably explains the afflictive hindrances to be the object of the religious practice of the adherents of the two vehicles, and the cognitive hindrances to be the special domain of the bodhisattvas, finer analyses of the hindrances, in texts that give detailed treatments, explain the two hindrances as having a wide range of interpretations that defy easy compartmentalization. As Wŏnhyo says: When it comes to the cognitive hindrances, there are some that the two-vehicle practitioners eliminate and some that they do not eliminate. The arhats who are liberated through wisdom-only do not eliminate any of the cognitive hindrances. Those who are liberated through the combined practice of meditation and wisdom are able to remove some of the cognitive hindrances. This means the undefiled ignorance that hinders the eight kinds of liberation is to be countered by the cultivation of the eight kinds of verification. As the Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra says: “Furthermore, liberation is manifested through the liberation from the cognitive hindrances. Based on this, the śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas attain liberation from the mental states of the cognitive hindrances.” 所 知 障 中 有 斷 不 斷。惠 解 脫 人 都 無 所 斷。倶 解 脫 者 分 有 所 斷。謂 八 解 脫 障 不 染 無 知 修 八 勝 解 所 對 治 故。如 瑜 伽 說。又、諸 解 脫 由 所 知 障 解 脫 所 顯。 由 是 聲 聞 及 獨覺 等 於 所 知 障 心 得 解 脫。故。 6 It is furthermore usually the case that finer interpretations of the hindrances are contingent upon a given text’s particular position regarding the constitution and operation of consciousness. It only takes a bit of clear-minded thinking to guess that it could not be the case that two-vehicle practitioners do not deal at all with cognitive problems, or, conversely, that bodhisattvas necessarily have some kind of handicap when dealing with afflictive problems. The point is, though, that while bodhisattvas must of course overcome their own afflicted karmic conditioning, they must also be able, at a fairly early juncture, to begin coping with the correction of cognitive obscurations that hamper their work of teaching unenlightened sentient beings. Śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas tend to be concerned with extinguishing their own afflictions, rather than the removal of the suffering of others, and are thus, relatively speaking, lacking in motivation to develop the wisdom of expedient means necessary to teach others. At a commonsense level, it is obvious that emotional imbalance is going to have an effect on cognitive clarity. For instance, as the Cheng weishi lun says: 成唯識論 The cognitive hindrances also obstruct nirvāṇa. Why is it said that they only obstruct bodhi? And it is said that the afflictions only obstruct nirvāṇa. How could they not be capable of obstructing bodhi? You should know that the holy teaching relies on the most prominent function in explaining the principle. In fact, both are able to pervasively obstruct the two realizations. 6 The citation from the Yogācārabhūmi is from T 1579: 30.645c10–11; the citation from Wŏnhyo is from the Yijangŭi, HPC 1.809b13. 286 CHARLES MULLER 所知障亦障涅槃。如何但說菩提障。說煩惱但障涅槃。豈彼不能 障菩提。應知聖教依勝用說理。實倶能通障二果。 7 Furthermore, at the level of the individual mental factors themselves, there are afflictions listed in the Yogācāra table of dharmas that are obviously both cognitive and afflictive in character, such as the four afflictions of the manas, the most insidious being the conceit “I am” (asmimāna). There are also problems in the effort of trying to strictly define the means and potential for eliminating different sorts of hindrances of both categories, depending upon at how deep a layer of consciousness they are thought to reside. What has been related above represents nothing more than the barest outline of hindrance theory, only hinting at the wide range of complexities involved in setting forth a comprehensive and coherent system. Furthermore, what is outlined thus far only scratches the surface of one type of system – that which can be extrapolated from the Yogācāra texts of the Asaṅga-Vasubandhu stream, which influenced the East Asian Faxiang school of Xuanzang and Kuiji (632–682). There are other systems of the hindrances that vary from this one significantly, which we have not yet touched upon, and which in fact ended up holding greater influence in East Asian Buddhism. But before I move to the introduction of these (actually, we will only discuss one other system in significant detail in this paper), I would like to digress briefly to provide some peripheral background as to how this particular paper fits in to my larger research project on the hindrances. 窺基 2. Wŏnhyo and the Yijangŭi 元曉 I have already cited Wŏnhyo (617–686) once above, but before proceeding further I would like to clarify the extent which I am indebted to this eminent Korean scholar–monk for the understanding I have gained of the hindrances and their associated problems thus far. This is because the bulk of the basic framework for my acquisition of a modicum of understanding of this topic was initially gained from my work with Wŏnhyo’s remarkable treatise, the Yijangŭi (Doctrine of the Two Hindrances).8 The Yijangŭi represents the culmination of the results of a research project that Wŏnhyo undertook in between the writing of his two famous commentaries on the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith [AMF]9. As I have explained in detail in a 二障義 7 8 9 T 1585: 31.56a3–6. HPC 1.789c–814b. In rendering the title of the Dasheng qixin lun as Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith, as opposed to Hakeda’s Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna I am following the position put forth by Sung Bae Park in Chapter Four of his book Buddhist Faith and Sudden Enlightenment. See Park 1983. There he argues that the inner discourse of the text itself, along with the basic understanding of the meaning of Mahāyāna in the East Asian Buddhist tradition does not work accordingntonanWesternftheologicalf“faith in…” subject-object construction, but according to an 大乘起信論 287 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN recent article,10 Wŏnhyo began to delve into hindrance theory in the course of his attempts to properly deal with the brief, but pivotal discussion of the hindrances contained in the AMF. Taking note of the radical difference in connotation to be seen with the hindrances as they are described in the AMF as compared with that found in the Yogācāra texts recently made available to him via the translations of Xuanzang (600–664) and his team, Wŏnhyo was spurred to undertake a full-length study of the hindrances, to clarify the range and categories of their implications. The Yijangŭi is an incredibly thorough work in the degree to which the problems related to affliction and delusion are examined, compared, sifted, and reconciled. First working exclusively within the Yogācāra interpretation of the hindrances (introduced above), Wŏnhyo uncovers and treats a broad range of problems, mostly concerned with differences in the way that various thinkers understood the constitution of the eight regions of consciousness, and the degree to which each of the hindrances affected and/or resided in each of these regions. He also analyzes the hindrances into a dizzying array of strength, subtlety and coarseness, after which he moves on to examine the complexities of their removal by different types of practitioners, through the various Yogācāra paths and practices. He does this work through citations from such basic Yogācāra classics as the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra, the Yogācārabhūmi [YBh], Madhyānta-vibhāga, along with a couple of dozen other texts. Having extensively clarified the structure of the hindrances within the Yogācāra system, he then turns to the significantly different explanation of the hindrances set forth in the AMF. The AMF’s articulation of the hindrances works from its basic structure of intrinsic enlightenment (Ch. benjue; K. pongak ) vs. activated enlightenment (Ch. shijue; K. sigak ), beginningless ignorance, and the treatise’s description of the fall into suffering and the production of karma through nine progressive stages that are initiated by the first movement of mind. The afflictive obstructions of the AMF, rather than being grounded in the six fundamental afflictions that arise from the view of an ego (as in standard Yogācāra texts), are instead defined as this first movement of mind, termed as “intrinsic ignorance,” or “non-enlightenment.” The sentient being does not cognize the quiescent and unitary nature of suchness that is the one mind, and thus (1) the mind karmically moves due this ignorance (Ch. wuming ye; K. mumyŏng ŏp ), initiating, in a downward spiral: the perception of the (2) subjective perceiver (Ch. nengjian; K. nŭnggyŏn ) and (3) objective world (Ch. jingjie; K. kyŏnggye ), (4) mental discriminations (Ch. zhi; K. chi ), (5) continuity (Ch. xiangxu; K. sangsok ), (6) attachment (Ch. zhiqu; K. chipch’wi ), (7) definition of names (Ch. ji mingzi; K. kye myŏngja ), (8) production of karma (Ch. qiye; K. kiŏp ), and finally, (9) suffering and transmigration (Ch. yexi ku; K. ŏpkye ko ). Thus the starting point of the afflictive hindrances, rather than being the mistaken reification of an ego as in Yogā- 玄奘 本覺 始覺 計名字 智 執取 無明業 境界 相續 起業 業繫苦 體用 能見 indigenous East Asian essence-function (ti yong ) model. Thus, Mahāyāna should not be interpreted as a noun-object, but as a modifier, which characterizes the type of faith. 10 Muller 2004. 288 CHARLES MULLER cāra, is defined as the inability to perceive suchness, which means that it is actually, in the framework of the prior explained Yogācāra system, much more like a cognitive obscuration than an emotive affliction. The cognitive obstructions of the AMF are defined in the context of their ability to obscure the function of activated enlightenment (Ch. shijue; K. sigak ), as the inability to accurately discriminate the things of the world. Although the framework of the AMF’s pair of hindrances cannot be said to be bereft of any connection whatsoever to the original Yogācāra set, the basic explanation provided in regard to the makeup and activity of the unenlightened vs. enlightened mind is significantly different in its approach. After clearly distinguishing these two different approaches, Wŏnhyo labels the former (Yogācāra) approach as the “exoteric” explanation, and the latter (AMF) approach as the “esoteric” explanation, since, as he notes, the latter subsumes the former. This is because all of both kinds of hindrances in the Yogācāra system can be included within the category of the afflictive hindrances of the AMF, while the cognitive obstructions of the AMF form a whole new category of interpretation. Wŏnhyo extensively cited the YBh and other standard Yogācāra works to elucidate and analyze the first set of hindrances, and uses a completely different set of texts to define a coherent body of discourse for his explanation of the AMF’s pair of obstructions. Here, he builds his arguments from the classical texts of the Tathāgatagarbha tradition: the Śrīmālā-sūtra, the Pusa yingluo benye jing ,11 Ratnagotravibhāga and so forth. As it turns out, these texts are tied together by more than simply being of the same Tathāgatagarbha pedigree: they also each contain sections that define the relationship between ignorance and affliction in terms of the four and five “entrenchments” (vāsabhūmi, Ch. zhudi; K. chuji – latent bases, or seeds, of various kinds of delusion and affliction). Wŏnhyo’s investigation and analysis of these abstruse and complex categories is, as usual, exasperatingly detailed and thorough, and is eventually brought around to interface with the Yogācāra model. The Yijangŭi is an unusually difficult text, the difficulties being compounded by the extent of its corruption, and thus working through it, along with all of the citations from his source texts was in itself a formidable task. Because of this, at the time I was engaged in the translation itself I did not do that much comparative study with other commentarial treatments of the hindrances as described in the AMF. I had read Fazang’s (643–712) commentary on the AMF in the past, and hence knew that in his treatment of the hindrances, Fazang gives little more than a summary of Wŏnhyo’s analysis. Since Wŏnhyo does not mention Huiyuan (523–592), and I had never seen special mention accorded to Huiyuan elsewhere in my studies of the two hindrances, I was not motivated to check his commentary on the AMF to see how he treated the section on the hindrances, and thus only began to look at it recently. Having now done so, I can only say that I am delighted to have found a whole new treasure trove of two hindrances discourse – one which is fascinating in 始覺 菩薩瓔珞本業經 住地 法藏 11 T 1485. 慧遠 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 289 itself, and pulls together so many loose ends, that in itself it could well serve as the subject of a much longer article. It is to Huiyuan’s work that we now turn. 3. Huiyuan’s Explication of the Hindrances Wŏnhyo and Huiyuan We modern scholars have mixed feelings when comparing the character of our work with that of our classical counterparts. Certainly the best of our early predecessors possessed an internalized mastery of the canonical corpus far superior to our own, coupled with sharp analytical skills and insight developed over years of deep study. One of their scholarly practices that many of us find annoying, however, is the lack of a tradition of peer citation equivalent to our own. Admittedly, they were usually good at accurately citing their scriptural sources, but most of them didn’t care much about identifying or accrediting their contemporary or near-contemporary colleagues. At least Wŏnhyo didn’t. If he had, I would have been onto Huiyuan’s track several years ago, and I would have known that Wŏnhyo’s entire systematic explanation of the esoteric/AMF hindrances, being grounded in the scheme of the five entrenchments found in the Śrīmālā-sūtra, Ratnagotravibhāga, etc., was most likely inspired, to some extent or another, from Huiyuan’s essay on the hindrances contained in his commentary to the AMF. This is not to say that Wŏnhyo plagiarized Huiyuan. For although it is clear that Huiyuan’s work represents a definite point of orientation for Wŏnhyo, Wŏnhyo goes so far beyond his predecessor in working these relationships out, that we really cannot voice any complaint of dishonesty. This being said, we still must acknowledge Huiyuan’s treatment of the hindrances as being formidable, and in my own research on the hindrances thus far, I see it as being second in terms of thoroughness in treatment only to Wŏnhyo. Of course, Wŏnhyo had a major historical advantage, in coming along roughly a century after Huiyuan, since in the century between came Xuanzang, with all of his new translations of the Yogācāra texts, most importantly, the Yogācārabhūmi. Huiyuan’s Treatment of the Hindrances It is evident that Huiyuan took the matter of the explication of the hindrances to be something of relatively great importance within the context of his work on the AMF. His full commentary to the AMF is twenty-five pages in the Taishō, and despite the fact that the AMF’s discussion of the hindrances constitutes only a few lines, he devotes three full pages of discussion to the hindrances.12 Given the disproportionately large treatment of this topic accorded by both Huiyuan and Wŏnhyo, we must as12 T 1843: 44.188c1–191c1. 290 CHARLES MULLER sume that at least one of three possible factors motivated this detailed inquiry into the matter: (1) a felt need to straighten out confusion generated from the discussion found of the hindrances in the AMF; (2) a sense of a more general situation of vagueness and confusion due to the fact of varying interpretations of the hindrances in prior literature, and (3) a sense of the unique vantage point provided by hindrance theory in shedding light on the soteriological positions of the emerging Tathāgatagarbha tradition. Huiyuan classifies the hindrances according to three levels of profundity, all of which are explained through the framework of the four/five entrenchments. The first level, which is the most straightforward and readily apprehensible, is (1) the one that takes the four afflictive entrenchments (si zhu fannao ) to be directly equivalent to the afflictive hindrances, and the nescience entrenchments (wuming zhudi ) to be directly equivalent to the cognitive hindrances. (2) In the second approach, the natures of all five entrenchments (wu zhu ) are collectively understood to constitute the afflictive hindrances, while the inability to properly cognize distinct phenomena (shizhong wuzhi ) constitutes the cognitive hindrances. In this approach, ignorance is distinguished into two types: confusion in regard to principle, and confusion in regard to distinct phenomena. (3) In the third approach, the essence of the five entrenchments, as well as obscuration of cognition in regard to distinctions in phenomena are taken to be the afflictive hindrances, leaving only the function of discriminating wisdom itself as the cognitive hindrances. Rendered graphically, the scheme looks like this:13 四住煩惱 明住地 事中無知 1 2 3 煩惱障 四住煩惱 五住性緖 + 迷理無明 五住性 + 事無知 + 迷理無明 無 五住 智障 無明住地 事中無知 分別緣智 As one might well expect in an East Asian commentarial work of this sort, each of these three categories is in turn distinguished into sub-categories for the purposes of hermeneutical analysis, with these sub-categories again branching out to as much as three or four further levels. The four main, top-level categories that are applied throughout are (1) the ascertainment of the distinguishing characteristics of the hindrances (within the given hermeneutic framework) (Ch. ding zhangxiang; K. chŏng changsang ); (2) the explanation of the rationale for their naming (Ch. shi zhangming; K. sŏk changmyŏng ); (3) the clarification of the levels of practice at which they are eliminated (Ch. ming duanchu; K. myŏng tanch’ŏ ), and (4) the explanation of the counteractive measures (pratipakṣa; “antidotes”) that are 定障相 13 T 1843: 44.188c4–9. 釋障名 明斷處 291 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN applied in the removal of specific types of hindrances (Ch. duizhang biantuo; K. taejang pyŏnt’al ).14 Even before we delve into the details of Huiyuan’s two hindrances commentary there are a number of interesting points that present themselves, related to Huiyuan’s distinctive interpretive approach, his historical situation, and his lineage affiliations. Most noticeable in Huiyuan’s explication of the hindrances is a lack of any reference to what would become known as the orthodox Yogācāra scheme of the hindrances, as is found in the YBh and related texts. In other words, there is no trace of an explanation that clearly defines the afflictive hindrances as being derived from the cognitive hindrances, with the afflictive hindrances being grounded in the mistaken imputation of a person and the cognitive hindrances being derived from the mistaken imputation of phenomena (dharmas). Instead, Huiyuan develops his argument solely on the doctrine of the five entrenchments (Ch. wuzhu; K. oju ) as found in the Śrīmālā-sūtra, Dilun , Benye jing , and so forth. The five entrenchments as taught in these Tathāgatagarbha texts can be understood as five underlying bases from which manifestly active afflictions are generated – in other words, the latent aspects of the hindrances – comparable in connotation to such concepts as bīja (seeds) in Yogācāra. In texts such as the Śrīmālā-sūtra they are contrasted with active or “arisen” afflictions (Ch. qi fannao; K. ki pŏnnoe ) – (usually expressed in Yogācāra as Ch. chan; K. chŏn or Ch. xianxing; K. hyŏnhaeng ). This teaching first starts with a basic set of four entrenchments (Ch. si zhudi; K. sa chuji ). They are: 對障辨脫 地論 惱 現行 五住 本業經 纏 四住地 起煩 1. entrenchment of mistaken view in regard to all things in the three realms (Ch. jian yiqie zhudi; K. kyŏn ilch’e chuji ) (also interpreted by Wŏnhyo as “entrenchment of seeing a single basis”), 見一切住地 2. entrenchment of attachment to objects in the desire realm (Ch. yu ai zhudi; K. yogae chuji ), 欲愛住地 3. entrenchment of attachment to things in the form realm (Ch. se ai zhudi; K. saegae chuji ), 色愛住地 4. entrenchment of attachment to objects in the formless realm (Ch. you ai zhudi; K. yuae chuji ). 有愛住地 釋名義 14 By comparison, Wŏnhyo’s treatise on the hindrances is structured in six sections: (1) an explanation of their naming (shi mingyi ); (2) an explanation of their constitution and characteristics (chu tixiang ); (3) an elaboration of their various functions (bian gongneng ); (4) an explanation of the rationales behind the various types of categorical arrangements of the hindrances (she zhumen ); (5) an explanation of the antidotes and paths (ming zhiduan ); and (6) a final chapter that treats discrepancies in interpretation (zong jueze ) between Mahāyāna/Hīnayāna paths, and between various Mahāyāna scriptures and commentators. We can see that there is much overlap between Huiyuan’s and Wŏnhyo’s categories, suggesting again, that Wŏnhyo may have picked up some hints from his predecessor, and then went a few steps further. 辨功能 惣決擇 出體相 明治斷 攝諸門 292 CHARLES MULLER The fifth entrenchment is entrenched ignorance (avidyā-vāsabhūmi, Ch. wuming zhudi; mumyŏng chuji ), referring to ignorance in its latent aspect as something innate and deeply embedded in the consciousness, which is extremely difficult to remove, and which serves as the basis for the other four entrenchments, and thus as the basis for the production of afflictions. When entrenched ignorance is added as a separate entity to the previous four, they are spoken of as the five entrenchments (Ch. wu zhudi; K. o chuji ). If one reads this family of texts, one will find no reference to the Yogācāra terminology of treating the hindrances, such as references to attachment to self (Ch. wozhi; K. ajip ) and dharmas (Ch. fazhi; K. pŏpchip ), the production of the six primary and twenty secondary afflictions, etc. And conversely, the YBh and so forth never discuss the hindrances in terms of the five entrenchments. Thus, this topic in itself provides for an interesting study in the way that this form of soteriological discourse bifurcated between these two systems, considering that both are operating under some of the same basic paradigms, such as eight consciousness theory, perfumation, karmic maturation and so forth. In Huiyuan’s explanation, there is no hint whatsoever of the main components of the Yogācāra definition. It is quite possible that this absence can be attributed simply to the fact that the YBh and most of the other influential Yogācāra texts had not yet been carried back to China and translated by Xuanzang, and thus had not yet received summarial treatment by Xuanzang in the form of the Cheng weishi lun – all materials which were available to Wŏnhyo. We have to assume that that Bodhiruci’s translation of the Saṃdhinirmocana was available to Huiyuan, but although the Saṃdhinirmocana does contain some discussion of the hindrances, the explanation of the hindrances in that text is not yet developed into what would become the standardly promulgated Yogācāra explanation, in terms of linking the cognitive and afflictive hindrances to the attachment to dharmas and attachment to self, respectively. Returning to Huiyuan’s three basic categories of the hindrances, the straightforward afflictive/cognitive distinction made in the first category makes it fairly clear that this approach can be pretty much correlated with the mainstream Yogācāra explanation, and thus, the “exoteric” classification laid out by Wŏnhyo.15 As for the second category, Huiyuan directly tells us (but only after we’ve worked our way through his entire explanation) that this is the one that fits the AMF. Hence, this is the category that Wŏnhyo will later label as the “esoteric”, mainly because it subsumes the prior category, showing awareness of a specific type of cognitive problem not treated in the first level – that of bodhisattvas lingering in meditative absorptions in suchness. Interesting here is the third category, since it is one that, as far as I can tell, does not receive treatment from Wŏnhyo and is not readily extrapolated from any Yogā- 無明住地 五住地 我執 法執 15 The explanation given to this category, found both in the Śrīmālā-sūtra and in Huiyuan’s commentary locates the two-vehicle practitioners and the bodhisattvas in analogous positions to that found in the Yogācāra explanation, in terms of their ability to deal with the hindrances. WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 293 cāra or Tathāgatagarbha text that I have yet read.16 This is the definition where all five of the entrenchments, plus original ignorance and inability to discriminate taught in the AMF, comprise the afflictive hindrances, with the cognitive hindrances consisting only of dependently-arisen wisdom. The stakes are again raised, it seems, to have it so that the cognitive hindrances are understood to be identified in their impedimentary effect with an even higher level of practice – even the correct wisdom exercised by advanced bodhisattvas. This is commensurate, nonetheless, with the basic view in the Tathāgatagarbha texts that any movement of the mind whatsoever is impedimentary to the perfect enlightenment of the Buddha. Huiyuan identifies it as a mode of the hindrances explained in the Śrīmālā-sūtra but the citation he gives to explain it in there doesn’t seem to be in that text.17 What I have provided here is still little more than a basic introduction to the major issues presented in Huiyuan’s explanation of the hindrances in the background of the much more thorough and detailed work done a century later by Wŏnhyo. As mentioned above, Huiyuan’s explanation of the hindrances, is, even when only taken by itself, rich and sophisticated, taking into account a fairly exhaustive range of possible interpretations of the nuances of cognitive problems in their juxtaposition with the afflictive karmas that they enable and engender. The relevance of Huiyuan’s work for Wŏnhyo’s later treatise is deep, and hence any truly exhaustive study of the Yijangŭi must begin with an adequate investigation of this portion of Huiyuan’s commentary. On the other hand, once one has reached the point of sufficiently understanding both works, one cannot, I am sure, but come away with an even greater respect for Wŏnhyo’s scholarship. Even within the area treated by Huiyuan, that of the relationship of the hindrances with the Tathāgatagarbha entrenchments, Wŏnhyo is far more thorough and painstaking, explaining in much more detail how the entrenchments are related to each other, the role they play in preserving afflictive tendencies and generating active disorders, and more precisely how they are related to the brief explanation of the hindrances delivered in the AMF. Beyond this, Wŏnhyo also conducts a “no-stone-left-unturned” study of hindrance theory in Yogācāra proper, throughout all of its regions of consciousness, and all of its paths of removal, and then even shows how the two systems match up to each other. One significant new realization that I have arrived to through studying Huiyuan’s treatment of the hindrances along with the additional Tathāgatagarbha texts that he cites, is in coming to see that my original understanding of the way hindrances doctrine originally developed was somewhat skewed. Due to earlier reliance on Yogā16 There is much hindrances-related scriptural literature that I have not yet read carefully, so my suspicion is that if I keep looking, I will eventually turn up a source for this interpretation. 17 I assume it must be derived from some text, but I haven’t been able to locate it yet. Interestingly, it is a type of interpretation that can be seen in the much later Chinese apocryphon, the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment (Yuanjue jing ), which treats the most profound experience of enlightenment as cognitive hindrances, as long as they are attached to. 圓覺經 294 CHARLES MULLER cāra-biased presentations in reference works and short classical summaries, I had come to understand hindrance theory as something that more or less started and developed to a level of fruition in Yogācāra, which was then later picked up and altered in Tathāgatagarbha. I now see it as being the case that the two lines of interpretation must have developed over a period of a couple of centuries pretty much in parallel, with some cross-fertilization, starting from a fairly early date. In East Asia, the Tathāgatagarbha approach actually predominates at first (along with Tathāgatagarbha-influenced views of Yogācāra categories), with the competing Yogācāra explanation only taking hold after the publication of Xuanzang’s translations. In discussions of the hindrances in East Asia subsequent to the demise of the Chinese Faxiang school, a somewhat blurred model becomes the norm in China and Korea. For example the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment’s scheme of the hindrances basically picks and chooses from aspects of both types of explanations, while placing de facto exclusive emphasis on the cognitive dimension to a degree not seen in either of the prior models. In eighteenth century Korea, when the monk Ch’oenul (1717–1790) composed his Sippon kyŏngnon ijang ch’esŏl (Explanation of the Two Hindrances through Ten Canonical Texts),18 nine of the ten texts selected are Tathāgatagarbha/AMF/Huayan works, with the only Faxiang source being the Cheng weishi lun, with no citations whatsoever from original Indian texts. Within the Hossō school in Japan, which maintained a distinct Faxiang doctrinal identity, the Xuanzang/Kuiji view of the hindrances became standardized based primarily on the almost exclusive influence of the Cheng weishi lun and Japanese derivative texts such as the Kanjin kakumu shō .19 I have merely scratched the surface here in terms of showing both the internal dimensions and the characteristics of the interface of these two systems of the hindrances, leaving a rather large amount of territory yet to be explored. This further exploration, when carried out, holds great potential for the development of a far more nuanced understanding of the symbiotic nature of the doctrinal developments of the two streams that we currently label as Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha. 最 十本經論二障體説 訥 觀心覺夢鈔 References Cook, Frances H.: Three Texts on Consciousness-only. Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 1999. Keenan, John P., trans.: The Scripture on Explanation of the Underlying Meaning. Berkeley: Numata Center for Translation and Research, 2000. Muller, A. Charles: The Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment: Korean Buddhism’s Guide to Meditation (with the commentary by the Sŏn monk Kihwa). Albany, New York: SUNY Press, 1999. 18 HPC 10.46–47. 19 T 2312. WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 295 Muller, A. Charles: “The Yogācāra Two Hindrances and their Reinterpretations in East Asia.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (2004) 27,1: pp. 207–235. Park, Sung Bae: Buddhist Faith and Sudden Enlightenment. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983. Powers, John, trans.: Wisdom of Buddha: The Saṃdhinirmocana Sūtra. Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1994. : Yuishiki no kokoro: Kanjin kakumushō wo yomu Takemura Makio [The Mind of Consciousness-only: A Reading of the Kanjin kakumushō]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 2001. Wayman, Alex, and Hideko Wayman, trans.: The Lion’s Roar of Queen Śrīmālā. New York: Columbia University Press, 1974. : Yasashii Yuishiki [Easy Yogācāra]. Tokyo: NHK Yokoyama Kōitsu Books, 2003. 竹村牧夫 覚夢鈔」をよむ 横山紘一 唯識の心「観心 やさしい唯識 BERNARD FAURE KEGON AND DRAGONS: A MYTHOLOGICAL APPROACH TO HUAYAN DOCTRINE A cursory glance at the abundant scholarly literature reveals that the Chinese Huayan, Korean Hwaŏm, and Japanese Kegon schools (whose names are different readings for the same Chinese characters, ) have been studied until today predominantly through the thought of a handful of patriarchs – essentially Zhiyan (602–668), Fazang (643–712), Li Tongxuan (635?–730), Chengguan (738– 839), and Zongmi (780–841) for China; Ŭisang (625–702), Wŏnhyo , and Kyunyŏ (923–973) for Korea; Myōe (alias Kōben, 1173–1232) and Gyōnen (1240–1321) for Japan. Much less has been done about other aspects – historical, institutional, cultural – of the Huayan tradition. The predominantly philosophical approach taken so far is amply justified by the sheer complexity of Huayan scholasticism. However, I believe that this approach is not sufficient to explain the enduring cultural impact of Huayan in East Asia. I will therefore take here a different approach, as I have already done in the case of another major school of Buddhism, Chan/Sŏn/Zen, and also in the case of the Korean master Wŏnhyo.1 In the case of Chan, I tried to show the ideological underpinnings of the doctrine of sudden awakening, and emphasized its “rhetoric of immediacy.” A similar ideological critique remains to be done in the case of Huayan. Clearly, notions such as the interpenetration of principle and phenomena (lishi wu’ai ) lent themselves to ideological recuperation. It is no coincidence that Mahāvairocana, the cosmic Buddha of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing ) was chosen as symbol of imperial centrality and cast into the monumental Buddha of Tōdaiji in Nara. The Hwaŏm doctrine played a similar role in Korean politics. More recently, the Kegon teaching was used in Japan by the so-called Kyoto school to support imperial ideology.2 However, I will not attempt such an ideological critique here. I would like to focus instead on some cultural aspects of Huayan in Korea and Japan. The philosophical teaching of Huayan was summarized in Ŭisang’s famous Diagram of the Dharmadhātu According to the One-vehicle of Huayan (Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo , known under its abbreviated title Pŏpkyedo, Ch. Fajie 曉 法藏 華嚴 宗密 均如 凝然 李通玄 義湘 明惠 華嚴經 華嚴一乗法界圖 1 2 Faure 1991, 1998. Nishida 1990. See also Ishii Kōsei’s contribution to this volume. 智儼 澄觀 理事無礙 東大寺 元 298 BERNARD FAURE tu, J. Hokkai zu).3 While the content of Ŭisang’s poem is standard Huayan metaphysics, its diagrammatic format allegedly points to that which cannot be expressed by words, and more specifically, by analytic discourse. The poem starts from the center of the diagram, and unfolds in four phases, forming four separate sections of the diagram, before finally returning to the center. The first and last characters, next to each other at the center, are said to show that “the seats of cause and effect each represent the true virtue and the function of the dharmanature, and that dharma-nature is the Middle Path.”4 The first four lines are also believed to contain the gist of the poem: Since dharma-nature is perfect and interpenetrating, it is without any sign of duality. All dharmas are unmoving, and originally calm; No name, no form exist, all [distinctions] are abolished. It is known through the wisdom of awakening, not by any other level.5 知訥 According to the Sŏn master Chinul (1158–1210), these lines explain not only the interpenetration of all phenomena (shishi wu’ai ), but the very origin of that interpenetration.6 The diagram is said to have the form of a Chinese seal, and to represent the ocean-seal samādhi (haiyin sanmei, J. kaiin zanmai ). In fact, the dynamic nature of the diagram calls to mind a Tantric maṇḍala with four assemblies, rather than a Chinese seal. In other words, the gaze of the reader or practitioner, starting from the center, follows the red thread between characters, in four successive centripetal and centrifugal movements, rather like the subsequent processes of emanation and reabsorption described (and instantiated) in maṇḍalas. The name of the samādhi represented by the diagram already implies a reference to Indian mythology. As Ŭisang himself explains, when the god Indra fought against the Asuras, all the warriors were clearly reflected in the sea and they looked like the characters of a seal. Hence the name ocean-seal samādhi.7 For all the philosophical insights of Ŭisang’s poem, its semantic content is not the only thing that matters here. Ŭisang himself alerts us to the fact that the Diagram is supposed to represent the three realms of matter, life, and of the ultimate wisdom that includes all dharmas. The white paper – pure potentiality – on which the poem is written is said to represent the realm of matter. The black characters, all different, represent the realm of life in its mind-boggling diversity. Finally, the red line that connects these characters represents the realm of the enlightened mind that links and 事事無礙 海印三昧 3 4 5 6 7 T 1887A. Yi 1994: 82. Yi 1994: 82–83 (slightly modified). Chinul: Pŏpchip pyŏrhaengnok choryŏ pyŏngip sagi. Korean Buddhist Texts 4:759–760; quoted in Yi 1994. Ibid., 718b. This brings to mind another similar seal, said to have been imprinted at the bottom of the sea of Japan by the Buddha Mahāvairocana (Dainichi ). See for instance Shasekishū 1:1, trans. See Morrell 1985: 73. 沙石集 大日 299 KEGON AND DRAGONS encompasses all the multifarious facts of life. The enlightened mind is the one who sees the writing on the wall. The way in which this Diagram was allegedly produced should serve as a model for all the scholars who have to copyedit a manuscript. We are told that Ŭisang, on the advice of his master Zhiyan, put a first draft of his text twice into a fire, and that only 250 characters remained, with which he composed his poem.8 The diagrammatic form of Ŭisang’s argument is certainly not, as YI Chi-kuan argues, a reflection of Ŭisang’s incapacity to emulate his master’s rhetorical flourishes.9 To believe that resorting to diagrams is a sign of illiteracy reveals an unjustifiable prejudice in favor of writing. If that were the case, the Shingon master Kūkai (d. 735) as well, who obviously loved diagrams and maṇḍalas, should be characterized as a poor writer of Chinese. This is obviously not the case, and neither is it for Ŭisang. Apart from its attempt to transcend the limits of the written word, Ŭisang’s diagram, like other similar diagrams (I have in mind here texts such as Dōgen’s Jike kunketsu “Rules for our School”, as found in the transmission documents or kirigami of the Sōtō tradition), probably had a ritual function.10 It seems that, in some cases at least, these diagrammatic texts also imply a kind of ritual choreography. At any rate, a purely philosophical understanding of such works falls obviously short off the mark. This may serve here as a metaphor for the broader understanding of Huayan texts. We know for instance that the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, along with many other sūtras, was renowned primarily for its apotropaic efficacy. Likewise, the masters who commented on these texts were famous above all for their thaumaturgic powers. As I have argued in the case of Wŏnhyo, their “life,” as it developed in hagiographic literature, was another aspect – and perhaps the most important – of their “thought,” and it is in large part what explains the enduring appeal of that “thought” – rather than its purely doctrinal or philosophical excellence.11 At the formal level at least, my argument will emulate Ŭisang’s Diagram in its labyrinthine meanders. My central point, however, is that the appeal of Huayan in Korea and Japan, but probably also in China, had much to do with the mythological context of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and its commentaries. The images of the bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra, in particular, have played a fundamental role in the devotion and the imagination of Huayan followers.12 Another important figure is that of the youth Sudhana, in his vision quest throughout the Buddhist realms. The Kegon maṇḍala, representing the fifty-three scenes of Sudhana’s pilgrimage as described in the Gaṇḍavyūha, was the main object of worship in rituals performed in 空海 自家訓決 切紙 曹洞 道元 一乗法界圖圓通記 日域洞上室内嫡々秘伝密法切紙 曹洞宗全書、拾遺 18 Kyunyŏ: Ilsŭng pŏpgyedo wŏnt’ong ki , quoted in Yi 1994: 77. 19 Yi 1994: 87. 10 Nichiiki Tōjō shitsunai tekiteki hiden mitsuhō kirigami . Sōtōshū zensho, shūi , ed. Sōtōshū zensho kankōkai, Tokyo: Sōtōshū shūmuchō, 1970, vol. 18: 498–499. 11 For more details, see Faure 1998. 12 Tanabe 1992. 300 BERNARD FAURE medieval Japan.13 This pilgrimage was also probably the model emulated by priests like Ŭisang and Myōe, in their desire to go in search of the Dharma in China and/or India. Inasmuch as this representation deconstructs itself, by pointing out that the end of the quest is contained in its beginning, it was also perhaps, as I will argue in the cases of Wŏnhyo and Myōe, a reason not to embark on a long and strenuous trip. Sudhana’s pilgrimage is a root-metaphor for Ŭisang’s Diagram. As Ŭisang explains in his Pŏpgyedo ki: “One day someone fell asleep and dreamt that he was wandering about thirty places. When he awoke, he found that he was lying in the same position as he had started in, without changing. In this way, though we start from the first character “Dharma” [in the Diagram] and return to that same character, passing all others along the way, it is in the same position as if we had never moved at all.”14 This is not quite true, since – as any reader or traveler knows – any word or place is always understood through the context of those that preceded it. In the Song gaoseng zhuan , Ŭisang and Wŏnhyo appear together to form a contrast.15 The setting is the famous episode in which the two friends, having started on their journey to China, spend the night in a cave that, in the daylight, turns out to be a grave.16 During the second night in that place, Wŏnhyo is assailed by demons, and realizes that they are the product of his own fear. He thus comes to realize the cardinal tenet of Huayan, namely, that the world is produced by our own mind. He draws the logical conclusion that there is no need to travel in search of the Law, and decides to return home. Ŭisang continues alone, and becomes a disciple of the Huayan master Zhiyan. Upon his return to Silla, he becomes the first patriarch of the Hwaŏm school, whereas Wŏnhyo remains unaffiliated with any particular school. Perhaps the contrast between the two monks could best be described in the Chan terms of “sudden” and “gradual.” Ŭisang’s pilgrimage represents the gradual process of learning and awakening, whereas Wŏnhyo’s realization that his mind is fundamentally enlightened represents the position of “sudden,” that is “im-mediate” or “un-mediated” awakening.17 The contrast does not stop there, however. We are told that Ŭisang observed scrupulously the Buddhist precepts, in particular the precept regarding monastic celibacy; whereas Wŏnhyo was (in)famous for his dissolute behavior – frequenting taverns and brothels, and eventually begetting a son with a royal princess. However, this behavior was widely perceived as a trope for the ultimate freedom of the enlightened person. Paradoxically, the Japanese master Myōe seems to have been more attracted by Wŏnhyo’s character than by Ŭisang’s. Although it is not clear whether autobiographical parallels existed between Myōe, “the purest monk of Japan,” and 宋高僧傳 13 14 15 16 Fontein 1967: 78–115, Tanaka 1979. T 1887A: 45.730a; Yi 85–86. T 2061: 50.731. On these two masters, see Tanabe 1992: 131–135; and Girard 1990. On Ŭisang’s biography, see Durt 1969: 411–422. On the epistolary relation between Ŭisang and Fazang, see Forte 2000. 17 On this paradigm, see Faure 1991. 301 KEGON AND DRAGONS the dissolute Wŏnhyo, clear doctrinal affinities can be found between some of Myōe’s works and Wŏnhyo’s Yusim allak to .18 Admittedly, Myōe presented in his writings a rather cleaned-up image of Wŏnhyo, whom he called a “patriarch of the Kegon sect,” while conveniently omitting the latter’s frequentation of brothels. He merely states that it is “as if [Wŏnhyo] had forgotten propriety and the precepts.”19 The sharp contrast created by the Buddhist historian Zanning (919–1001) in his Song gaoseng zhuan between the two biographies is obviously a literary device, and it should not be read as an objective description of reality. As all documents show, Ŭisang was also an advocate of the “sudden” approach, while Wŏnhyo seems to have advocated a rather conventional morality.20 However, perceptions eventually have more weight than facts, and this contrast explains the fact that, in Japan, the two men’s popularity as Kegon patriarchs eclipsed that of their Chinese predecessors. However, I believe that another hagiographical element has played a fundamental role, not only to explain the two men’s role in the Japanese Kegon school, but also in the cultural influence exerted by that school. It is the relation that these two figures entertained with dragons and with the dragon-palace. Even today, the first thing evoked by the word Kegon in the mind of the ordinary Japanese is not the abstruse philosophy of one of the nine schools of Nara Buddhism, but the famous Kegon waterfall near Chūzenji Lake at Nikkō. This waterfall is usually associated in tourist guides with another nearby one, called Ryūzu no taki (Waterfall of the Dragon Head). This association of Kegon with waterfalls and dragons, in “Japan, the land where dragons dwell” (tatsu no sumu Nihon , the title of a recent popular book by the historian KURODA Hideo ), is, perhaps ironically, one of the enduring cultural tributes of Huayan in East Asia.21 Waterfalls are usually associated with dragons (or nāgas in the Buddhist context), owing to the belief that they often mark one of the entrances to the dragonpalace. The symbolism of the nāgas/dragons and the nāga-palace plays an important role in the legend of the Huayan school and of its founders. First, there is the belief that the Avataṃsaka, like other important sūtras, was preserved in the nāga-palace. According to a widespread tradition, the patriarch Nāgārjuna, having gone to the nāga-palace, saw three versions of the Avataṃsaka.22 In medieval Japan, but perhaps already in Tang China, the nāga-palace had become a metaphor for the storehouseconsciousness (Sanskrit: ālayavijñāna), the source and repository of all things.23 遊心安樂道 賛寧 中禅寺 竜頭の滝 龍の棲む日本 黒田日出男 18 T 1965. 19 Tanabe 1992: 136. 20 Faure: Essentials of Observance and Transgression According to the Book on the Bodhisattva Precepts. 21 Kuroda 2003. 22 Huayan jing zhuanji , T 2073. 23 See for instance Keiran shūyōshū , T 2410: 624a, 772c, 863b; and Faure 1999: 278–283. 華嚴經傳記 溪嵐拾葉集 302 BERNARD FAURE The nāga-palace reappears in Wŏnhyo’s legend (a priest also known by the name “Yellow Dragon,” from the name of his monastery, the Hwangnyong-sa ), in the circumstances surrounding his writing of a commentary on the Jin’gang sanmei jing . According to Robert Buswell, this apocryphal scripture was probably composed in Korea by Pŏmnang (n.d.), a disciple of the fourth Chan patriarch Daoxin (580–651).24 As the legend has it, the Korean queen was beset by an apparently incurable illness. Divination revealed that only drugs brought from overseas could cure her. An envoy was therefore sent to Tang China. On the way, the envoy was diverted to the dragon-palace, where he received a sūtra (the Jin’gang sanmei jing) that could heal the queen’s illness. The dragon-king added that this sūtra should be the object of a commentary by Wŏnhyo. The latter, owing to his eccentricities, had been shunned by his colleagues and by the court, but now, with the dragon-king’s support, he suddenly rose to prominence.25 The Song gaoseng zhuan adds a discussion to its biography of Wŏnhyo, in which it mentions other cases of scriptures hidden in (or revealed from) the nāga-palace. “The scriptures state that there is a seven-jewelled stūpa in the nāga-king’s palace. All that all the buddhas have said and all of their profound teachings, such as the twelve-fold chain of causes and conditions, the dhāraṇīs and the samādhis, are kept there in a seven-jeweled casket.”26 It is also a dragon that stands behind the rise of his former companion Ŭisang to the rank of first patriarch of Hwaŏm. Here again, the legend is well known and I will simply give its outline. While in China, Ŭisang stays in the house of Buddhist lay persons, whose daughter, a young girl by the name of Shanmiao , falls in love with him. Ŭisang, intent on keeping his vows, “makes his heart like a stone,” and resists the girl’s advances. Better, he converts her. Later, when he returns to her town on his way back to Korea, she rejoices at the thought of seeing him again. Then she is stricken with grief when she hears that his boat has already set sail. Finally, she vows to become a dragon to escort him and protect him always. The scene where she throws herself into the sea and turns into a magnificent dragon that carries Ŭisang’s boat on its back forms the climax of the Japanese illustrated scroll known as Kegon engi emaki (Illustrated Scroll on the Origins of Huayan/Kegon).27 Upon returning to Korea, Ŭisang intends to take up residence in a monastery. However, he complains about the presence of monks of other schools (described as “heretics” in later documents). Shanmiao then turns into a huge rock that stands in mid-air above the monastery, frightening the “heretics” away.28 Ŭisang eventually moves into the monastery, which he renames “Monastery of the Floating Rock.” Ŭisang’s teaching on the Avataṃsaka prospers from that moment onward. 寺 金剛三昧經 道信 黄龍 法郎 善妙 華嚴縁起絵巻 24 25 26 27 28 Buswell 1989: 170–177. Song gaoseng zhuan, T 2061: 50.730a–b29; and Buswell 1989: 44–46. Ibid., 730b25–28. On this scroll, see Brock 1988: 6–31. See also: Kegon engi . Note in passing the two aspects, ophidian and lithic, of Shanmiao. 華厳縁起 KEGON AND DRAGONS 303 This story exerted a great influence on Myōe, the so-called Restorer of Japanese Kegon. Scholars have discussed the role played by Myōe in the production of the Kegon engi emaki. While he may not have sponsored it initially, he did write a commentary on it, in which he pays close attention to the story of Shanmiao. The motif of Shanmiao’s transformation into a dragon made a particularly deep impression on Myōe. The latter was acutely aware of the fact that that motif, also found in the famous Dōjōji legend, could have a negative interpretation. In the Dōjōji legend, a young girl falls madly in love with a young monk who stays for a night in her house, on his way to Kumano . In order to resist her advances, the monk promises that he will visit her again when he returns from his pilgrimage. When she realizes that he has not kept his promise, she runs after him in anger and transforms into a huge snake while crossing a river. She finally catches up with him at Dōjōji, and, coiling around the temple bell under which he has taken refuge, she reduces him to ashes through the burning intensity of her hatred.29 The image of women turning into snakes because of jealousy or hatred was a medieval Japanese topos. Thus, when someone asks Myōe whether Shanmiao’s turning into a dragon was not a mark of attachment, he insists that, in her case, things are quite different – because she had previously been converted to Buddhism, not only by Ŭisang in her present life, but already in a past life. Her love for Ŭisang, Myōe argues, was not an ordinary love that grew out of attachment, but a pure love that stemmed from a deep respect for the Dharma. This is, Myōe concludes, why she became a dragon, and not a monstrous snake like the protagonist of the Dōjōji legend.30 On the surface, Myōe read the story of Shanmiao as an exemplum on moral causality, but at a deeper level, another scene is taking place, and Myōe himself was aware of it when he tried to establish a clear-cut distinction between snake and dragon – a distinction that does not reflect Japanese beliefs of the time. According to the Jinten ainōshō , a medieval dictionary, dragon and snake are distinct, but the dragon is a former snake.31 From the symbolic standpoint, however, the line of demarcation between them is often blurred. Medieval deities are fundamentally ambivalent, as shown for instance by the figure of the goddess Benzaiten , who manifests herself as both a snake and a dragon. In the case of Shanmiao as well, Myōe seems to have been at times more hesitant. In a dream he had in 1203, he sees a Chinese doll that turns into a tearful young woman. Moved, Myōe decides to take her under his protection. When he visits a monastery with her, someone accuses her of mating with snakes. Myōe argues that this is not the case, and that she merely happens to have a snake-body. He concludes that she is none other than Shanmiao (J. Zenmyō).32 道成寺 熊野 塵添蓋嚢抄 弁財 天 29 30 31 32 On the Dōjōji legend, see Klein 1991. On this question, see Brock 1990: 185–218. Jinten ainōshō. See DNBZ 150.204. On that dream, see Girard 1990: 145–146. 304 BERNARD FAURE Shanmiao was so important for Myōe that he made her the main object of worship (honzon ) of Zenmyōji in Hiraoka , a nunnery that he founded as a refuge for women widowed by the Jōkyū Disturbance (Jōkyū no Ran ) in 1221. This nunnery was a sub-temple of Myōe’s Kōzanji , near the Kiyotaki River, an appropriate place for a dragon-deity. Significantly, owing to her role in protecting Ŭisang’s monastery, Zenmyō was enshrined as a protecting deity “from Silla” (Korea), not from China.33 After Myōe’s death, some of the nuns who had copied the Avataṃsaka-sūtra on his behalf (the so-called Nuns’s Sūtra, Ama-gyō ) followed him in death by drowning themselves. One such case is that of the nun Myōtatsu , who jumped into the Kiyotaki River in 1232, six months after Myōe’s death.34 Tanabe has argued that, in doing so, Myōtatsu was following the example of Shanmiao, who sacrificed herself to protect Ŭisang. While there may be some truth in this, another explanation has to do with the belief in the nāga-palace and the legend of the Empress Kenreimon’in , as spread by the Heike monogatari . According to this legend, when the Taira were defeated by the Minamoto at the battle of Dan-no-ura , the Nun of Second Rank, mother of Kiyomori, jumped into the waves with the child-emperor Antoku , telling him that they were going to the nāga-palace. Kenreimon’in jumped too, but was rescued by Minamoto warriors, and subsequently became a nun at Ōhara , on the northern outskirts of Kyoto. When the Retired Emperor visited her there, she told him of a dream she had had, in which all the Taira had been reborn in the nāga-palace. The Heike monogatari, describing her saintly death, suggests that she has been reborn into the Pure Land, together with two ladies-in-waiting. However, it adds that these two ladies attained the nāga-girl’s wisdom.35 The enlightenment of the nāga-girl, as found in the Lotus Sūtra, was a powerful exemplum of women’s liberation, and it merged with the motif of the nāgapalace.36 At any rate, the interest of Myōe for the spiritual salvation of women led him to emphasize the figure of Zenmyō as protector of both women and the Kegon teaching, and its relations with dragon-imagery. However, despite his attempt to present Zenmyō in a purely positive light, as a case of salvation through karmic causes, this imagery remains more ambivalent than he would like. The same is true of the nāgapalace, which is both a repository of the Dharma and a locus of fundamental ignorance. Likewise, its inhabitants are powerful deities, yet they remain subject to the “three fevers” (sannetsu ), the fundamental sufferings that affect all sentient beings. They are protectors of the Dharma, but they can also be at times rather threatening to humans. According to non-dualistic theory of hongaku (“fundamental awakening”), ignorance (mumyō ) is actually the source of awaken- 本尊 善妙寺 平岡 清滝 高山寺 尼經 壇ノ浦 建礼門院 妙達 平家物語 安徳 大原 三熱 無明 33 34 35 36 承久の乱 高山寺縁起 Kōzanji engi (dated 1253). See DNBZ 117. On this question, see Okuda 1997: 31–51; Faure 2003: 98. McCullough 1988: 433–438. Faure 2003: 91–98. 本覚 305 KEGON AND DRAGONS ing.37 Therefore, the nāga realm does not simply belong to one of the six paths (rokudō ), but it is, as it were, the source and fountainhead of the entire Buddhist cosmos. Along the same line, we recall that the two dragon-kings Nanda and Upananda are coiled around the cosmic axis, Mount Sumeru. In similar fashion, maps of Japan at the time of Myōe showed a huge dragon coiled around the Japanese archipelago.38 The motif of the nāga-palace also played an important role in the promotion of “local knowledge” and the elevation of Japan to the status of sacred Buddhist land and of “country of the gods” (shinkoku ). The nāga-palace came to be perceived as a kind of underworld that was not located exclusively in (or below) India, but existed in (or below) Japan as well; indeed, it could be reached from the bottom of any waterfall or from any of the numerous “dragon-holes” (ryūketsu ) scattered all over Japan. It is no longer necessary to undertake a long journey to India to bring back Buddhist scriptures or relics of the Buddha: these may be found in the backyard of one’s own monastery, provided there is a waterfall, a pond, or a dragonhole there. This revalorization of Japan as “land of the gods” calls to mind another episode in Myōe’s life (or rather legend) that came to be connected with dragon imagery. During his visit to the Kasuga Shrine in Nara in 1203, he received from the Kasuga deity an oracle that told him to abandon his project of pilgrimage to India.39 Significantly, the episode describes, in mythological terms, the same meaninglessness of the vision quest that Wŏnhyo had already emphasized. Through the mouth of a female shrine attendant (who happens to be a relative of Myōe), Kasuga Daimyōjin reveals to him that the essential places of Indian Buddhist lore (the Eagle Peak, etc.) can be found here in Japan, at Kasuga. The name Kasuga Daimyōjin usually refers collectively to the five ancestral deities of the Fujiwara clan worshiped at Kasuga Shrine, but it also sometimes designates other deities that are seen as the “original ground” (honji ) or the “traces” (suijaku ) of the latter. In this particular instance, the god refers to himself as “this old man” (okina ), but he is also sometimes identified with the Dragon-King Nanda. It is a such that he appears to Myōe, together with the eight great dragons/nāga-kings that protect the Dharma, in the retelling of the legend by Zeami in his Nō play “Kasuga Ryūjin” (The Dragon-God of Kasuga).40 In it, the deity reveals its true form to a Myōe still intent on going to China and India, as well as the scenes of Buddha’s life that he yearned to see: “Māyā’s delivery of Śākyamuni,/ His Preaching the Law on Eagle Peak,/ His entering nirvāṇa beneath the dual teack trees –/ All are revealed in 六道 神国 龍穴 春日 春日大明神 本地 日龍神 垂迹 翁 春 37 This calls to mind Ŭisang’s line, in his commentary on the Diagram: “From where does the inverted mind come?/ From ignorance that has no beginning./ From where does ignorance without beginning come?/ From the absolute./ Where is the absolute?/ In the dharma-nature of each person.” Hwaŏm ilsŭng popkyedo, T 1887A: 45. 716a. 38 Kuroda 2003: 5–12, and Illustration 2. 39 Brock 2001: 49–113. 40 Morrell 1982: 179–200; 1987: 121. 306 BERNARD FAURE their entirety./ Now then, Myōe Shōnin, about your plans to go to China?” To which Myōe, having finally reached Wŏnhyo’s state of mind, replies: “I abandon them.”41 According to Royall Tyler, the figure of the dragon here, instead of the traditional “old man” image of Kasuga Daimyōjin, stands simply as a generic image of the deity in Nō plays, and “says less about the Kasuga deity than about the conventions of Noh.”42 This may be so, but precisely it shows the prevalence of dragon symbolism in medieval imagination, and more specifically in Myōe’s imagination. Not only the origins of the Avataṃsaka, but also the subsequent fate of the Huayan school in Korea and Japan were intimately connected with dragon-lore. As Frédéric Girard and George Tanabe have shown, the case of Myōe, whose teaching is nourished by a rich visionary imagery, provides a paradigmatic example of the mental world of medieval Buddhists.43 Without that imagery, that is, without due attention to the concrete mythological aspects that constitute, together with the philosophical abstractions, the warp and woof of the Huayan teaching, one risks losing the red thread that connects doctrinal developments, not to mention the “oceanic feeling” in which practitioners like Ŭisang and Myōe immersed themselves. References Brock, Karen L.: “The Case of the Missing Scroll: A History and Reconstruction of Tales of Gishō and Gangyō.” Archives of Asian Art (1988) 41: pp. 6–31. Brock, Karen L.: “Chinese Maiden, Silla Monk: Zenmyō and Her Thirteenth-Century Audience” in Martha Weidner (ed.): Flowering in the Shadows: Women in the History of Chinese and Japanese Painting. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1990. Brock, Karen L.: “‘My Reflection Should Be Your Keepsake’: Myōe’s Vision of the Kasuga Deity” in Robert H. Sharf and Elisabeth Horton Sharf (eds.): Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. (Asian Religions and Cultures) Buswell, Robert: The Formation of Ch’an Ideology in China and Korea: The Vajrasamādhi-Sūtra, a Buddhist Apocryphon. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. Durt, Hubert: “Biographie du moine coréen Ui-sang, d’après le Song Kao Seng Tchouan” in Kin Saigen hakushi kaikō kinen ronsō [Festschrift for Kim Che-won]. Seoul, 1969, pp. 411–422. Faure, Bernard: The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Critique of Chan/Zen Buddhism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991. Faure, Bernard: Visions of Power: Imagining Medieval Japanese Buddhism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Faure, Bernard: “Life as Thought.” Paper presented at the Wŏnhyo Conference, Seoul, 1998. 41 Other dragon-kings were believed to dwell in the Sarusawa Pond near Kasuga and in the dragon-palace under the Main Hall of Kōfukuji. See Tyler 1990: 124–126. 42 Tyler 1990: 143. 43 Girard 1990; Tanabe 1992. Another interesting case is that of the Zen master Keizan Jōkin (1268–1325); Faure: 1996. 山紹瑾 瑩 307 KEGON AND DRAGONS Faure, Bernard: “Relics, Regalia, and the Dynamics of Secrecy in Japanese Buddhism” in Elliot R. Wolfson (ed.): Rending the Veil: Concealment and Secrecy in the History of Religions. New York and London: Seven Bridges Press, 1999, pp. 278–283. Faure, Bernard: The Power of Denial: Buddhism, Purity and Gender. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003. Faure, Bernard, trans: Essentials of Observance and Transgression According to the Book on the Bodhisattva Precepts (Pusajie ben chifan yaoji) by the Korean Master Wonhyo (617–686). (Wŏnhyo Translation Project) (forthcoming). Fontein, Jan: The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of Gaṇḍavyūha Illustrations in China, Japan and Java. The Hague, Paris: Mouton, 1967. Forte, Antonino: A Jewel in Indra’s Net. Kyoto: Italian School of East Asian Studies, 2000. Girard, Frédéric: Un moine de la secte Kegon à l’époque de Kamakura, Myōe (1173–1232) et le “Journal de ses rêves”. Paris: EFEO, 1990. [Origin story of the Avataṃsaka]. Ed. Kadokawa shoten henshūbu Kegon engi . Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1959. (Nihon emakimono zenshū 7.) Klein, Susan B.: ”When the Moon Strikes the Bell: Desire and Enlightenment in the Noh Play Dōjōji.” Journal of Japanese Studies (1990) 17,2: pp. 291–322. : Tatsu no sumu Nihon [Japan where the dragons dwell]. Kuroda Hideo Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 2003. (Iwanami shinsho 831.) McCullough, Helen C.: The Tale of the Heike. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988. Morrell, Robert E.: “Passage to India Denied: Zeami’s Kasuga Ryūjin.” Monumenta Nipponica (1982) 37,2: pp. 179–200. Morrell, Robert E.: Sand and Pebbles (Shasekishū): The Tales of Mujū Ichien; A Voice for Pluralism in Kamakura Buddhism. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985. Morrell, Robert E.: Early Kamakura Buddhism: A Minority Report. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1987. Nishida, Kitarō: An Inquiry into the Good, trans. Abe Masao and Christopher Ives. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990. : “Myōe to josei: Kegon engi, Zenmyō, Zenmyōji” – Okuda Isao [Myōe and women: the Kegon engi, Zenmyō, and Zenmyōji]. Shōshin joshi daigaku ronsō (1997) 89: pp. 31–51. Sugimoto Shunryū : Tōjō shitsunai kirigami narabini sanwa no kenkyū [Researches on the transmission Kirigami and the dialogues of the Sōtō school]. Tokyo: Sōtōshū Shūmucho, 1982 [1938]. Tanabe, George J., Jr.: Myōe the Dreamkeeper: Fantasy and Knowledge in Early Kamakura Buddhism. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992. (Harvard East Asian Monographs 156.) (ed.): Kegon gojūsho emaki [The painted scroll of the Tanaka Ichimatsu fifty sites of the Avataṃsaka]. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1979. (Nihon emakimono zenshū 25.) Tyler, Royall: The Miracles of the Kasuga Deity. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990. Yi, Chi-kuan: “Hwaŏm Philosophy,” in Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed.): Buddhist Thought in Korea. Seoul: Dongguk University Press, 1994. 編集部 華厳縁起 黒田日出男 奥田勲 妙、善妙寺 杉本俊龍 參話の研究 田中一松 角川書店 龍の棲む日本 明恵と女性 華厳縁起、善 洞上室内切紙并 華厳五十所絵巻 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES AT THE BEGINNING OF THE KAMAKURA PERIOD This article is a survey on some possible influences of the Kegon doctrines on the history of Buddhism, at the end of the Heian period (794–1185) and at the beginning of the Kamakura period (1185–1333). It will also take into consideration the constitution of patriarchal images of prominent monks like Hōnen (1133–1212), Dōgen (1200–1253) and so on. I will limit myself to raising some questions about historical and doctrinal problems. An inquiry into the Kegon doctrines at the beginning of the Kamakura period offers a topic of much interest but also, I fear, of just as much difficulty. The Kegon school played a major role in Japanese religious history during a rather brief period, namely the Nara period of the eighth century. During the following centuries, its role as a sect was far from negligible – its Tōdaiji temple remained a key monastic center in Nara, with its ordination’s platform – but it ceded to other sects its previous preeminence in the creation of new Buddhist doctrines and concepts. Nevertheless, the post-Nara impact of the Kegon teachings on Japanese thought is a field of research that so far has received very little careful scholarly attention, thus we should refrain from making any hasty conclusions on this topic. Nonetheless, I will argue here that the influence of Kegon thought was more persistent and extensive in the Heian and early Kamakura periods than previous discussions of the development of Buddhist thought and doctrine in Japan have suggested. In the Heian period, for instance, Kegon monks held discussions with learned monks of other temples, for instance the Kōfukuji , the Enryakuji or the Kōyasan , thereby revealing, in some documents of this period, the undercurrents in the evolution of Buddhist doctrinal tenets. The relative absence of distinctive Kegon features in such philosophical discussions should not disguise the real, if sometimes only implicit, influence of Kegon doctrines on the elaboration of new systems of thought. The cases of Saichō (766–822) and Kūkai (774– 835) are well known instances of such intellectual exchange. During their early education, they were imbued with Kegon thought, and the approach they followed in developing their own teachings was, to a great extent, indebted to Kegon influences. For example, Saichō began to pay attention to the fresh insights of Tendai doctrines, 法然 道元 東大寺 興福寺 高野山 最澄 延暦寺 空海 310 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD 法藏 while he was reading the works of the Chinese monk Fazang (643–712) and practicing a form of dhyāna of the northern school close to Kegon. Kegon doctrines were also introduced into the thought of the Tendai school by the Chinese Shanwai (Sangai ) current (mixing Tiantai and Huayan doctrines, “outside of the Mountain”), so that they were providing a permanent source of inspiration for the Tendai school. In contrast to other Buddhist sects of the Nara period, Kegon advocated the notion of a universal interpenetration and inter-relation of all sentient beings and of a salvation that could be extended to them due to the presence of Buddha-nature in all of them. This set of concepts (especially the idea of interpenetration) had, from the very beginning, been applied in the Nara period by the Kegon sect in order to stress the crucial role of the imperial household. This notion of universal salvation was, I suspect, intended to encompass all of the territory of Japan, so that all the elements in the country were interlinked under the person of the emperor at the top of a three-tier national hierarchy in descending order of the emperor, his administrators and his people. A problem remains: to which extent could this hierarchy have a correspondence with the twofold structure of the society enunciated by the administrative codes, distinguishing a good or noble people (ryōmin ) and the common people (senmin )? This scheme would seem to have been based on the three-tier Buddhist model of the Buddha, the bodhisattva and the sentient beings, which was presented in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra and its commentary by Fazang, the Huayan jing tanxuanji , and which Shinjō (?–?) and his audience may well have encountered in their lectures given in 740: “That a Buddha, who is in a domain of self-fruition, shares the same domain with other Buddhas, may be compared to the fact that all the Buddhas as incarning the Law (in their so-called Dharma-body) have a common sustainment, for they have the same domain of the nature of things. In the same way, the Buddha and bodhisattva have in common the domain of communion with others which is partaken of Buddha and bodhisattva: so do the sovereign (ō ) and his ministers (shin ) who possess in common the same country. The soiled domains are all, in turn, the manifestation of the acts done in common by sentient beings.” 山外 民 良 賤民 華嚴經探玄記 王 審祥 臣 若自受用土佛與諸佛共有一土。 猶如法身諸佛共依故。 以是同法性土故。 若他受用 土亦佛與菩薩之所共有。如王與臣共有一國。諸雜染土亦是有情共業所現故無別也。 1 This notion also had implications for the more limited span of individual salvation, examined from both social and psychological perspectives. This twofold conception of inter-relation and salvation seems to have played a vital function in Saichō’s notion (akin to that of the Tendai sect) about the universal presence of the buddhahood in human nature. Likewise, Kūkai’s conception of esoteric Buddhism was akin to that of the Kegon sect, as seen in his Treatise on the Ten Stations of the Mind (Jūjūshinron ). This is perhaps the reason why a Kegon scholar like Keiga (1103–1185) said that this treatise of Kūkai was com- 景雅 1 T 1733: 35.159b29–c4. 十住心論 311 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 法然 posed under the influence of Kegon doctrines, while Hōnen (1148–1212) said it was inspired by the Mahāvairocana-sūtra.2 In the Shingon school’s conceptions of the attainment of the state of Buddha in one’s own body or person (sokushin jōbutsu ), as explained in the treatise attributed to Kūkai, the inspiration from Kegon thought seems self-evident: “The mind, the Buddha and the sentient beings are three. Nevertheless, these three are absolutely equal and one. Being one, they are infinite. Being infinite, they are one without any obstruction between them. This is the reason why we say that “the infinite jewel net of Indra is an epithet for this very body (sokushin)”. It is a metaphor for the perfect fusion of the three mysteries without obstruction in the infinite atoms of the domains of all the Venerables”. .3 But there was a big difference between the Buddha of Kegon, called Vairocana, who stayed silent in his intuition of the bodhi, and that of Shingon, called Mahāvairocana, who is said to have preached his experience of the “fruit”, that is, of the bodhi, and therefore to have shared the fruit with others. In the case of Kūkai, the fact that his uncle played an important role as a superintendent of the construction of the Great Buddha of Nara (Zō Tōdaijishi ), was perhaps a determining factor in the rapprochement of the Shingon school, situated in both Tōji and Kōyasan, with the clergy of Tōdaiji. Now relating to Myōe’s views, Myōe explains, in one of his sermons, the differences between the esoteric and the exoteric perspectives; in the esoteric ones, the body of the Law of Mahāvairocana cumulates the function of a body of self-fruition: “Concerning the Mahāvairocana-sūtra, the perfect illumination is the fundamental knowledge. Its only one object is the veridic principle and not the profane truth. The magical powers and the sustaining force (the “grace”) (kaji ) are an acquired knowledge. In other words, the sustaining (gracious) body of the Buddha (butsukajishin ) is a retributive body of self-fruition (jijuyūhōjin ). In the exoteric schools, the body of self-fruition (jijūyūshin ) never exposes the Law to people. In the Shingon school, he exposes the Law and gives profits with the name of “gracious” body of the Buddha. What we call the preaching of the Law by the body of the Law in its self-nature (jishō hosshin seppō ) is this sustaining body of the Buddha. His residence is the palace of the world of the Law. This is the reason why it is considered as the one and same thing as the body of Law. This is also the reason why we call it the preaching of the Law by the body of the Law. This doctrine is not limited to the Shingon school but is also advocated in the exoteric teachings, like in the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment where the matter of predication has an indistinctive body of Law and retribution.”4 即身成佛 明諸尊刹塵三密圓融無礙 重々帝網名即身，是則譬喩以 造東大寺司 佛加持身 東寺 加持 自受用身 自受用報身 自性法身説法 2 3 4 石井教道 即身成佛義 眞聞集 Ishii Kyōdō , Shōwa shinshū Hōnen shōnin zenshū 728–729. Sokushin jōbutsugi , T 2428: 77.383c2–3. Shinmonshū , volume II, MSS, III: 237. 昭和新修法然上人全集, 1955: 312 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD Another way in which we can see the influence of Kegon thought concerns the interpretation of the world of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The sūtra depicts it as the ocean of the embryo of the lotus flower, or as it may be also interpreted, the ocean of the womb of the lotus flower. This world was considered, from the time of the Emperor Shōmu (701–756) and the Empress Kōmyō (701– 760) and afterwards, as a Pure Land in which men may be born. This world in fact was viewed as being the same as that of Shingon’s one and, in later times, this Kegon’s idea of a world of Flower Ornament seems to have passed, to a certain extent, through the Amidist conception of the Pure Land, as an underlying and parallel theory of an ideal land. Thus, the doctrines of the Kegon school may have slid from the prominent place they occupied in Buddhist thought during the middle of the Nara period. But they were neither discarded nor disproven; they remained, if sometimes obscurely, in the intellectual assumptions and heritage of the most important Buddhist schools that emerged in the Heian and Kamakura Periods. 聖武天皇 光明皇后 Yūzū nenbutsu Before the emergence of the Pure Land faith of Hōnen as a quasi-independent movement and organization, the Pure Land belief during the Heian Period was a rather syncretic mixture of doctrines of other sectarian creeds. Thus it is not surprising to see that some forms of amidism were mixed with the Kegon doctrine of interdependence, or fusional interpenetration. The best-known case concerns the teachings of the Tendai monk Ryōnin (1073–1132), a master famous for his liturgical singing and his disciplinary tenet on ordination rules called “perfect and sudden” (endonkai ). Ryōnin is worshipped as the founder of the Yūzū nenbutsu sect , the sect that called for the commemoration or invocation of Buddha [Amida] in a fusional interpenetrating way. His invocation of the Buddha was thus fused with other practices and came to encompass all the merits accrued by all the Amida invocations by all men, in an ongoing process of fusion that, when perfected, allows all men to be born in the Paradise of Amida. Although his writings have not survived, we can gain some insight into his thought by reading his posthumous account of his thought, the Treatise on the Perfect Doctrine of Fusional Interpenetration (Yūzū enmonshō ),5 as well as his biography found in the History of Buddhism of the Genkō Era (Genkō shakusho ) (c.1322) by Kokan Shiren 良忍 圓頓戒 融通念佛宗 融通圓門章 5 融觀 元亨釋書 大通 T 2680: 84.1a–6a. This book, though it was composed very late, in 1703 by Daizū Yūkan (1649–?), is not without documentary value, for it is one of the few sources giving a synthetic account of the doctrines of the Yūzū nenbutsu, based on a commentary of the stanzas of Amida by Ryōnin we quote on the next page. It refers especially to the Yūzū nenbutsu hon.engi and makes commentaries using in an equal proportion the doctrines of Tendai and Kegon, but especially the latter in reference to the doctrine of the Unique and authentic world of Law (isshin hokkai ), which explains that there is no place in any of the possible worlds which is not the Pure Land. 一眞法界 313 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 虎關師錬 (1278–1346). According to Yūzū dainenbutsu hon.engi 融通大念佛本縁 起 (1314), which is the fundamental source of these two latter works, Ryōnin is said 6 to have entered samādhi, when he was forty-six years old in 1117 (Eikyū 5), and to have seen an apparition of the Buddha Amida who told him the essentials of his teachings in the form of a stanza: One man is in all men, all men are in one man, one practice is in all practices and all practices are in one practice. This is what I call ‘birth in the Land of bliss by “Other Power” (ichinin issainin, issainin ichinin, ichigyō issaigyō, issaigyō ichigyō, zemyō tariki ōjō [kore tariki ōjō to nazuku] ) 一人一切人、一切人一人、一行一切行、一切行一行、是名他力往生 In response, Ryōnin is said to have composed this stanza: The commemoration of Buddha penetrating in fusion the ten worlds in one instant of thought has the meritorious qualities of ten thousand million commemorations perfectly achieved. (jukkai ichinen no yūzū nenbutsu wa okuhyakumanben no kudoku enman 7 ). 十界一 念、融通念佛、億百萬遍、功徳圓満 Although these two stanzas cannot be formally proven and explained by the doctrines of Kegon or by their combination with those of the Tendai sect-indeed, they may derive from a fictitious work of Genshin, the Essentials on the Examination of the Mind (Kanjin ryakuyōshū ),8 – we cannot deny that their vocabulary and conceptions, such as “the one in the all, and the all in the one” and “penetration in fusion” are familiar in the Kegon texts. We can notice, in particular, the ideas that there is a coincidence between one individual person and one practice, all individual persons and all practices, and also that the “veritable aspect of all things” (shinnyo : “suchness”), as well as the non-duality of facts and principle, can explain the notions of “compenetration in fusioning” and “the presence of the decuple universe in one instant of thought”. The same text has also this tenet: “The fusional commemoration of the Buddha asserts that the practice of one person is the practice of all persons and reciprocally, so that their merits are grandiose, and the birth in the Pure Land will arrive in the next life. If one person can be born in the Pure Land, it is without fail that all people will accomplish this birth.”9 The text goes on to say that belonging to this adapted teaching of the Buddha, all men will be saved, whether they may be good or bad, great saints or small saints, with profound or superficial spiritual faculties, they will arrive to the capital of the true aspect of things as the original enlightenment (hongaku shinnyo no miyako ).10 The expression “Capital of the true aspect of the original enlightenment” is identical with the one Myōe uses in his work titled the Signification of the Mind-only according to the Kegon 觀心略要集 眞如 本覺眞如の都 融通大念佛本縁起 16 DNBZ 101.271–272. Also Honchō kōsōden, see DNBZ 103.216–217. 17 Yūzū dainenbutsu hon.engi , probably composed in 1314 by Goa Ryōchin (?–?), a subdisciple of Ryōnin, copied in 1390, and edited in 1691. See Zoku Tendaishū zensho, Shiden 2, Nihon Tendai sōdenrui, 1, 1988: 347. 18 Shimaji 1933: 195–196. 19 Ibid., 350b. 10 Ibid., 356a, 357a. 護阿良鎮 314 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD 華嚴唯心義 (Kegon yuishingi ) (1201). Here, he refutes the false doctrines of contemporary monks who, probably, belonged to the new schools of Nenbutsu,11 monks who were probably identical with those criticised in his other works, the Konjishishō kōkenshō (1210) and the Zaijarin (1212). We cannot close our eyes to the possibility of the influence, direct or indirect, of Kegon texts, for we do not find these words even as pregnant concepts in the Essentials on the Examination of the Mind, that the Tendai scholar Shimaji Daitō considered as an authentic work of Genshin. In fact this work, which was possibly composed by a master of Ekai of the Anraku.in in the 5th month of 1077 (Shōryaku 1),12 sometimes refers to the Kegon doctrines but mostly concerning its doctrine of “mindonly” (yuishin) as creative of the dream-like things. While the nenbutsu of Ryōnin stressed the practical aspects and consisted of a verbal invocation of the Buddha Amida, its theoretical basis can be found in the Kegon concept of fusional compenetration. Can we not, in this instance, conclude that the Kegon doctrine of the interpenetration of all things lies behind these conceptions, at least when observed theoretically from a distance? The same thing may be said of doctrines, akin to the Yūzū nenbutsu’s ones, that we can find in another work attributed to Genshin but which, in fact, is manifestly posterior and, may have been written by Shingen (1063–1130), a scholar of the Genshin lineage (Eshinryū ) at the Hieizan. This work is entitled: the Dialogues on the Commemoration of the Buddha as a Practice for Oneself (Jigyō nenbutsu mondō ).13 In this work, it is assumed that one instant of thought (of the commemoration of the Buddha) penetrates in the trichiliomegachiliocosme, that is the whole universe in space and time, as though, belonging to the real aspect of things (shohō jissō ), there is an immediate adequation between the right and the false, the state of profane and the state of Buddha. It says in one passage that, according to “the signification of the perfect doctrine, one Buddha is all the Buddhas and all the Buddhas are one Buddha, one practice is all the practices and all the practices are one practice, one vow is all the vows and all the vows are one vow. That is the reason why the vow of one Buddha, as is Amida, is the vow of all the Buddhas.” This quotation is a testimony that during the 12th century there existed a doctrine relating to the solidarity of the vows and the practices in all the Buddhas, by the means of the invocation of the nenbutsu, which is very akin to the Yūzū nenbutsu. Thus we cannot say that the doctrines attributed to Ryōnin are only an invention of latter ages. In fact, the Yūzū nenbutsu conception of Ryōnin was partly inherited by Hōnen, and was also found in customary practices of the Dainenbutsue during medieval times. We have the example of the retired emperor Toba who, in 1124 (Tenchi 1), 金獅子章光顯鈔 惠海 惠心流 摧邪輪 安樂院 眞源 自行念佛問答 諸法實 相 11 See the suggestive article of ŌTAKE Susumu 1999. 12 Nishimura and Sueki 1992: 223. 13 Shingen is, together with Ryōga , a disciple of Gensan ; as he was a friend of Ryōga, who was the master of Ryōnin, we cannot consider the doctrinal affinities of the two monks as the product of a mere coincidence. See DNBZ 31.204a. 良賀 嚴算 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 315 promoted the practice of yūzū nenbutsu throughout the country, with the Sumiyoshi’s temple Shūrakuji (the Dainenbutsuji ) in Settsu as a center of practice. Here, monks recited the “fusional invocation Amida” (yūzū nenbutsu) with high voice during the Ōhara’s controversy for three days and three nights in 1186 (Bunji 2). The famous disciple of Hōnen, Seikaku (1167–1235), the liturgist singer of Agui, practiced the “fusional invocation of the Buddha Amida” (yūzū nenbutsu) for one week in an offering for the third anniversary of the death of his master in 1215.14 We have testimony that the mixture of the invocation of Amida with the odori nenbutsu, as practiced by Jishū’s disciples for the accompaniment of dancing and loud musical performances, was firmly prohibited in 1413 (Ōei 20). However, a center is said to have been founded for the performance at the Kayadō by Shinji Kakushin (1207–1298) and inherited by Ippen (1239–1289): here a form of nenbutsu may have been mixed with Zen (nenbutsu zanmai ) in religious practices on Mount Kōya.15 大念佛寺 聖覺 心地覺心 一遍 萱堂 念佛三 昧 Myōe May not this kind of practice explain discussions about the achievement of the state of Buddha by all human kind, even when it has been realized by just one individual? These discussions seem to us like mere abstractions similar to those concerning “the sex of the angels” during the European Middle Ages, seem abstract to us, but during the Heian and Kamakura periods, they were so seriously discussed that they must have been significant; but, if we cannot grasp their implications in the social history, perhaps the reason lies in our own lack of knowledge and researches in this field. Consider, for instance, a discussion about the elimination of human passions. Some believed it to be an individual question, while the Kegon school partly took it to be a collective one. In the first view, the extirpation of passions was a matter of concern for just one person, but, in the second view, it concerned all humankind, or more strictly speaking, all sentient beings. Starting with the laconic statement that “one cutting of passions involves all cuttings of passion,” we can infer two possible interpretations, both of which are based on the conception of the interpenetration of all things, as resumed by Myōe (1173–1232), for instance: 明惠 1. If in just one person there is a successful cutting of passions, all other passions are exhaustively eliminated in this person, since all phenomena, including passions, are inextricably related. 法然上人勅傳 舜昌 淨土宗全書 14 Hōnen shōnin chokuden , the famous biography of Hōnen compiled on imperial order by Shunshō (1255–1335), in 48 volumes, one century after the death of his Master. See Jōdoshū zensho , XVI. 15 Gorai 1975: 233–238. 316 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD 2. A radical application of this principle would hold that if one man eliminates one passion in himself, he cuts off not only all other passions in himself, but also all passions in all other men. If we ask whether these tenets have any factual significance, we obviously can conclude that they do not, in our eyes, except if we consider the distant perspective of a universal salvation based on Mahāyānic compassion. The first interpretation is not evidence for the religious belief that if we cut off one delusion, we extirpate all delusions from ourselves, unless one accepts as valid the concept of sudden enlightement as advocated by some Zen masters, like those of the Darumashū, according to Myōe. It is true that these Zen masters were thought to advocate the “sudden teaching” which is generally considered as the closest to the “perfect teaching” of the Kegon, in the classifications of the Buddha’s teachings according to the Kegon school. The second interpretation, condemned by Myōe, could have been assumed by followers of the Yūzū nenbutsu or akin to this current. In this case, if we consider that the universal salvation, which is implied in only one invocation of Amida by one person, is expected in the next birth and not in the present life. Myōe discusses this question about the doctrine of the conditioned coproduction of things, according to Fazang’s interpretation (in his Treatise on the Five Teachings),16 and especially about its doctrine of perfect fusion of the six characteristics of things. This follows the famous principle enounced in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra that “when one conceives first the thought of enlightenment, at this very moment he realizes the correct enlightenment”.17 But Myōe notices that “the correlation between one cutting (of passions) and all cuttings means that when, in the obstacles of all the delusions, one suppresses one category of delusions, he suppresses the obstacles of all the delusions (of the same category). Moreover, the correlation between one realization and all the realizations means that when one realizes the virtues of one category of practice, he realizes the virtues of all the practices (of the same category).”18 Myōe concludes his analysis, saying that the opinion of a “certain person” (aru hito) that we can extend the reasoning from one person to all people, is only an extrapolation of the principle expounded in the Chapter on Nature-origination of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. This says that when the Tathāgata realizes the state of Buddha, he sees in his body (var.: in his mind) all the sentient beings realizing tthe same state.19 What refers to a “vision” of a principle cannot be extrapolated to a present reality. Can we consider that the adversaries of Myōe were believers of Nenbutsu who misunderstood the doctrine of the Yūzunenbutsu, that speaks of a universal salvation in the following birth, in the sense of a salvation in the present life, in conformity with the common sense of their times? 16 17 18 19 T 1866. T 1881: 45.507c10–16. DNBZ 13.188b–189a. T 278: 9. 627a1–4, T 279: 10.275a19–21. 317 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES We can also notice that such discussions, like those on the sudden or gradual cutting of the delusions, were very earnest, during the Heian period among monks of Tendai. One of these discussions took place between Kan.en of the Miidera, a son of the second counsellor Fujiwara no Kanetaka , and Gonshō of the Hieizan, the 11th month of 1101, at the palace of emperor Toba. The controversy was related to the Sūtra of the Benevolent Kings, the Treatise on the Awakening of Faith and the Lotus Sūtra. In conclusion, it says that “the diachronic cutting of passions was the tenet of the Minor Vehicle, while the simultaneous cutting of passions was established by the Tendai. There were a lot of similar discussions on this subject among Chinese and Japanese masters.”20 We can find an allusion of discussions on the validity of one practice and one commemoration of the Buddha as determinant for the salvation in the Recorded Sayings attributed to Hōnen, but probably posterior to him. “Question nine: When we speak of ten commemorations within the original vow and of one commemoration in the accomplishement (hongan niwa jūnen jōju niwa ichinen ), is its meaning valuable for the ordinary life or for the last moments of life? Answer: As I have said in the past years, in the Holy Way, when we cultivate in such a manner one practice (ichigyō ) in the ordinary life, one’s faults immediately vanish, so that, afterwards, we speak of the realization of the state of Buddha, even though one does not perpetuate [this practice]. We also say that it is useful to tie an opportunity [to engage oneself in the salvation], and we teach it as a skilfull means of the Buddha. But it does not signify [a birth in the Pure land] in the next life. This is surely the ultimate teaching of the Flower Ornament (Kegon), the adepts of Dhyāna (Zenmon ), [the practioners] of mantra (Shingon) or of the mental appeasement and examination (Shikan = Tendai). The reason [of this kind of practice] is that, for the beings who are originally idle, after they have recitated one time the invocation, they install themselves in the conviction they will be born [in the Pure Land], even though they never recite it afterwards, and refrain themselves to recite it several times, which is regrettable. Ten commemorations have a meaning when we seal them in the form of the infinite. For those who have embraced the Buddha’s invocation towards the end of their life, in the moment they will pass away, we teach the recitation of ten invocations if they cannot recite one hundred invocations. And we teach one invocation if they are unable to recite even ten invocations.”21 觀圓 藤原兼隆 本願には十念成就には一念 嚴勝 一行 禪門 本朝高僧傳 止觀 卍元師蛮 20 It was recorded in the Honchō kōsōden compiled by Mangen Shiban (1626–1710) in 1702, vol.11, DNBZ 102.185b–186b. Concerning the Kegon, we have the following sources: Zhiyan, Kongmuzhang, T 1870 : 45.562b (allusion); Fazang, Huayan wujiaozhang, T 1866: 45.492b–496a, 507c; Huayan jing wenda, T 1873: 45.600a–c; Myōe, Konjishishō kōkenshō, DNBZ 13.188b–195b; Gyōnen, Kegon hokkai gikyō, NST 15.287–290; Jōyo, Kegon tekagami, DNBZ 13.490b–493b; Tan.e, Gokyōshō sanshaku, 36, 26; Shōken, Gokyōshō chōshō, vol. 2. 160. 21 The Shūi Kurodani shōnin gotōroku was written by of Ryōe Dōkō (1251/1243?–1330/1290?), in the second half of the 13th century, T 2611: 83.257b–c. 道光 拾遺黒谷上人語燈録 良惠 318 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD We can see that, even in the Nenbutsu school, the idea of one practice as sufficient to assure the salvation was criticized as an idle means which was asserted by schools like the Kegon, the Tendai, the Shingon or Zen. This text, dated to the end of the 13th century, is late but it may reflect an anterior situation prevalent throughout century. The question settled here is to combine, in doctrinal terms, the immediacy of the realization of the fruit, which is instantaneous and beyond the time, and the practices required to accomplish it within the time. On one hand, Myōe, for instance, states that at the very moment one has conceived the faith, he is equal to the Buddha, so that it is without moving one thought he is equal to the Buddha. “At the state of profane, from the very moment we have conceived the thought of the faith, we cultivate meritorious practices during innumerable eons and we accomplish the stages to be equal to all Buddhas, without moving even one thought. Why? Because the three dimensions of time (past, present, future) are without measured running.”22 In other words he says that the all time is reduced to one instant of thought: “In front of the wisdom of emptiness of things (dharma), the three dimensions of the time are only one instant of thought.”23 The reason alleged is that, from the beginning, the thought of faith, when it is fulfilled, is associated with wisdom, the term of the career of the praticioner. “The final thought [of the faith stage] is the term where the thought of faith is associated with the wisdom. It is not a question here of ten thousand eons or anything else. The faith of the one-vehicle constitues itself by according itself with these three things: the great vow, the great compassion and the great wisdom. The great wisdom penetrates the fruit of Buddha, the great compassion gives benefits to sentient beings and the great vow extends itself to the ten directions.”24 This oneness of thought is, on one hand, an absence of delusive thought (conditioned thought) (munen ), and on the other hand a fusion with the principle and the nature of things: “A thought, that is one, is qualified of being perpetually without delusive thought. It is the oneness of the spatial fusion in conformity to the principle, or it is the oneness of the adequation to the nature of things.”25 This is the idea of Kegon that there is a fusion without obstruction between one instant [of thought] and the immesurable [three] eons in the bodhisattva’s career (nengō yūsoku , ichinen soku sangi , ichinen fuge sangi ). But, on the other hand, Myōe insists on the need of gradual practice, against an irrealistic subitism: “At the stage of the faith, we are strictly of the same flavour as the inconceivable Buddha’s Law. The reason for this is that we hold it true that the individual sub- 無念 一念即三祇 22 23 24 25 一念不礙三祇 華嚴信種義 (1221), T 2330: 72.72a. Kegon shinshūgi Ibid., 225b. Ibid., 235a. Kegon shinshūgi monjūki 華嚴信種義聞集記 (1226), II, 225. 念却融即 319 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES stance is already empty. If we don’t differ at all from a Buddha, the nature of things is enlightenment and is not different from ourselves. Consequently, we are not separated from it. As long as we have not cutted the faculties which bind us to the individuality, the covetousness and the aversion are weaker. This is the reason why we don’t enjoy the object of our desire and don’t hate the object of our aversion. In this very place, unestimable realizations are also manifested. If the things are so, the cutting [of passions] in the way is not over necessary, and the passions are all in themselves the enlightenment […] The absence of ego and great self [the true self], being without limits, is the nature of all phenomena which have been emptied by the knowledge of the emptiness of things. We enter straight-out in the emptiness of the individual and of elements (dharma), as in the case of the evacuation of subtantiality of, for instance, this cloth. First of all, this cloth is linen-made. The sleeves are cottonmade (kaiko). My body is constitued by the blood and the flesh of my father and my mother. I am bound to my body, a mere temporary reunion of the four elements and of the five aggregates, which are associated by the action of good and bad acts done during my previous existences. The basis of my thought, which is bound, is the receptacle-consciousness of maturation. What binds is the mental (manas). What apprehends an object, by the combination of the sense-faculties, the objects and the consciousness, is the five sense-consciousnesses, and what distinguishes the good and the bad is the mental-consciousness. What knows the temporary thing constitued by a natural combination, has the name of knowledge of emptiness of individual. And what, from here, knows the non-substantiality of phenomena is the knowledge of emptinesss of phenomenon. To enter straight-out into the arcane [of this doctrine], without cultivating by ascending degrees [this understanding of things], is like constraining a baby to ingurgitate a solid aliment. First we give milk to a baby, and it is only when he grew up that we give him solid food. If we give a sardine to a hungry man, he will die. But, if he eats the sardine gradually, with diluted rice, for instance, he will live. To penetrate straight out in the depth [of the principle of things] is dangerous. It is in the dharmas without ego that we can, for the first time, find the true self. But if we do not treat of the absence of ego, which true self can be found?”26. It is a well-known fact that Myōe did not admit that the Kegon doctrine of the extension of the cutting of passions is only limited to one person, in relation to the same species (jirui sōtai ), and that it is only by induction from the principle that it was extended by the school to each others (jita sōtai ). However, he admitted this extension in the case of the realization of the state of Buddha, from the viewpoint of perfect fusion. Finally, when we can consider the place and the role of Myōe vis-à-vis the development of Kegon doctrines at Tōdaiji in the Kamakura period, it is probably inaccurate to claim that Myōe championed a kind of heterodoxy opposed to the orthodoxy of the Kegon school as represented by the scholarship practiced at Tōdaiji. In fact, 自類相對 26 Daijō kishin ron honsho chōshūki 自他相對 大乘起信論本疏聴集記, DNBZ 92.449–450. 320 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD both of these intellectual currents inherited the tradition of Kegon scholarship. In the case of Myōe, his strong personality enabled him to develop new teachings, as he widely drew upon the wide diversity of ideas current at this time, in order to adapt his thoughts in response to the needs of his audience and lay followers. As a result, Myōe constructed quite an original system of thought and doctrine, that did not contradict the former Kegon tradition. Instead, he developed conceptual innovations that won the attention of his audience and, of course, the monks of Tōdaiji who did not share Myōe’s preoccupations with the contemporary problems of Japan that was just emerging from the chaos of civil war. Perhaps unexpectedly, the Tōdaiji scholars continued to follow Myōe’s example in settling religious problems. They adopted his positions or proved critical of them. Thus, as Shimaji Daitō pointed out, no direct discussions or controversies took place between Tōdaiji and Kōzanji; there were no controversies over ceremonies, similar to the rongi, no exchanges of opinions, and Tōdaiji did not exercise any real influence on Kōzanji.27 Dōgen When we look for an influence of Kegon on some thinkers of the Kamakura period, the result is quite disappointing, but the question excites sometimes our curiosity. We can find, in the works of the lay follower of Shingon, Chidō (?–?), a grandnephew of Dōgen, who was a believer of Maitreya’s paradise and influenced by the nenbutsu. In his works, we can find some scattered traces of his reading (direct or indirect) of Kegon literature, such as the Gaṇḍavyūha, apart from his knowledge of the Zen work, the Gateless Gate (Wumenguan), which was circulated in Kyoto in his time. According to him, when Sudhana entered into the treasory palace of Maitreya, he felt as if he entered into the heaven of Tuṣita.28 His idea that his access to the Pure land of Maitreya is accomplished in one instant of thought (ichinen ), by only one thought of faith that plants a germ of realization of the state of Buddha – this is a point identical to Myōe’s views. It allows to see the real aspect af all things which entirely pervades the world of the Law (dharmadhātu). This world is described as a state of original no-abode (honmusho ) and of no-birth (fushō ) – it is a terminology coming from Zen –. But in fact, Chidō is very critical towards the approach of the “original enlightenment” (hongaku) in the Shigon sect of his time. In a manner similar to his great-uncle’s, he thought that an effort was necessary in practices to get access to the buddhahood. This differed from the Shingon teaching according to which no practice and no enlightenment was required, because “it is without moving from the saṃsāra that we attain the nirvāṇa, and the providing of the three soiled acts of our profane state is in itself the three mysteries of the body of 知道 一念 本無處 27 Shimaji, Ibid., 394–395. 28 Ten Causes of a Good Dream (Kōmu jūin 不生 好夢十因), quoted in Tanaka 1982: 272–273. SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 321 Law.”29 Though knowing some Flower Ornament literature, Chidō did not accept the idea of an effortless and universal salvation. In the case of Dōgen, whose name itself comes from a quotation of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, were are struck by the fact that Kegon seems to be quasi-omnipresent while even unidentifiable and unseizable through accurate sources. This was demonstrated by Kamata Shigeo’s enquiry on this subject. Such is the case of the metaphor of the gemma which reflects the entire universe, or of the flower which contains the whole world in its recesses, or of the absolute space (not the physical one) which is identified with the prajñā and is the locus where all things can take place and act without any obstruction. This impression is perhaps due to the fact that these doctrines were present, not explicitely but chiefly as background and pregnant sources, in the Logia of the Chinese Zen masters that Dōgen read earnestly during his travel in China. This kind of Huayan background can be founded in the Logia of Mazu and partly in those of Linji. We can read some allusions to the pilgrimage of Sudhana and quotations of Li Tongxuan’s New Combined Treatise in Linji’s Logia. Nevertheless, we can find some indirect allusions to the Kegon literature in Dōgen’s works. He speaks of the manner in which Sudhana acquires a good medication, identified with the whole earth, by visiting the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī who is conceived as a good master.30 He also quotes some words of the Chan master Nanyang Huizhong (?–775). Huizhong discusses the realization of the state of Buddha by sentient and non-sentient beings and explains the prediction and the realization of buddhahood by sentient beings, using the comparison of a prince who becomes the sovereign of his territory. He says that “the domains of the ten directions are completely the body of the Buddha Vairocana.” Vairocana is the favourite fundamental Buddha of the Zen schools, who occurs quite frequently in the sermons of Dōgen, as in the Ocean-seal Samādhi (Kaiin zanmai), which speaks of the Biru zōkai , the ocean of the embryo-matrix of Vairocana.31 In a stanza composed at Eiheiji, nine years after having moved to the province of Echizen, Dōgen evokes, from his small hermitage compared to this threefold world of transmigration, the impossible perception of the principle of the "no birth" of all things. He compared it with something that is neither material nor immaterial as the odour of a flower, which even with a “transcendantal eye”, can only be perceived in the immediacy of the sense of smell: 南陽慧忠 毘廬藏海 My thatched hermitage of three fathoms square [of this Threefold world] is completely in the freshness of the wind, My nose perceives by inquiring at first the perfume of the automnal chrysanthemum. With eyes of iron and pupils of copper, Who can perceive it distinctly? 永平廣録 29 Ibid., 266–267. 30 Eihei kōroku , I, n° 16 ; II, n° 169. 31 DZZ, I, p. 125. Girard 1997: 81. The same word is used by Dōgen in the meanig of ocean of the treasure of the Law (Vairocana being the incarnation of the Law), that is the « Buddhist Canon », Eihei kōroku, V, n° 362, DZZ (Kagamishima), III: 232; DZZ (Ōkubo), II : 87. 322 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD I have seen in Echizen nine times reduplicated yang [the ninth of the ninth month’s festival of chrysanthemum]? 三間茅屋既風涼、鼻觀先參秋菊香、鐵眼銅睛誰辨別、越州九度見重陽 32 Here, the play on numbers, especially on the “perfect number” nine and its submultiple three, is in occurrence evident. The multiplication and the division of this perfect number nine lets emerge the idea of the infinite, or, in terms common to Kegon and Dōgen, of the inexhaustible, so that Menzan, the commentatator of this stanza assures that the multiplication of the number nine is synonymous with the “principle of the gate of the ten infinite and inexhaustible mysteries of the Flower Ornament [Kegon]” ( ).33 Though this interpretation is posteriorous to Dōgen, Menzan adopted it, maybe, because in this passage and other passages, the influence of Kegon doctrines was naturally suggested, not only in the vocabulary, but also in the dominant tone of writings of Dōgen. In the collection of kōan named the Three Hundred Cases of the Treasury of the Vision of the True Law (Shōbōgenzō sanbyakusoku ), Dōgen also quotes the words of the national master Qi’an (755–817) stating that the fourfold realm of the Law (dharmadhātu), which is based on the Flower Ornament Sūtra is not measurable nor apprehendable by the intelligence, as is done in the demon’s cave (in the abode of death), but has to be seen immediately, which seems to signify that it is inexhaustible.34 So we may infer that Dōgen was probably also critical towards the conception of four dharmadhātus, as a mere scholastic one. In a sermon adressed to his disciple Ejō (1198–1280), who asked how he had to exercise in the monastery, Dōgen said that he had to sit only, constantly, in a pavillion at the foot of a tower-mirador, without mingling nor speaking with other people, but always remaining “like a deaf and a dumb.” This may be an allusion, slightly transformed and incurved, to the well-known phrase of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra relating the state of the common beings listening to the Buddha preaching about his inner enlightenment incomprehensible for us. But, in the case of Dōgen, this state of idiocy, which he describes as the wise ignorance of worldly affairs for someone who wants to become an accomplished man, may be interpreted as a supreme state of quiet understanding of the truth.35 華嚴の重々無盡 の十玄門の道理 正法眼藏三百則 齊安國師 懷奘 32 Eihei kōroku, X, personal stanza n° 108, version of Manzan ; DZZ (Kagamishima), IV: 291; DZZ, II (Ōkubo): 199; Kikuchi Ryōichi, 2000: 728–729. The stanza can be dated to the ninth of the ninth month of 1252. The version of the Eiheiji says : “My thatched hermitage of three fathoms square is plunged in freshness, My nose cannot be duped by the perfume of the automnal chrysanthemum. How my eyes of iron and my pupils of copper could be tottering [they cannot hesitate] ? I have seen in Echizen nine times reduplicated yang [the ninth of the ninth month’s festival of chrysanthemum]? ” 三間茅屋足清涼、鼻觀難瞞秋菊香、鐵眼銅睛何潦倒、越州九度見重陽 句中玄 正法眼藏三百則 正法眼藏隨聞記 33 Tōjō kuchūgen , n° 148, Murakami, 1995: 191–192. 34 Shōbōgenzō sanbyakusoku , III, n° 24, DZZ (Ōkubo), II, pp. 241–242. 35 Shōbōgenzō zuimonki , VI–13, VI-20, DZZ (Ōkubo), II, pp. 485, 490. SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 323 In a sermon preached at Fukakusa, in 1242, Dōgen examines the generic samādhi of the Flower Ornament, the ocean-seal samādhi (kaiin zanmai). His quasi-contemporary Myōe, in a sermon of 1226, considered this generic samādhi as the source of all activities, not only all of the samādhis, as states of meditation and practices, but also as the foundation of the social activities. However, in reality, it was for him an effective state of meditation at the light of which all things had to be seen. In his sermon, Dōgen, faithful to what may be called his “phenomenism” and his “abstractionism,” states that this samādhi cannot be defined as a peculiar state of meditation adequate to the truth. It is the recognition and discovery of the things as they are, so that we have to return to this samādhi as at the source of the mind and of our original nature. While criticizing the conception of “returnig to the source,” which is peculiar to the Kegon philosophy, and which Myōe uses, Dōgen seems to attack conceptions that were prevalent in his time. Nevertheless, we are unable to point out exactly the opponents he disparaged, but probably it was not Myōe for whom this “return to the source” was not a definitive one, as – he included social activities in this samādhi. Dōgen rather attacked doctrines held, for instance, by the Hieizan or Tōdaiji’s monks or, adepts of the Darumashū. We can see, to a certain extant, Dōgen’s aknowledgement of the Kegon doctrines by indirect sources; he seems to accept them as a tacit foundation of his worldview, but he disagreed with Kegon as a doctrinal system, perhaps due to the contemporaneous Buddhist followers he knew in Japan or in China. It is worthy to notice, we think, that the stanza on the “bell in the wind” (fūrinju ), composed by the Chinese master of Dōgen, Rujing (1162–1228), was considered as very important for the two men. This contained the quintessence of their philosophy combining the conception of an absolute space, the preaching of non-sentient beings with the highest understanding of the prajñā.36 This stanza was transmitted, under rather strange circumstances, among the practicioners of vocal invocation of Amida, in the current originally issued from Kūya and continued by Kūamidabutsu (1155–1228), a current close to that of the odori nenbutsu and the yūzū nenbutsu.37 This rather odd filiation, which seems at the first glance quite inexplicable, might not be understood by affinities lying in a latent infiltration of Kegon thought? 風鈴頌 如淨 空阿彌陀佛 Conclusion During the Kamakura period, the Kegon doctrine played a quite subterranean role in some currents of Buddhism and was still alive in some original figures of this age. Its role as a state ideology was not absent, as it is the case in the Tōdaiji monks, and 寶慶記 明義進行集 惠鑁 36 See the dialogue n° 32 of the Hōkyōki . See DZZ (Ōkubo), II, 385. 37 It appears in the Myōgi shingyōshu , composed by Shinzui 1270, and copied in 1282 by Eban . See Myōgi shingyōshū, 2001:136. 信瑞 (?–1279) circa 324 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD even of Myōe who was rather marginal in his epoch. However, this role is not as influential as used to be in the Nara period when, for other doctrinal systems could assume this function. References 道元禪師全集 道元禪師全集 酒井得元 大久保 Dōgen zenji zenshū [Collected works of Zen master Dōgen]. Ōkubo Dōshū (ed.), 2 volumes. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1970. [New edition: Kyoto: Rinsen shoten, 1989.] Dōgen zenji zenshū [Collected works of Zen master Dōgen]. Kagamishima Genryū , Sakai Tokugen and Sakurai Shūyū (eds.), 7 volumes, Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1988–1993. Girard, Frédéric: “Le Samadhi de réflexion sigillaire océanique chez Dōgen” in Le Vase de Béryl (ed.): Etudes sur le Japon et la Chine en hommage à Bernard Frank. Paris: Philippe Picquier, 1997. : Kōya hijiri . Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten 1975. (Kadokawa sensho Gorai Shigeru 79.) Ishii Kyōdō : Shōwa shinshū Hōnen shōnin zenshū [Collected works of Hōnen edited during the Shōwa period]. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1955. [New edition: 1974.] [Collected works of Jōdo school]. Jōdoshū zensho Kegon shinshūgi monjūki . Kanazawa bunko shiryō zensho , volume 2, 1975. Kikuchi Ryōichi : Dōgen no kanshi – Eihei kōroku shishō – [Dōgen’s poems, the Eihei kōroku shishō]. Ashikaga: Ashikaga Kōgyō daigaku, 2000. Murakami Shindō : Dōgen zenji shigeshū Tōjō Kuchūgen [Collected poems of Zen master Dōgen, the Tōjō Kuchūgen]. Tokyo: Seizansha, 1995. Nishimura Keishō , Sueki Fumihiko : Kanjin ryakuyōshū no shinkenkyū [New studies on Kanjin ryakuyōshū]. Kyoto: Hyakkaen, 1992. Ōtake Susumu : “Hongaku no miyako kō” [An investigation of the expression “capital of the original enlightenment”]. Nihon bunka kenkyū (1999) 10: pp. 63–76. Ōtani daigaku bungakushi kenkyūkai (ed.): Myōgi shingyōshū . Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 2001. Shimaji Daitō : Nihon bukkyō kyōgakushi [The history of doctrines of Japanese Buddhism]. Tokyo: Nakayama shobō, 1933. Tanaka Hisao : Kamakura bukkyō zakkō [A random investigation of Kamakura Buddhism]. Tokyo: Shibunkaku shuppan, 1982. Zoku Tendaishū zensho [The continuation of the collected works of Tendai school]. Tokyo: Tendai shūten hensanjo, 1988. 道舟 鏡島玄隆 川選書 五來重 石井教道 高野聖 桜井秀雄 昭和新修法然上人全集 淨土宗全書 華嚴信種義聞集記 書 菊池良一 村上信道 西村冏紹 末木文美士 心略要集の新研究 大竹晋 本覺の都考 集 角 金澤文庫資料全 道元の漢詩 永平廣録私抄 道元禪師詩偈集洞上句中玄 觀 日本文化研究 大谷大學文學史研究會 島地大等 日本佛教教學史 田中久夫 鎌倉佛教雜考 續天台宗全書 明義進行 ISHII KŌSEI KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN It is often said that Kegon philosophy was used as a doctrinal justification for the planning of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere and Japan’s militaristic activities. This assessment probably derives from the fact that in roundtable discussions published in Chūōkōron immediately after the start of the Japan–US War and henceforth, Kyoto school scholars such as Kōyama Iwao (1905– 1993) and Nishitani Keiji (1900–1990) justified Japan’s aggressive behavior through a combination of Hegel’s philosophy of history, Ranke’s historical view, and Kegon philosophy.1 These scholars in turn had a serious impact on intellectuals and university students. In fact, however, even though they were philosophers having nationalistic leanings, they cooperated with some elements in the Navy who were against war party in the Army. They had received information that Japanese military activities in China were in fact a war of aggression with little likelihood of resolution, and were aware of the fact that if Japan waged war against the United States, Japan would have no chance of winning. While they justified Japanese military activities in China as a war to liberate Asian colonies, they also tried to lead the Japanese war effort in a more moral direction and to avoid the expansion of the war aimed for by the Army and militarists.2 Consequently, they insisted that Japan should lead world history by integrating Asian countries in a way that was different from Western colonialism, and by resisting Western powers from the position of representative of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. They argued that Kegon philosophy, which spelled out the relationship between “individual” and “whole” or “absolute,” could serve as a theoretical underpinning for such a new world order.3 However, they were criticized by the Army and rightwing extremists, and their activities were gradually limited. In the end, their only accomplishment was to adorn the Japanese war with philosophical language. Shortly before the rise of the Kyoto school, the Japanese Buddhist community and Buddhist academic community had linked Kegon philosophy with nationalism. 中央公論 西谷啓治 1 2 3 Horio 1994. Ōhashi 2001. Ishii 2000a. 高山岩男 326 ISHII KŌSEI In order to protect Buddhism from Shintō chauvinists, who regarded Buddhism as an alien idea and tried to eliminate it, they emphasized the fact that the imperial family had been worshipping Buddhism for a long time and that Buddhism had been the national religion in Japan from the very beginning; thus it was fully integrated into the state. They put great emphasis on the fact that Prince Shōtoku (574–622) propagated Buddhism in Japan. Taking as examples Emperor Shōmu’s (r. 724–49) achievements in establishing the Great Buddha in Tōdaiji Temple and setting up provincial monasteries (kokubunji ), they emphasized that the worship of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra was the basis of Emperor Shōmu’s faith. From the mid-1930s, Kegon philosophy was often used to explain the relationship between individuals and the state under an authoritarian regime.4 This kind of use by the Kyoto school was just one example. However, the most extreme nationalistic groups that propelled Japan to war in the early Shōwa period were in the lineage of state Shintō, the Nichiren sect, the Jōdoshin sect, the Zen sect, and other sects. For example, the National Pillar Society (Kokuchūkai ), which was organized by TANAKA Chigaku (1861–1939) and which had a great influence on military personnel, consisted of group of people who followed Nichiren and the Lotus Sūtra. The Japan Principle Society (Genri nippon sha ), which criticized professors who showed a liberal political orientation and had them expelled from their universities one after another, was a group of waka (Japanese short poem) poets who followed Shinran.5 No private religious group existed that actually believed in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and developed a radical political movement. Kegon philosophy was probably too theoretically abstruse to serve as a guideline for activists. This situations stands in sharp contrast to the case of Chinese intellectuals, such as KANG Youwei (1858–1927), TAN Sitong (1866–1898), and ZHANG Taiyan (1868–1936), who made the best use of Huayan philosophy and the mind-only philosophy to aim at social reform and revolution. 聖武 東大寺 国分寺 国柱会 田中智学 原理日本社 和歌 康有為 章太炎 譚嗣同 The Avataṃsaka-sūtra and the State in Japan When the “Eye-Opening” ceremony was held at Tōdaiji Temple in 752, Bodhisena (Bodaisenna ), an Indian monk, and Daoxuan , a Chinese monk, conducted the ceremony accompanied by Chinese, Indochinese, and Korean music. The Imperial Court needed the appearance of having all the Asian nations willingly participating in the Japanese emperor’s Buddhist ceremony. It was not merely a coincidence that the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere was justified later by Kegon philosophy. Study of the doctrines of the Kegon school flourished afterwards, centered at Tōdaiji Temple. However, unlike the Lotus Sūtra and the Diamond Sūtra, 菩提仙那 4 5 Ichikawa 1975: 222. Ishii 2002a. 道璿 KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 327 laymen seldom transcribed the Avataṃsaka-sūtra for the merits of their ancestors. The Avataṃsaka-sūtra was probably considered to be the national sacred text worshipped by Emperor Shōmu, and was not an object of worship among ordinary people. This is quite different from the situation in China and Korea. It is often said that Fazang’s (643–712) Kegon (Ch. Huayan) philosophy became the guiding force of the social ideology during the reign of Empress Wu (624–705). However, this was just a hypothesis of the late Prof. KAMATA Shigeo . Kamata criticized the Kyoto school and TAKAKUSU Junjirō , who utilized Kegon philosophy to justify the Great East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere and totalitarianism, and supposed that the same thing held true in the Tang dynasty.6 It is true that Fazang and Empress Wu took the best advantage of each other, but Fazang was in the lower ranks of the monastic hierarchy and other famous monks were far more respected than he was. The Kegon School in various temples in Nara, such as in Tōdaiji Temple, was a public school for the purpose of studying Kegon philosophy. In the Tōdaiji Temple Kegon school in the Kamakura period, Gyōnen (1240–1321), a great scholar monk, composed numerous texts on Kegon philosophy as well as many books surveying the histories and doctrines of various Buddhist schools, including Kegon. In the Edo period (1600–1867), Gyōnen’s works, such as the Essence of Eight Schools (Hasshū kōyō ), were used as standard introductory texts for Buddhism. Moreover, many schools of Buddhism studied Kegon philosophy to gain basic Buddhist doctrinal knowledge. Among these sects, Jōdoshin Sect and Shingon Sect were particularly keen on studying Kegon philosophy, because their originators greatly esteemed the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Kegon philosophy. Hōtan (1654–1738), an Edo period reviver of the Kegon School, often held heated discussions with the scholar monks of other sects. As a result, despite the fact that many scholar monks developed detailed philological and historical studies, the Kegon studies at Tōdaiji Temple remained on the wane. Moreover, because, unlike other sects, Tōdaiji Temple did not have an enormous number of believers, its influence further waned after the Meiji Restoration. In 1872, when the Meiji Government ordered each temple to clarify to which sect it belonged, Tōdaiji Temple was forced to be managed under the Jōdo (Pure Land) sect. It was only in 1886 that Tōdaiji Temple regained independence as the head temple of the Kegon School. 法藏 田茂雄 高楠順次郎 武 鎌 凝然 八宗綱要 鳳潭 Kametani Seikei’s Revival of Kegon Philosophy 亀谷聖馨 In this situation, it was KAMETANI Seikei (1858–1930) who approached Kegon philosophy from a modern perspective, regarding the Avataṃsaka-sūtra as the supreme Buddhist scripture.7 Kametani, who served as a secretary to a national6 7 Kamata 1960. Ishii 2002b. 328 ISHII KŌSEI istic politician, moved to Tōdaiji Temple in his mid-thirties and devoted himself to the research of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra. Then, working as a newspaper writer and an educator, Kametani wrote a number of books on the history and doctrines of the Kegon school. Comparing Kegon philosophy with that of Kant and Hegel, Kametani insisted that the philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra was the most profound, and that all Western philosophies could be subsumed within it.8 He also tried to demonstrate that Kegon philosophy was not incompatible with Einstein’s Theory of Relativity.9 Kametani, who respected and followed Emperor Meiji’s Imperial Rescript on Education, argued that it reflected Kegon philosophy. Moreover, believing in the Sun Goddess Amaterasu – held to be the Imperial ancestor – to be equivalent to Vairocana Buddha in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, Kametani tried to link Kegon philosophy with kokutai or National Polity of Japan.10 Intellectuals and students read Kametani’s works written from this perspective to a certain extent, and they seemed to stimulate interest in Kegon philosophy. While Kametani was an old-style patriotic Buddhist who respected the Imperial family and emphasized loyalty and filial piety, he recognized the merits of Christianity. He was also a pacifist who did not cease to have positive hopes for results from the activities of the International Peace Conference and so on. However, he regarded Japan’s war as a kind of holy war for peace. The combination of Prince Shōtoku, Emperor Shōmu, and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra that Kametani worshiped was simply a combination that the Buddhist community used as a vindication against attacks on Buddhism by extreme nationalists in the decade starting from the mid1930s. 国体 Kihira Tadayoshi’s Nationalistic Kegon Philosophy 井上哲次郎 紀平正美 Kametani was on good terms with INOUE Tetsujirō (1855–1944), a famous nationalistic philosopher who wrote an officially recognized commentary on the Imperial Rescript on Education. KIHIRA Tadayoshi (1874–1949), a student of Inoue, who helped Hegelian philosophy to get firmly accepted in Japan, became familiar with Buddhist philosophy in his youth and wrote books on Chinese Zen, Shinran, and Dōgen. Kihira particularly respected Prince Shōtoku’s Seventeen Article Constitution, Kegon philosophy, and Shinran’s philosophy. One feature of Kihira’s interpretation of Buddhism is its thorough linkage with nationalism.11 While Kihira evaluates Kegon philosophy as superior to Hegelian philosophy, he was cautious about its doctrine of “non-obstruction between distinct phenomena.” This is because if the doctrine were applied to the situation in Japan, the common 18 19 10 11 Kametani 1923. Kametani 1922. Kametani 1912. Ishii 2000b. KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 329 people and the emperor would be seen as equals because they have unlimited virtues in common. This kind of thinking also has affinities with Western democracy. Therefore Kihira emphasized that the ancestors of the Imperial family were the fundamental source of all virtues. He identified this situation with the doctrine of “dependent co-arising from the tathāgatagarbha” which argued that everything comes out of tathāgatagarbha. As the Avataṃsaka-sūtra included these doctrines, he believed that Japan stood in the middle between the doctrine of “non-obstruction between distinct phenomena” and the doctrine of “dependent co-arising from the tathāgatagarbha.” In other words, each person was different according to his occupation and societal status, but everyone was equal under the absolute Emperor, and he argued that the Great Buddha in Tōjdaiji Temple represented this idea.12 Like Inoue, Kihira had a close relationship with the Ministry of Education from early on.13 When the Ministry of Education established the Institute of National Spiritual Culture (Kokumin seishin bunka kenkyūjo ) in 1932 for the purpose of study and teaching of nationalism, Kihira became quite active as the head of its thought division. The Ministry of Education made a nationalistic pamphlet entitled Cardinal Principles of the National Entity of Japan (Kokutai no hongi ), primarily written by the institute’s members, which was distributed to schools all over Japan. Its central theme utilized Kihira’s argument.14 As soon as Cardinal Principles was published, Kihira published its manual via the Ministry of Education. Arguing that “wa (harmony)” advocated by Prince Shōtoku was not mere pacifism but “daiwa (great harmony)” that could include resorting to military force, Kihira justified the application of force for peace.15 Putting Kegon philosophy into practice, Kihira believed that this “daiwa” was the amalgamation of equal individuals and the absolute state, which was a special feature of Japan. However, because Kihira was cautious about the socialist movement in Japan and argued for the harmony of a variety of people while completely ignoring Asian nations, he did not pay any attention to the problem of rationalizing Japanese rule over Asian nations through Kegon philosophy. 国民精神文化研究所 国体の本義 和 大和 Tsuchida Kyōson’s Liberal Interpretation of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra Kihira was cautious about Kegon philosophy, aware that the philosophy contained a principle of equality that could be used to deny monarchy. It is possible that Kihira had taken into account the opinions of TSUCHIDA Kyōson (1891–1934). Tsuchida entered the Kyoto University department of philosophy, where he studied phenomenology under NISHIDA Kitarō (1870–1945). He subsequently 西田幾多郎 12 13 14 15 Kihira 1930: 117–118. Kihira 1932. Ajisaka 1991. Kihira 1938. 土田杏村 330 ISHII KŌSEI chose a career not as a university professor, but as a freelance critic. In his Philosophy of Symbols (Shochō no tetsugaku ) published in 1919, he criticized the notion that an entity has various attributes, and tried to develop his own epistemology using Kegon philosophy. In 1921, he published the Short Essays on the Kegon Philosophy (Kegon tetsugaku shōronkō ) that dealt with the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and the Awakening Faith in Mahāyāna. In this book, he argued that Buddhist philosophy should not be a merely passive theology, declaring that any principle to reform society should be based on the philosophy of the doctrine of “non-obstruction of distinct-phenomena” of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra. In other words, considering the idea of private ownership as the source of various social problems, he aimed at formulating a liberal social system free from such attachments. Tsuchida highly evaluated Kegon philosophy as a theory to articulate this kind of social system. He published his own journal entitled Culture, introducing philosophies and social conditions of Western Europe, including communism and anarchism, but opposing dogmatic Marxism. He also cooperated with the Free University of Shinano , which was a small learning society run by young people, considering this system as a model of liberal and democratic society. Consequently, academic scholars, the thought police, and Marxists regarded him as heretical philosopher, a dangerous activist spreading socialism, or a reactionary fascist.16 In this way, Tsuchida was a philosopher who respected liberty and equality, and used Kegon philosophy to inform his personal thinking and lifestyle. However, in his later years, he made an argument that came close to state socialism.17 As he insisted on the necessity of a national agency that would implement equitable policies to fill the gap between rich and poor, his arguments ended up becoming even closer to state socialism. He died at the age of 43 before the onset of World War II, but if he had lived for ten more years, we can imagine that his arguments would have moved even closer to state socialism with the rise of nationalism in Japanese society. 象徴の哲学 華厳哲学小論攷 信濃 Nationalistic Interpretation of Kegon Philosophy in the Buddhist Community and the Buddhist Academic Community TAKAKUSU Junjirō (1866–1949), a major figure within the Buddhist academic community and well-known as the editor of the Taishō Tripitaka, gave a lecture entitled “Buddhist Totalitarian Principle” at a meeting sponsored by the Ministry of Education six months after the publication of Cardinal Principles of the National Entity of Japan. This lecture was published by the Ministry of Education in the following year.18 He argued that Japan had been totalitarian since the foundation of the coun16 Ueki 1971: 360–361. 17 Yamaguchi 2004. 18 Takakusu 1938. KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 331 try, taking Tōdaiji Temple and its provincial monasteries as prime examples. He articulated the specific totalitarianism in Japan through Kegon philosophy, and insisted that the Japanese people should devote themselves to the country under such a national system. Since Takakusu, like Kihira, belonged to the Institute of National Spiritual Culture and participated in the editing of Cardinal Principles, Kihira probably had an influence on Takakusu. Takakusu from the beginning respected liberty and peace. He made efforts to promote international exchange programs, and devoted himself to educating women, but he was strongly cautious about the growth of Christianity from his youth and this attitude became stronger with age. When he was young, Takakusu became deeply involved with Anagarika Dharmapala (1864– 1933), a Sinhalese nationalist fighting for the revival of Buddhism and independence of Ceylon. In his third visit to Japan in 1902, Dharmapala had a long discussion with TANAKA Chigaku, a representative of modern Japanese nationalistic Buddhists, and they had a strong impact on each other. Based on an ancient legend reported by Dharmapala, Tanaka began to argue that Emperor Jinmu came from India and the Imperial Family was descended from Chakravarti-rājas or Śākya clan. He claimed that Japan should morally integrate the world and coined the notorious phrase, “All the world under one roof (hakkō ichiu ).” Dharmapala not only met with many nationalistic Buddhists in Japan with whom he exchanged mutual influence, but also stimulated YANG Wenhui (1837–1927), a key player in the revival of Buddhism in China. Though Dharmapala was himself a pacifist, he played a significant role in linking Buddhism with nationalism in modern Asia. Besides Takakusu, there were many scholars and Buddhist monks who gradually came close to extreme nationalism through protecting Buddhism from extreme rightwingers and came to use Kegon philosophy to justify war. Concerning the behavior of these scholars and Buddhist monks, ICHIKAWA Hakugen (1902–1986) persistently surveyed their behaviors and sought to clarify the responsibility for the war among the Buddhist Community and Buddhist Academic Community, as well as his own responsibility.19 Ichikawa made his points in a series of articles entitled “War Experience in Buddhism (Bukkyō ni okeru sensō taiken )” (1959–1962). These people included famous scholars, Buddhist monks, and intellectual Buddhists who wrote books about the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Kegon philosophy, such as KANEKO Daiei , YAMABE Shūgaku , KAMEKAWA Kyōshin , EBE Ōson , and others. Some of these people were respected for their righteousness, deep beliefs, and scholarship. Why were these people easily swayed by nationalism and why did they develop their nationalistic arguments using Kegon philosophy? Did Kegon philosophy have something common with the Imperial Rescript on Education? This situation held true for Nishida Kitarō, a representative philosopher of modern Japan. Nishida was originally a liberal, but as he defended himself against persistent attacks from the right wing, his argument gradually became close to that of 八紘一宇 楊文會 市川白弦 仏教における戦争体 験 亀川教信 19 Ishii 2004. 金子大栄 江部鴨村 山辺習学 332 ISHII KŌSEI ultranationalists. In his last years, Nishida deepened his own philosophy and often used the phrase “non-obstruction between distinct phenomena” and explained Japan’s distinctive features centered on the Imperial family. In other words, Nishida opposed the crude arguments of radical nationalists, while writing articles that gave theoretical significance to the foundation of their arguments, such as Japan’s prominence and Japan’s particularity, based on his own ideas and on Kegon philosophy.20 Nishida, however, did not study Kegon philosophy in a systematic way. In later years, Nishida adopted Kegon philosophy into his own ideas because his close friend D. T. Suzuki was actively discussing Kegon philosophy, and his students, Kōyama and Nishitani, had organized an Avataṃsaka-sūtra study group and studied Kegon philosophy while they were graduate students. While he was young, Nishida had contact with Kihira, who went to the same university, but in later years, they became enemies. During the war, Kihira and his followers actively criticized Nishida’s philosophy as unpatriotic. D. T. Suzuki’s and Ichikawa Hakugen’s Perspectives on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra Unlike many aggressive Zen masters during the war, D. T. Suzuki (1870–1966) did not praise the holy war or suicide attacks. He well understood the power of the Western nations and predicted that Japan would lose the war. During the war, Suzuki began to search for a means to revive Japan in the postwar era. With this purpose in mind, he paid particular attention to the philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra. Suzuki was the first Buddhist scholar in East Asia who clearly claimed that it was necessary to separate the philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra itself from the philosophy of the Kegon school. However, in his Construction of a Spiritual Japan (Reiseiteki nihon no kensetsu ) published in the year following the defeat in the war, he regarded the philosophy of “non-obstruction between distinct phenomena” of the Kegon school as the basis for rebuilding Japan as a democratic country. In other words, using Kegon philosophy, Suzuki described a picture where nations in the world could freely mingle with each other on an equal footing, and where at home all the people respected each other’s freedom, and freely related with one other. This is reminiscent of KANG Youwei’s “society of great harmony (datong shijie )” because both had utopian ideas. Suzuki regarded the Emperor as the center of Japan and expected the Emperor to function as the nucleus of an equitable society where independent people could judge everything for themselves. This is different from the totalitarian idea that prevailed during the war, in which the state and the military controlled every aspect of people’s lives. Suzuki did not regard the Emperor as an absolute God and believed that independent individuals should act according to their own judgment. However, it is true 霊性的日本の建設 大同世界 20 Ishii 2002c. KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 333 that the structure of Suzuki’s idea resembles a rationalization of the totalitarianism of Kegon philosophy. In fact, later in his life, Suzuki wished that the philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra would achieve the democratization of Japan and break the deadlock of Western civilization, believing that such a philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra would become activated only through Japanese spirituality.21 We can find in Suzuki a link between internationalism and nationalism. Early on, Suzuki rated Ichikawa Hakugen highly, and Ichikawa was greatly influenced by Suzuki. However, in the postwar era, Ichikawa began to criticize Suzuki. One of the reasons was that Suzuki did not express opposition to militarism during the war, but after the war, suddenly began to criticize Shintōism and Zen masters’ wartime behavior. Another reason was that even though Suzuki tried to create a democratic Japan, he situated the Emperor at the center of Japan. Ichikawa, who had been familiar with anarchism since he was young and actually participated in moderate anarchist political movements in the postwar era, appreciated Suzuki’s approach, but did not accept the idea of seeing the Emperor as the center of Japan. Ichikawa believed that the society Suzuki pictured should be like the society of “unity of order and anarchy” idealized by Proudhon, and the World of the Lotus Treasury in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra is exactly such a society.22 Even in his later years, Ichikawa probably was unaware of reformist and revolutionists in China who utilized Huayan philosophy. Conclusion In this way, Kegon philosophy was often used in connection with nationalism in modern Japan. This can be partly attributed to the fact that Kegon philosophy had been studied under authority of Emperor Shōmu. More importantly, because Kegon philosophy taught the interpenetration of the individual and the whole, it was easy for it to be connected with totalitarianism. On the other hand, there were some scholars who regarded Kegon philosophy as a theory for a society to be established by free and equal individuals. But these people were in an extreme minority and did not have any meaningful social influence. References 鯵阪真: “Wa no shisō to nippon seishin shugi: Kokutai no hongi no seiritsu jijō” 「和」の思想と日本精神主義－『国体の本義』の成立事情－ [The thought of wa and the worship of the Japanese spirit] in Nihon kagakusha kaigi shisō bunka kenkyūkai (ed.): Nihon bunka ron hihan 日本文化論批判. Tokyo: Suiyōsha, 1991. Ajisaka Makoto 21 Suzuki 1946: 158–163. 22 Ichikawa 1961. 334 ISHII KŌSEI 堀尾勉 Horio Tsutomu : “The Chūōkōron Discussions, Their Background and Meaning” in James W. Heisig and John C. Maraldo (eds.): Rude Awakenings: Zen, the Kyoto School, & the Question of Nationalism. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1994. Ichikawa Hakugen : “Zen kegon anakizumu” [Zen, Kegon, and Anarchism]. Jiyūshisō (1961) 5: pp. 23–38. [Ichikawa hakugen chosakushū vol. 3. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1997, pp. 325–330.] Ichikawa Hakugen : “Bukkyō ni okeru sensō taiken” [War experience in Buddhism] in Ichikawa: Nihon fashizumu ka no shūkyō . Tokyo: Enuesu-shuppankai, 1975. Ishii Kōsei : “Kyōto gakuha no tetsugaku to nihon bukkyō; Kōyama Iwao no baai” – [Philosophies of the Kyoto School and the Japanese Buddhism: with special reference to Kōyama Iwao] in Kikan Bukkyō (2000a) 49: pp. 111–119. Ishii Kōsei : “Daitōa kyōeiken no gōrika to kegon tetsugaku (1) – Kihira Tadayoshi no yakuwari o chūshin to shite” ( ) [Justification of the Great East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and Huayan philosophy (1) – with special reference to the role played by Kihira Tadayoshi]. Bukkyōgaku (2000b) 42: pp. 45–70. Ishii Kōsei : “Shinran o sangō shita chōkokkashugisha tachi (1): Genri nipponsha no Mitsui Kōshi no shisō” ( ) [Ultranationalists who worshipped Shinran(1) the thought of Mitsui Kōshi, one of the founders of the Genri Nippon sha (the Japan Principle Society)]. Komazawa Tanki Daigaku Bukkyō Ronshū (2002a) 8: pp. 45–70. Ishii Kōsei : “Dai Tōa kyōeiken ni itaru kegon tetsugaku: Kametani Seikei no Kegonkyō senyō” – [Huayan philosophy leading to the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere – the enhancement of the Avataṃsakasūtra by Kametani Seikei]. Shisō (2002b) 943: pp. 128–146. Ishii Kōsei : “L’idée de Sphère de co-prospérité de la Grand Asie Orientale et la philosophie bouddhique – Le rôle de l’École de Kyôto,” traduit par Frédéric Girard. Cipango (2002c) Numéro hors-série printemps: pp. 71–112. Ishii Kōsei : “Shūkyōsha no sensō sekinin: Ichikawa Hakugen sono hito no kentō o tōshite” — [War responsibility of believers through the case of Ichikawa Hakugen himself] in Bōryoku [Violence]. Tokyo: Iwanami-shoten, 2004. (Iwanami kōza shūkyō 8.) Kamata Shigeo : “Kegon tetsugaku no konpon tachiba” [Basic standpoint of Huayan philosophy] in Nakamura Hajime (ed.): Kegon shisō [Huayan thought]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1960. Kametani Seikei : Kyōiku chokugo to shūkyō [The Imperial Rescript on Education and Religions]. Tokyo: Meikyō Daigaku sōsetusho,1912. Kametani Seikei : Kegon no tetsuri to sōtaisei genri [Kegon philosophy and the principle of relativity]. Tokyo: Meikyō gakkai, 1922. Kametani Seikei : Kegon tetsugaku to taisei tetsugaku [Huayan philosophy and Western philosophies]. Tokyo: Tetsugakushūkyo kennsankai, 1923. Kihira Tadayoshi : Nippon seishin [Japanese spirit]. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1930. 弦著作集 市川白弦 自由思想 市川白弦 禅・華厳・アナキズム 石井公成 学派の哲学と日本仏教－高山岩男の場合 石井公成 中心として の思想 － 石井公成 市川白 仏教における戦争体験 日本ファシズム下の宗教 京都 季刊仏教 大東亜共栄圏の合理化と華厳哲学 一 －紀平正美の役割を 仏教学 親鸞を讃仰した超国家主義者たち 一 －原理日本社の三井甲之 － 駒澤短期大学仏教論集 石井公成 大東亜共栄圏に至る華厳哲学－亀谷聖馨の『華厳経』宣揚 思想 石井公成 《 》 石井公成 宗教者の戦争責任 市川白弦その人の検討を通して 鎌田茂雄 亀谷聖馨 亀谷聖馨 亀谷聖馨 紀平正美 暴力 華厳哲学の根本立場 華厳思想 教育勅語と宗教 華厳の哲理と相対性原理 華厳哲学と泰西哲学 日本精神 KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 紀平正美 紀平正美 大橋良介 鈴木大拙 高楠順次郎 日本諸学振興委員会研究報告 上木敏郎 日本精神と弁証法 我が 国体に於ける和 京都学派と日本海軍 霊性的日本の建設 仏教の全体性原理 335 Kihira Tadayoshi : Nippon seishin to benshōhō [Japanese spirit and dialectic]. Tokyo: Monbushō nai shisō mondai kenkyūkai, 1932. Kihira Tadayoshi : Waga kokutai ni okeru wa [Harmony in our national polity]. Tokyo: (Monbushō) Kyōgaku kyoku, 1938. Ōhashi Ryōsuke : Kyōto gakuha to nihon kaigun [The Kyoto School and the Japanese Navy]. Tokyo: PHP Kenkyūsho, 2001. Suzuki Daisetsu : Reiseiteki nihon no kensetsu [Construction of a spiritual Japan]. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1946. Takakusu Junjirō : “Bukkyō no zentaisei genri” [Buddhist totalitarian principle] in (Monbushō) Kyōgaku kyoku (ed.): Nihon shogaku shinkō iinkai kenkyū hōkoku , vol. II. (Tetsugaku). Tokyo: Kyōgaku kyoku, 1938. Ueki Toshirō : “Kaisetsu-Tsuchida Kyōson no shōgai” ― [Kaisetsu-the life of Tsuchida Kyōson] in Tuchida Kyōson: Shōchō no tetsugaku. . Tokyo: Shinsensha, 1971. Yamaguchi Kazuhiro : Tsuchida Kyōson no kindai [Modernity for Tsuchida Kyōson]. Tokyo: Perikan-sha, 2004. 山口和宏 解説 土田杏村の生涯 象徴の哲学 土田杏村の近代 DOROTHY WONG THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Introduction Huayan (J. Kegon; K. Hwaŏm) Buddhism, whose teachings are based on the Huayan jing, the Avataṃsaka-sūtra or Flower Garland Sūtra, is one of the most important schools of East Asian Buddhism.1 The Huayan jing has provided inspiration for the creation of numerous artworks, ritual objects, and architectural complexes.2 We are familiar with the portrayals of Vairocana (Ch. Darirulai , or Piluzhenafo ), Mañjuśrī (Ch. Wenshu ), and Samantabhadra (Ch. Puxian ) – the “Three Holy Ones” of Huayan Buddhism. The Gaṇḍavyūha, or Rufajiepin , the last chapter of the Tang translation of the Huayan jing, recounts the young boy Sudhana’s (Ch. Shancai tongzi ) pilgrimage to visit fifty-three spiritual friends (kalyāṇamitra) in search of enlightenment. This originally independent text has inspired a variety of popular pictorial narratives and sculptural reliefs. In this study I discuss a group of Huayan paintings that hitherto has received relatively little attention. These are the so-called Huayan bian , or “transformation tableaux” (referring to bian , bianxiang , or jingbian ), that are intended to embody, or make manifest, the entirety of the sūtra’s teaching in a pictorial format. I examine the Chinese examples from Dunhuang, of ninth- to eleventh-century dates, and the slightly later Japanese ones dating to the Kamakura 毘廬遮那佛 入法界品 2 普賢 善財童子 變 1 大日如來 文殊 變相 華嚴變 經變 Early versions of this chapter were presented at the 2004 Association for Asian Studies annual meeting in San Diego, and at the Chinese Buddhism Conference held at Hsi Lai Temple, Los Angeles, in June 2005. I am grateful for the comments from Robert Gimello, the discussant of the 2004 AAS panel, and from Deborah Klimburg-Salter, who has read early drafts of this essay. I would also like to acknowledge the support of a small grant from the Carl H. and Martha S. Lindner Center for Art History, University of Virginia, toward preparation of this essay for publication. The Avataṃsaka-sūtra was first translated into Chinese by the Indian monk Buddhabhadra in 420 (T 278, 60 fascicles), and again by the Khotanese monk Śikṣānanda in 699 (T 279, 80 fascicles). For more details, see Hamar’s chapter, “The History of the Avataṃskasūtra,” in this volume. Ono 1937, Matsumoto 1937, Fontein 1967, Gómez and Woodward 1981, Ishida 1988. 338 DOROTHY WONG period (1185–1333). Although most early Hwaŏm paintings from Korea have not survived, some later examples are included for discussion. These three groups of Huayan/Kegon/Hwaŏm paintings share similarities, but they also differ in other ways. This essay is a preliminary attempt to explore and interpret these paintings as a group. Furthermore, an examination of the use of these paintings in ritual contexts, both in East Asia and elsewhere, may shed light on the meanings of these paintings and the emerging esoteric context within which they can be interpreted. Huayan Paintings in China The most flourishing period of Huayan Buddhism in East Asia was in the seventh and eighth centuries, when the school’s teachings were intertwined with state ideology. Empress Wu Zetian (624–705) of Tang dynasty (618–907) China and Emperor Shōmu (701–756) of Nara period (710–794) Japan were both important imperial patrons of Huayan/Kegon Buddhism. It was also during the High Tang period (705–780) that we first read about paintings entitled Huayan bian. Zhang Yanyuan’s Lidai minghua ji [Record of Famous Painters of All Dynasties] mentions such mural depictions in Yidesi and Jing’aisi , Buddhist temples in Chang’an and Luoyang, respectively.3 In Japan, Monk Dōji (d. 744) commissioned an embroidery of Kegon hen (Huayan bian) for Daianji in 742, suggesting that the new kinds of Buddhist paintings developed in China were closely followed in Japan.4 The embroidery’s title, Avataṃsaka’s Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies (Ch. Qichu jiuhui, J. Shichisho kyūkai ), confirms that its contents were based on the Tang translation of the sūtra. (The fifthcentury translation of the Huayan jing mentions only eight assemblies.) The majority of Huayan paintings at Dunhuang also portray the same subject, and it is to this group that we turn our attention. Unlike the more alluring, splendid Pure Land paintings, or the captivating narratives of the Vimalakīrti-sūtra (Ch. Weimojie jing ) and the like, the Huayan paintings at Dunhuang have largely been seen as dry and monotonous, lacking in visual appeal that merits study. Most of them depict the Buddha’s magical appearances in seven mythical locations where he expounds the Huayan teachings in nine gatherings. The assemblies are more or less identical, static with minimal details about place and narrative contents. Most art historians ascribe this lack of visual interest to the difficulty of representing the abstract, abstruse philosophical doctrine of a text 武則天皇后 聖武天皇 敬愛寺 道慈 大安寺 張彥遠 歷代名畫記 懿德寺 七處九會 維摩詰經 3 4 大安寺伽藍縁起并流記資財帳 Zhang 847: juan 3, 61, 68–69, respectively. In “Daianji garan engi narabini ryūki shizaichō [A history of the founding of Daianji and a record of its properties] (747),” in Hanawa Hokinoichi (1746–1821), 1983 ed., Gunsho ruijū [A compendium of categorized texts], vol. 24, p. 381. Dōji was one of the Japanese monks who traveled to Tang China during the heyday of Huayan Buddhism. 群書類従 塙保已一 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 339 as long and complex as the Huayan jing. Because of such aesthetic judgments, full illustrations of these murals are seldom included in major publications of Dunhuang art. For example, the Dunhuang Academy records a total of twenty-nine murals of Huayan bian in the Dunhuang cave-chapels, yet not a single mural was featured in the five-volume series published in the early 1980s.5 The recent rediscovery and publication of two large, portable Huayan paintings in the Pelliot Collection, which until recently have been neglected in storage at the Musée Guimet, present new materials for re-evaluation.6 These two silk paintings are among the largest portable paintings from Dunhuang – one almost 2 meters and the other almost 3 meters in height. Based on their stylistic characteristics, they have been dated to the Five Dynasties (907–960) or Song (960–1279) period, in the tenth century. Their impressive size and fine quality indicate that the Huayan doctrine was of central importance to the Buddhist community at Dunhuang. Probably intended for hanging in temples, they served important liturgical functions. The first painting portrays the Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies (194 × 179 cm), while the second depicts the Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood (286 × 189 cm), based on the Daśabhūmika, or Shidipin , chapter of the Huayan jing (figs. 1, 2). Like the Gaṇḍavyūha, the Daśabhūmika was originally an independent text that became incorporated into the larger body of the Avataṃsaka literature. The painting of Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies belongs to the type that originated in the High Tang period and was subsequently transmitted to Korea and Japan. According to the Huayan tradition, after the Buddha achieved enlightenment at Bodhgayā he remained in a trance, in a state of ecstatic beatitude, for a period of four times seven days. During this period of deep meditation, and upon Brahmā’s intercession, the Buddha manifested himself in seven mystical locations and preached to the assemblies gathered for his teachings (the total number of assemblies was eight or nine according to the fifth- or seventh-century translations of the Huayan jing, respectively.) The Buddha’s manifestations are thus magical apparitions, and the mystical locations delineate a movement beginning from the site of the Buddha’s enlightenment in the terrestrial realm, then ascending to the heavens, and finally finding a resolution back in the terrestrial domain. This temporal-spatial scheme in 十地品 5 6 高窟 敦煌文物研究所 敦煌莫 Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo 1982: 227–28. In the Tonkō Bakkōkutsu series (1980–82), there are only views of the ceilings of Cave 9 and 55, which include Huayan bian, but the photographs are not of the quality that one can study. The Dunhuang shiku xishu series (from 1993) that published individual cave-temples began to include Huanyan bian for study; but prior to this publication one still had to rely on Pelliot 1914–24, or Matsumoto’s study in 1937. At the 2004 AAS meeting, Robert Gimello commented that a common phenomenon in the reception of religious art is that beatitude is difficult to portray, whereas depictions of the lower realms of spirituality, such as hells scenes in Christian art or the many pictorial narratives in Buddhist art, are much more engaging and are often the first to draw the attention not only of viewers but of scholars as well. Giès 1994, 1996. 敦煌石窟藝術 340 DOROTHY WONG the Buddha’s apparitions corresponds to the Avataṃsaka cosmology, a variant of the many conceptions of Buddhist cosmology. In Buddhist cosmology one generally distinguishes between the single-world system, also known as the triple world system, of pre-Mahāyāna Buddhist cosmology and the multiple-world system, or the cosmology of innumerables, of Mahāyāna cosmology; the latter includes the Pure Land cosmology of Amitābha/Amitāyus (Ch. Amituo/Wuliangshoufo / ) and various buddha-fields (buddhakṣetra; Ch. fotu ). The Avataṃsaka cosmology, or the Lotus Repository World (Ch. Lianhuazang shijie ) of Vairocana Buddha, however, incorporates the earlier single-world system but transforms it into a fantastic, miraculous realm.7 The triple world system is divided into three spheres: the kāmadhātu (the realm of desire; Ch. yujie ), rūpadhātu (realm of form; Ch. sejie ), and ārūpyadhātu (realm of formlessness; Ch. wusejie ). The seven mystical locations of Vairocana’s assemblies all occur within the kāmadhātu, the lowest sphere in the triple world system. In the Dunhuang painting, the nine assemblies are neatly arranged in a grid plan of three rows and three columns (fig. 1a). These are, from left to right: 佛土 欲界 Top register: 阿彌陀 無量壽佛 蓮華藏世界 色界 無色界 兜率天 夜摩天 5th assembly (Tuṣita Heaven; Ch. Doushuai tian ) 4th assembly (Suyama Heaven; Ch. Yemo tian ) 6th assembly (Paranirmitavaśavartin Heaven; Ch. Tahuazizai tian 他化自在天) Middle register: 普光法堂 7th assembly (Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance, in Magadha; Ch. Puguangfa tang ) 3rd assembly (Trāyastriṃśa, summit of Mt. Meru; Ch. Daoli tian ) 8th assembly (Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance, in Magadha) 忉利天 Bottom register: 菩提道場 逝多園林 2nd assembly (Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance, in Magadha) 1st assembly (Bodhgayā, in Magadha; Ch. Puti daochang ) 9th assembly (Jetavana Groves, in Kosalas; Ch. Shiduo yuanlin ) The kāmadhātu is further divided into the heavens, earth (Jambudvīpa; Ch. Zhanbuzhou ), and hells. In the Huayan scheme, the Buddha preaches the first assembly at Bodhgayā, in the kingdom of Magadha, where he achieved enlightenment, in the bottom center, followed by the second assembly, which takes place in the Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance, also in Magadha. The subsequent assemblies take place in the heavenly abodes of gods; the most significant one, the third assembly, shown in the center, occurs at Trāyastriṃśa, the abode of Indra on the summit of Mt. Meru (or Sumeru, Ch. Xumishan ). The fourth, fifth, and sixth assemblies that follow take place in the upper levels of heaven and are shown in the upper register. The seventh and eighth assemblies, also at the Palace of the 瞻部洲 須彌山 7 Kloetzli 1983, 1987; Sadakata 1997: 143–157; Wong forthcoming. THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 341 Dharma of Universal Radiance, flank the third assembly in the middle register. The last or ninth assembly, during which the Gaṇḍavyūha chapter is taught, occurs at the Jetavana Groves, in the Kosalas kingdom in Jambudvīpa, the site of the Buddha’s first sermon. It is shown to the right of the first assembly, thus concluding the sequence of mystical visions in a kind of ascending and descending path. Subtly interwoven into this diagrammatic composition we can interpret the Huayan concepts of the triloka (three worlds) and the trikāya (three bodies; Ch. sanshen ). For example, the locations occur both at Jambudvīpa and in the heavens of gods. While the historical locations provide the settings for the nirmāṇakāya (transformation body; Ch. huashen , or yingshen ) of the Buddha, the mystical places furnish the environments for the apparitions of the Buddha’s saṃbhogakāya (enjoyment body; Ch. baoshen ). The Huayan doctrine also describes the Buddha in absolute terms as the dharmakāya (truth body; Ch. ), embodied by Vairocana, the supreme Buddha of the universe. As the abstract, cosmic form of Śākyamuni, Vairocana is omniscient and omnipresent, and the sūtra emphasizes his multiplicity and all-pervading presence. His world is the dharmadhātu, the realm of absolute truth, described in the sūtra with the metaphor of the lotus, and it is one of ineffable immensity and wonders, embracing countless world systems. This Lotus Repository World is depicted in the bottom part of the painting, separated from the assemblies by an arc of five-colored clouds (fig. 1b). A large lotus emerges from the oceans of fragrant water, supported by two nāga kings. Flowers refer to the practice and deeds, which produce fruits and seeds. The ocean of fragrant water symbolizes the “repository consciousness,” a storehouse for experiential impressions. The walled enclosures depicted within the lotus refer to the infinity of world systems it contains. The sūtra speaks of each atom of the Lotus Repository World as containing the universe of elemental cosmos, countless as the sands of the Ganges.8 One of the most well-known representations of the Lotus Repository World is the colossal bronze statue of Vairocana at Tōdaiji first cast in the eighth century, although this iconography is based on the earlier Brahmajāla-sūtra (Ch. Fanwang jing ; c. third century C.E.)9 rather than on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra 10 (figs. 3, 3a). Vairocana sits upon a thousand-petaled lotus, each petal of which supports a world. The Buddha incarnates into one thousand Śākyamuni Buddhas, one for each of the worlds. On each petal, in each world, there are ten billion Mt. Meru worlds. The Śākyamuni Buddhas each incarnate into ten billion Śākyamuni bodhisattvas, who dwell within each of these Mt. Meru worlds. Thus there are altogether one Vairocana Buddha, one thousand Śākyamuni Buddhas, and ten trillion Śākyamuni 三身 化身 報身 梵網經 應身 法身 東大寺 18 Cleary 1984: 204. 19 T 1484. 10 For a distinction between the two descriptions of the Lotus Repository World based on the Brahmajāla-sūtra and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, see Sadakata 1997: 143–157. The Brahmajālasūtra is generally thought to be an apocryphal text. At Dunhuang and Yulin there are also mural illustrations of this text; see Huo 1990. 342 DOROTHY WONG bodhisattvas. On the original petals of this Tōdaiji statue are engravings that depict a simplified version of the Mt. Meru world, with layers of wind circles, and numerous buddhas as Vairocana’s incarnations in innumerable worlds. A Chinese depiction of the Lotus Repository World (Huazang zhuangyan shijiehai tu ) has also been preserved on a stele in the Da Kaiyuansi in Xi’an, dating to the fourteenth century.11 In this case, the depiction is based on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and focuses on the giant lotus supporting the Mt. Meru world rather than on Vairocana Buddha (fig. 4). The Dunhuang silk painting is almost identical to the mural from Cave 61 in composition and in the spatial-temporal arrangement of the assemblies (fig. 5). Other Huayan murals are depicted on the sloped walls of ceilings, with the whole composition either fitted into the trapezoidal shape or divided into three slopes, each showing three assemblies. Mt. Meru is prominently displayed in the mural of Cave 55 (fig. 6). Pictorial depictions of Sudhana’s pilgrimage are included in some examples, either as framed panels in the bottom of the mural (Cave 12, figs. 7, 7a) or at the sides or bottom section of the mural if the bianxiang is depicted on the ceiling, such as the ceiling murals of Caves 9, 85, and 156 (figs. 8, 8a). Compared with the well-known Song printed illustration of the Gaṇḍavyūha (the Wenshu zhinan tuzan , of Southern Song date),12 the narrative vignettes in the Dunhuang murals seem rudimentary in iconography, usually showing a youth together with a couple of figures with very few other distinguishing details. Some are discernible when the accompanying cartouches have legible inscriptions. A cartouche from the ceiling mural of Cave 85 mentions Mañjuśrī extending his hand from across a long distance to touch the head of Sudhana, shortly before the youth’s last visit to Samantabhadra (fig. 8a).13 Although Huayan bian of High Tang and Mid-Tang (781–848) dates are not yet available for examination, the presence of the depiction of Sudhana’s pilgrimage in Late Tang (848–907) cave-temples represents the earliest such examples (see fig. 7, and later discussion of eleventh-century depictions of Sudhana’s pilgrimage in the Tabo Monastery in the Western Himalayas). The iconographic programs of Dunhuang cave-chapels also deserve some attention. From Zhang Yanyuan’s and others’ descriptions, we know that the Buddhist temples in the Tang capitals are decorated with multiple bianxiang murals and other Buddhist subject matter. The Chan hall (chanyuan ) of Jing’aisi that contains a mural of Huayan bian also includes murals of Amitābha’s Pure Land and Maitreya’s Paradise, among others.14 The inclusion of several bianxiang within a temple hall is consistent with the practice at Dunhuang beginning in the Tang dynasty. During the 華藏莊嚴世界海圖 大開元寺 文殊指南圖讚 禪院 常盤大定 関野貞 11 Tokiwa Daijō and Sekino Tadashi 1975–1976: plates vol. 9, pl. 40; text vol. 2, pp. 38–39. 12 Fontein 1967: 23–40. 13 The full list of Huayan bian at Dunhuang includes Caves 6, 9, 12, 25, 44, 45, 53, 55, 61, 76, 85, 98, 108, 127, 138, 144, 146, 156, 159, 196, 231, 232, 237, 261, 431, 449, 454, 471, and 472. They include one mural dating to High Tang, but the rest from Mid-Tang to the Song. 14 Zhang 847: 68. 343 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Early Tang (618–704) and High Tang periods, Pure Land paintings were the most popular, often with Amitābha’s and Maitreya’s Pure Lands juxtaposed to each other on opposite walls. Huayan bian began to be popular at Dunhuang in the Mid-Tang.15 From that time on and until the Song dynasty, the number of bianxiang murals painted within a given cave-chapel increased steadily, from six to more than a dozen. Furthermore, a fair consistency in the pairing of subject matter emerged. In examining the almost thirty murals of Huayan bian, almost all of them are depicted on the north wall or the north slope of the ceiling. When one is depicted on the north wall, it invariably faces a bianxiang of the Lotus Sūtra on the south wall (see appendix 1). The number of bianxiang depicted within a cave-chapel gradually increased: the Five Dynasties Cave 98 includes 13, and the Song dynasty Cave 55 has 19 (see appendix 2). These later bianxiang paintings become formulaic in expression, and the same regularity in the pairing of certain subject matters persists. Other bianxiang subjects that became popular in the ninth and tenth centuries include those associated with Chan and other schools. By including the transformation tableaux of many sūtras within a cave-chapel in some regular arrangement, the entire program reads like a compendium of canonical texts that encompasses the teachings of the different schools of Buddhism. At the minimum level of interpretation, one can concede that these bianxiang subjects attest to the popularity of certain sūtras or the significance of certain schools of Buddhism at Dunhuang at the time: Jingtu , Tiantai , Huayan , Chan , and so on. Increasingly esoteric subject matters also made their presence known – some by being incorporated into the predominantly Mahāyāna program, others by asserting themselves in more independent programs. The second silk painting illustrates the Daśabhūmika chapter of the Huayan jing, enumerating the ten stages of bodhisattvahood (fig. 2). The only known depiction of this subject, the painting is divided into four registers, consisting of twelve scenes. The ten transcendent assemblies symbolic of the ten stages are shown from left to right, top to bottom. In the bottom register, the two extra squares show Samantabhadra in the lower left and Mañjuśrī in the lower right, flanking the assembly of Vairocana in the center. The presence of the boy Sudhana among the entourages of Samantabhadra and Mañjuśrī makes reference to the Gaṇḍavyūha, suggesting that the painting embodies the teachings of both the Daśabhūmika and Gaṇḍavyūha chapters of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra. In doctrinal terms, the painting is an exposition of the path of spiritual advancement, from a description of the progressive stages of bodhisattvahood to Sudhana’s pilgrimage and realization of enlightenment under the guidance of the two great bodhisattvas. The two Huayan paintings on silk are similar in composition in the use of a grid pattern to arrange the assemblies. They also share similar iconographic details and 淨土 天台 華嚴 禪 15 The Dunhuang Academy records that the only extant example of Huayan bian of High Tang date, in Cave 44, is depicted within the east-facing niche of the central pillar, but this mural is not yet published. Dunhuang Academy 1982: 15. 344 DOROTHY WONG stylistic characteristics, suggesting that they were made about the same time. The French scholar Giès suggests that these two liturgical paintings are related to each other dialectically. Perhaps hung on temple walls facing each other as a ritual presentation, they set up a visual hierarchy analogous to the scholastic exposition of both a general theory and a scheme of practice.16 If there remains doubt as to the value of interpreting the meaning and function of the icons and murals at the Dunhuang cave-chapels due to the fact that their interiors were almost completely dark, then one must remember that these cave-chapels come close to simulating the interiors of temple halls, probably both in layout and in subject matter.17 Copious records of Buddhist temples of Tang and Song times mention the same kind of sculptures and bianxiang murals adorning the temple halls.18 Furthermore, the silk painting depicting Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies (fig. 1) is virtually identical to the mural in Cave 61 (see fig. 5), while other Huayan murals bear only minor variations. This similarity between portable paintings and cave-temple murals suggests that they shared the same designs/models and may have been executed by the same workshops and artists. The large format of the two Huayan bian silk paintings indicates that they were likely hung in temples. Called zhenghua , they were hung behind the main image(s) on the altars in temple halls, on side walls, or, in later times, even outside the temples (such as the large thangka paintings hung outside Tibetan monasteries). Some extant, though later, portable Hwaŏm zhenghua (K. t’aenghwa) in Korea that are still hung in temples confirm the ritual use and visual practice of displaying such paintings (see discussion below). 幀畫 Kegon Paintings in Japan In Japan, Kegon Buddhism was one of the old schools of Nara Buddhism, with its headquarters at the Tōdaiji, but it declined after the move of the capital to Kyoto and the destruction of Tōdaiji during the civil war. The embroidered Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies that Monk Dōji commissioned for Daianji in 742, which we assume 16 Giès 1996: 45–46. 17 At the AAS meeting and elsewhere, Robert Sharf raised the issue (and is not the first one to do so) that since the interiors of Dunhuang cave-chapels were so dark, no rituals or other practices, such as meditation or visualization, could have taken place inside them. While this is true, and the cave-chapels may indeed have commemorative or other functions, this does not diminish the value of studying these murals and icons – or the iconographic program as a whole – for understanding contemporary practices that took place in the halls of monasteries. One must, of course, distinguish between the temple and the cave-chapel contexts. 18 In addition to Zhang Yanyuan’s Lidai Minghua ji, and Duan Chengshi’s “Sita ji ,” which record the many temples of Tang Chang’an and Luoyang, we also have records of major temples such as the Xiangguosi in the Northern Song capital of Kaifeng. The Xiangguosi, for example, includes a Lushena dian (Hall of Vairocana) that houses a life-sized Buddha statue, flanked by Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra in side towers; lining the connecting corridors are tall steles engraved with the Huayan jing. See Soper 1948: 24–26. 記 相國寺 段成式 盧舍那殿 寺塔 345 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA closely followed the iconography and composition developed in Tang China and was similar to examples at Dunhuang, also did not survive. The record in Daianji garan engi narabini shizaichō (747), however, notes that the embroidered painting is 20 shaku high and 18 shaku wide (approximately 6.6 meters × 6 meters), indicating that the portable painting was of impressive size.19 Even if the dimension given is figurative rather than literal, there are indications that the portable painting was probably of impressive size, for known Shingon mandaras can be as tall as 4 to 5 meters high.20 In the Kamakura period, Rōben (1173–1232), or Myōe Shōnin , sought to revive Kegon Buddhism, and Kōzanji , where he served as abbot, became the new center of the Kegon school.21 The next group of Kegon paintings in Japan, dating from the thirteenth century, are all associated with Myōe in one way or another. Major studies by Jan Fontein and ISHIDA Hisatoyo , among others, have given us a detailed genealogy and analysis of this group of Kegon paintings.22 Three are associated with Sudhana’s Pilgrimage: Zenzai dōji emaki [Handscroll of Sudhana’s pilgrimage], in handscroll format; Kegon gojūgo sho-e [The Fifty-five Visits (of Sudhana) as Narrated in the Avataṃsakasūtra], a set of paintings mounted on wooden frames; and Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara [The Good Friends of the Avataṃsaka Ocean Assembly]. Two others are: Kegon kai-e sho shōju mandara [The Congregation of Holy Beings of the Avataṃsaka Ocean Assembly]; and Kegon engi emaki [Handscroll of the Founding of Avataṃsaka Buddhism], which narrates the founding of Avataṃsaka Buddhism in the Korean kingdom of Silla by the monks Gishō (K. Ŭisang; 625–702) and Gangyō (K. Wŏnhyo; 617–686), whose disciples propagated the Avataṃsaka doctrine in Japan. The narrative handscrolls and the mounted panels are not discussed below; instead I focus on the Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara and the Kegon kai-e sho shōju mandara, both of which are iconic portrayals of the Kegon Ocean Assembly similar to the Huayan paintings at Dunhuang. Yet these two Japanese paintings already show divergence from the Dunhuang examples. 大安寺伽藍縁起并流記資財帳 尺 良辨 明恵上人 高山寺 石田尚豊 厳五十五所絵 華厳海会善知識曼荼羅 羅 華厳縁起絵巻 善財童子絵巻 華 華厳海会諸聖眾曼荼 義湘 元曉 大般若四重十六会 19 The same entry in “Daianji garan engi narabini shizaichō” mentions another embroidered painting of the same size, depicting the Dai hannya shijūjūrokkai [Four Locations and Sixteen Assemblies of Mahāprajñāpāramitā]. The title suggests that the painting might share a similar composition of depicting a number of Buddha’s assemblies, like the Huayan paintings at Dunhuang. Dōji is known for introducing the Mahāprajñāpāramitā ritual (called hannyakai ), which is still practiced today. A third embroidered painting that he commissioned for Daianji depicted the Buddha flanked by bodhisattvas and the eight classes of beings, and was taller, though narrower, than the other two that were based on the Kegon and Hannya texts. See Daianji garan engi narabini shizaichō 747: 379. 20 I thank J. Edward Kidder, Jr., for sharing his knowledge of interpreting these measurements mentioned in historical records in relation to actual paintings and sculptures. 21 For a discussion of Myōe’s Kegon beliefs, see Tanabe 1992: 122–158. 22 Fontein 1967: 78–115; Ishida 1988. See also Brock 1988; Myōe Shōnin to Kōzanji iinkai 1981: 290–343. 般若会 上人と高山寺委員会 明恵 346 DOROTHY WONG The Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara, in the collection of Tōdaiji, was painted by Raien in the late thirteenth century (fig. 9). Occupying the top center is Vairocana, while the fifty-four small squares show the sequence of Sudhana’s visit to the sages from top left (Mañjuśrī) to bottom right (Samantabhadra) in a zigzagging fashion. The placement of Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra at the beginning and end of the sequence reiterates the two bodhisattvas’ pivotal roles in guiding Sudhana’s spiritual journey. In tracing the pedigree of this painting, Fontein concludes that it is probably a later copy of one originally commissioned by Myōe. Myōe had long expressed his desire to travel to China, though he was dissuaded from doing so because of his dream revelations. However, because of the renewed traffic between Kamakura Japan and Song China, Myōe apparently had access to models or sketches of Song Buddhist paintings (karahon ) and had copied sketches of Sudhana’s pilgrimage. When his aunt commissioned the painting of a zenchishiki mandara, Myōe’s sketches were dispatched to the Kyoto monk painter Shunga in 1201 as the model. The mandara that Shunga painted was in turn given to Sonshōin of Tōdaiji. Some time later several copies of this mandara were painted, and Raien copied one for the Kōzanji in 1294 (which also included one by Shunga). Thus if this painting has any reference to Chinese models, it is at best a thirdhand copy. Since this Kegon mandara portrays the spiritual teachers of Sudhana, the textual source is the Gaṇḍavyūha. Nevertheless, with the choice of an iconic rather than a narrative mode of presentation, the emphasis has shifted from capturing Sudhana’s experience to portraying the holy congregation of Sudhana’s teachers. Fontein suggests that this painting derived its iconographic details from Song works such as the Wenshu zhinan tuzan prints (fig. 10). The main differences are that individual scenes have been stripped down to minimal details and then arranged into a diagrammatic, mandara-like arrangement. The unusual preaching mudrā of Vairocana, with both hands facing outward, is the same as that in a sketch in Myōe’s dream diary and in the sculptural relief of the Huayan assembly at Feilaifeng in Hangzhou (dated 1022), indicating Myōe’s exposure to new iconographic features in Song Buddhist art (figs. 11, 12). Note that in these images Vairocana is shown in esoteric form as a crowned, bejeweled Buddha. The use of the term mandara for the painting’s title is noteworthy, and can be further explored in conjunction with the Kegon kai-e sho shōju [The Congregation of Holy Beings of the Avataṃsaka Ocean Assembly] dated c. 1300 (fig. 13). The painting shows sixty-one bodhisattvas, devas, and members of the eight classes of heavenly beings, each painted within a rectangle. In the top center is Vairocana accompanied by the great bodhisattvas Avalokiteśvara (Ch. Guanyin, J. Kannon ) and Mahāsthāmaprāpta (Ch. Dashizhi, J. Daiseishi ), and the heavenly kings. Like the previous painting, the figures are statically arranged in a grid pattern. In its delicate style and iconography, the painting also shows strong Chinese influence, such as the portrayal of the King of Tuṣita Heaven as a Chinese official. In particular, the figural style is associated with that of the Song figure painter Li Gonglin (c. 1047–1106), who is known to have painted the subject of Avataṃsaka 頼圓 唐本 俊賀 尊勝院 飛來峰 大勢至 李公麟 觀音 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 347 高山寺縁起 scenes.23 Kōzanji engi mentions two paintings of this type, one of which was by Shunga. Thus both of the Kegon paintings just discussed have connections to Myōe and to the painter Shunga, and some connection to Song Buddhist paintings or prints.24 Ritual and Visual Practice The fact that these two Kegon paintings employ the same compositional formula suggests that such paintings were used as pairs in a ritual setting. In the Dunhuang pair, the ten stages of bodhisattvahood, with implicit reference made to Sudhana’s pilgrimage, were juxtaposed to Vairocana’s nine assemblies in seven locations. In the Japanese pair, Sudhana’s pilgrimage was juxtaposed to the congregation of the Kegon assembly. In both these examples, the representation of Vairocana’s assembly in conjunction with the delineation of the path of spiritual advancement came to embody both the essence and the entirety of the Avataṃsaka doctrine. The Dunhuang Huayan paintings drew on prototypes of an earlier tradition first developed in the eighth century. The Kamakura paintings apparently incorporated new iconographic details and styles from Song China that had not yet been reflected at Dunhuang. These included the emphasis on the Gaṇḍavyūha made popular by the wood-block printing of Wenshu zhinan tuzan, a much enlarged Avataṃsaka congregation, the esoteric portrayal of Vairocana, and the new figural styles developed by painters such as Li Gonglin. Furthermore, the Japanese Kegon paintings show additional departures from their Chinese prototypes. First, instead of full assemblies, the figures are shown individually. In the zenchishiki mandara, the descriptive and narrative details in the Chinese models are reduced to one or two figures frozen in time, thus transforming the narrative mode into the iconic mode (compare fig. 9a with fig. 10, as both show Sudhana’s visits to the night goddesses). Second, the arrangement of the fifty-three sagely figures becomes temporal and directional. In the ritual setting, perhaps this composition is essential and appropriate to the exposition of the Kegon doctrine, reinforced by the presence of the Kegon assembly in the accompanying painting. Members of the congregation are shown in their hierarchical order, with the important ones shown in the top and center, in accordance with the general principle of illustrating the Buddhist iconic group. This interpretation can likewise be applied to the two Dunhuang silk paintings in their liturgical use, namely, with the delineation of the ten stages of bodhisattvahood shown in conjunction with the apparition of the Buddha’s assemblies in their mythical locations, structurally arranged according to their relative positions in the Buddhist cosmos. A viewer/practitioner in the presence of these paintings would be reminded 23 Fontein 1967: 24. 24 Fontein 1967: 110. 348 DOROTHY WONG of – and would thus enact, through ritualistic and performative actions – the spiritual journey toward enlightenment (see further discussion below). In regard to the term mandara (maṇḍala), we know that the Japanese have used it rather loosely, from Pure Land paintings (such as the Taima mandara) to shrine mandaras and the map-like configurations of esoteric deities in the Tantric tradition.25 The two Kegon paintings are also called mandaras. Considering their similarities, the Dunhuang Huayan paintings can be considered predecessors of the Japanese Kegon mandaras. In these examples, the description of physical settings for assemblies is reduced to an abstract, structural order, while the path of spiritual progression is rendered in the temporal, lineal direction. Huayan teachings have sometimes been called proto-Tantric, and the abstract, diagrammatic character of these Huayan bian further affiliates them with later esoteric mandaras. In Song China, Huayan Buddhism interacted with Chan. In Japan, Kegon further amalgamated with both Zen and Shingon Buddhism, and Myōe was a pivotal figure in this development, to the extent that Myōe has sometimes been called the first patriarch of Esoteric Kegon.26 The placement of the paintings and sculptures in both the Buddha Hall and the three-storied pagoda of Kōzanji attests to Myōe’s amalgamation of Kegon with esoteric teachings late in his career.27 In the three-storied pagoda, for example, the center of the space is occupied by statues of the five holy deities of Kegon, which now include Vairocana, Mañjuśrī, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteśvara (Ch. Guanyin, J. Kannon ), and Maitreya (Ch. Mile, J. Miroku ; fig. 14). A painting of the same configuration, called Kegon gosei mandara , is also associated with Myōe; this grouping is part of the Garbhadhātu maṇḍala, or Womb World mandara (J. Taizōka mandara ). The painting on the north depicts the Gohimitsu : Vajrasattva (J. Kongōsatta ) and four other esoteric bodhisattvas; the Gohimitsu mandara represents one of the nine assemblies of the Vajradhātu maṇḍala, or Diamond World mandara (J. Kongōkai mandara ). Thus the juxtaposition of the sculptural Kegon gosei mandara and the painting of the Gohimitsu mandara represents, at one level, the union/nonduality of the Garbhadhātu and Vajradhātu maṇḍalas. Furthermore, since the Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara is placed directly behind the Gohimitsu mandara, Sudhana’s fifty-three spiritual teachers are made part of the Vajradhātu maṇḍala, whereas the holy figures and the eight classes of heavenly beings of the Kegon Ocean Assembly depicted on the four pillars and the side walls become aligned with the Garbhadhātu maṇḍala. The two pictorial Kegon paintings have thus been integrated into the dual maṇḍala system of Shingon Buddhism.28 觀音 五秘密 胎蔵界曼荼羅 彌勒 華厳五聖曼荼羅 金剛薩埵 曼荼羅 金剛界 真言 25 ten Grotenhuis 1999. 26 Tanabe 1992: 140. 27 Ishida 1988: 53–55. In the Shimen jibutsu dō , the configuration includes the two Kegon mandaras, Gohimitsu, as well as the Womb World and Diamond World mandaras. 28 Ishida 1988: 54. 四面持仏堂 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 349 光明真言 Myōe also advocates the practice of kōmyō shingon to achieve insight into the Kegon doctrine of interpenetration made visible by light and radiance. In a work on the ritual meditation on one of the good friends of Sudhana (Śilābhijña, from whom Sudhana learns a forty-two-character mantra at his forty-fifth visit), Myōe notes how one should prepare for the ritual with “proper posture, purification, prayer, incense offerings, and mantra recitations. Then the meditation hall must be visualized as Magadha, and the participant must become Sudhana himself. The Kegon vision of interpenetration of all things with all things and of the dharma realm with the ordinary world of dust is conjured, followed by more mantras. The practitioner is then called upon to identify with Mañjuśrī and each of the kalyāṇamitras.”29 Myōe also instructs the practitioner to meditate on a wheel of the mantra’s letters and on the recitation of the mantra, which dispels the darkness of ignorance with a vision of light and radiance. While this discussion by no means addresses the contents of Myōe’s complex teachings, I hope it has demonstrated the continuities as well as divergences between the Chinese and the Japanese Huayan/Kegon paintings, and how these paintings were continuously engaged with doctrinal developments of their time and place. At Dunhuang, Huayan bian, in conjunction with the cultic deities of the Avataṃsaka triad, remained an important theme in medieval Chinese Buddhist practice. At Kōzanji, Myōe’s personal vision had an enormous impact, both in terms of the synthesis of Kegon with esoteric teachings and in the artistic production and ritual use of these paintings. Hwaŏm Paintings in Korea The Avataṃsaka school was one of the most prominent schools of Buddhism in Korea. Ŭisang and Wŏnhyo brought Avataṃsaka Buddhism to Korea from China, and their disciples disseminated the doctrine in Japan. Unfortunately, Hideyoshi’s campaign in the sixteenth century destroyed many Buddhist establishments in Korea. Most early Hwaŏm pictorial art in Korea has not survived, except for some examples of frontispiece illustrations of illuminated sūtras. Several recently discovered fragments belong to the frontispiece illustration to a copy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra dated to 754 (figs. 15, 15a).30 Delineated in “thin iron wire” lines in gold and silver on thick, purple-dyed mulberry paper, the scene shows an Avataṃsaka assembly. Seated on a lion throne under a tree canopy and in front of a two-story pavilion, Vairocana is accompanied by Mañjuśrī on the right. Both the figure style and the composition are consistent with High Tang depictions of Buddha’s assemblies, except for the lack of symmetry in balancing Mañjuśrī with another great bodhisattva. In his reconstruction of these fragments, Kang Woobang also notes the armband of Vairocana (much 29 Tanabe 1992: 140. 30 Pak 1987/88: 360–362, fig. 5; Kang 1989: 4–7, figs. 1.1–1.5; See Kang 2003: 176–177. 350 DOROTHY WONG of the image is damaged), and concludes that Vairocana is presented in the esoteric bodhisattva form, probably with hands held in the wisdom fist mudrā.31 Several Hwaŏm paintings in the zhenghua (K. t’aenghwa) format, of eighteenthcentury dates, are relevant to the present discussion. The three extant Hwaŏm paintings are found in: Songgwangsa , Hall of Hwaŏm, in Chogye Mt. (dated 1770, 281 × 255 cm); Sŏnamsa , Hall of the Eight Phases, in South Cholla Province (dated 1780, 279 × 248 cm); and Sanggyesa , Hall of the Great Hero, in Chiri Mt. (dated 1790).32 All of them are paintings in color on hemp with silk gauze, and these large banner-like paintings are similar in height to the second of the two Dunhuang silk paintings (Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood, fig. 2), though larger than the first one (Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies, fig. 1). All three Hwaŏm paintings depict the subject of seven locations and nine assemblies, and bear resemblance to the Chinese ones. In the example at Songgwangsa, the painting is divided into four horizontal registers: the top three registers are for the seven locations (of Vairocana’s nine assemblies), and the bottom register depicts the Lotus Repository World (figs. 16, 16a).33 Unlike the more regular grid plans of the two Dunhuang paintings, the arrangement of assemblies in the Songgwangsa painting is less rigid. The second register shows the first assembly in the center, the second, seventh, and eighth assemblies to the right (as they all take place at the Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance), and the ninth assembly to the left. The third and fifth assemblies are depicted in the third register, while the fourth and sixth assemblies are in the top register. Thus the number of units is determined by the number of locations rather than the number of assemblies (the 2–2–3 arrangement looks less regular than the 3–3–3 grid of the Dunhuang examples), giving greater emphasis to spatial than to temporal concerns. Nonetheless, the Songgwangsa painting preserves the hierarchical structure of these locations in correspondence to their vertical placement within the kāmadhātu, namely, those assemblies taking place at Jambudvīpa occur at the lower (second) register, while those taking place in the heavens are shown in the upper registers. 松廣寺 仙巖寺 雙溪寺 31 Kang 1992: fig. 1.5; Kang 2003: 176–177. Since this is the earliest extant example of the esoteric bodhisattva form of Vairocana, Kang concludes: “From the eighth to ninth century Unified Silla and Japan followed separate paths in the practice of Buddhism, the former receiving Avataṃsaka and Zen from China and the latter, Esoteric Buddhism. Korean Buddhism of that time combined Avataṃsaka and Zen, and Vairocana with the wisdom fist was an object of devotion outside the Avataṃsaka and Zen temples as well. In other words, Korean Buddhism, revealing Zen influence, was not rigidly sect-divided, whereas Japanese Buddhism emphasized ritual and sectarian distinction, as prescribed by Esoteric Buddhism.” Kang 2003: 177. I would like to thank YI Jongbok for interpreting Kang’s essay (1992, in Korean) for me. 32 I am grateful to KANG Woobang, PAK Youngsook, and Robert Gimello for the information and references on Hwaŏm art in Korea. 33 Sorensen 1988; the Hwaǒm painting at Sŏnamsa is identical in composition, in Mun 1984: pls. 85–89. One of the photographs in Sorensen’s article (fig. 2) shows the painting hung against the wall behind the icons on the altar in the temple hall, and points to how the Dunhuang silk paintings might have been used. THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 351 In the ninth assembly, which occurs at the Jetavana Groves, the pictorial content is considerably more complex than that depicted at Dunhuang. In addition to Vairocana’s assembly and the accompaniment of Samantabhadra, Mañjuśrī is shown twice: once as a youth, seated inside a pagoda-like structure (referring to Maitreya’s magical kūṭāgāra) with Maitreya standing to the right, and again seated inside the city in a scene to the left. The two scenes refer to Sudhana’s fifty-first and fifty-second visits; below the pagoda, all fifty-three teachers of Sudhana are shown in rows. In all nine assemblies, Vairocana Buddha is shown in the same form as in Japan’s Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara, that is, as a crowned and bejeweled Buddha with hands in the unique teaching gesture. The bottom register depicts the Lotus Repository World, with a giant lotus spanning the whole width of the painting. This Lotus World, the sum total of the Buddha’s universal and perfect enlightenment, emanates the Worlds of the Ten Directions, each of which gives rise to ten lesser satellite worlds; these are shown in larger and smaller circles schematically.34 When comparing this Hwaŏm painting with the tenth-century Dunhuang examples and the thirteenth-century Japanese examples, it seems that the Korean tradition closely follows the Chinese lineage established in the Tang dynasty by giving weight to Vairocana’s nine assemblies. At the same time, the new iconographic form of Vairocana, the full depiction of Sudhana’s fifty-three teachers in the ninth assembly, and the diagrammatic representation of the Lotus Repository World and its satellite worlds show the Korean artists’ awareness of later iconographic developments in both China and Japan. Beyond East Asia Thus far the discussion of this group of Avataṃsaka paintings has focused on their iconography, composition, aspects of their stylistic character, and, to some extent, the placement and visual practice of these painting in temple settings. If complete understanding of the ritual use of these paintings remains elusive, perhaps a consideration of other monuments and contexts outside of East Asia will shed additional light. Deborah Klimburg-Salter recently drew my attention to the presence of a complete mural cycle depicting the Gaṇḍavyūha in the Tabo Monastery in the Western Himalayas.35 The monastery was founded in 996, while the assembly hall of the Main Temple, where the Gaṇḍavyūha murals are located, dates to the second artistic phase of the temple’s renovation in the eleventh century. Since the depictions of Sudhana’s pilgrimage in Dunhuang murals date to as early as the ninth and tenth centuries (see fig. 7a), they may provide a missing link between those in the Western Himalayas and the Song and Kamakura examples with twelfth- and thirteenth-century dates. The Main Temple at Tabo consists of an entry hall, an assembly hall, a cella, and an 34 Sorensen 1988: 97. 35 Klimburg-Salter 1997. 352 DOROTHY WONG ambulatory (fig. 17). The temple is dedicated to Vairocana, including the original Vairocana image in the cella and a four-bodied Mahāvairocana added in front of the cella during the renovation. Protector figures and guardians of the directions are depicted inside the entry hall, while the entrance wall to the assembly hall is decorated with a wheel of life on the left juxtaposed with a cosmological picture on the right. This follows an ancient tradition of temple building in India, for early monastic regulations stipulate that a wheel of life/existence, the bhavacakra, should be represented in the entrance hall of each monastery.36 The wheel of life, which portrays the six realms of human existence, emphasizes the endless cycles of birth and rebirth and the goal of reaching ever higher levels of existence until achieving ultimate release, or nirvāṇa, from the chain of causation. The entire program of the assembly hall, carried out during the renovation in the eleventh century, has been preserved intact. The four walls are each divided into three horizontal registers. The lower section depicts two narrative cycles. Upon entering the assembly hall, the murals begin with the south side of the east wall and continue, in a clockwise direction, through the four walls to conclude on the north side of the east wall: the Gaṇḍavyūha appears on the south side, and the Life of the Buddha on the north side (figs. 18, 18a). Sudhana’s pilgrimage commences with his meeting with Mañjuśrī and ends with Sudhana in the palace of Samantabhadra, while the narrative of Life of the Buddha begins with the Future Śākyamuni in Tuṣita Heaven and concludes with Śākyamuni’s parinirvāṇa. The middle section contains sculpted deities of the Vajradhātu maṇḍala, with thirty-two life-sized clay sculptures bonded to the four walls, along with the freestanding four-bodied Mahāvairocana seated on a lotus throne in front of the cella that allows for circumambulation (figs. 19, 19a). Evenly spaced among the bodhisattvas of the maṇḍala are the Buddhas of the Four Directions: Akṣobhya (east) and Ratnasambhava (south) on the south wall, and Amitābha (west) and Amoghasiddhi (north) on the north wall. The upper section, whose murals have suffered more damage, portrays the Buddhas of the Ten Directions with attendant bodhisattvas as well as other Buddha realms, including a triad of the Buddha with Avalokiteśvara and Samantabhadra above the entrance on the east wall and the Dharmadhātu-VāgīśvaraMañjuśrī maṇḍala on the north side of the west wall. The three-tier program of the assembly thus presents not only an iconographic unity but also a theory and a practice not unlike the Avataṃsaka art that we have been examining. This program corresponds to a vision of the cosmic geography and a path of attaining enlightenment, which can be experienced and enacted by the 36 One of the earliest extant examples is a fresco in the porch section of Cave 17 at Ajaṇṭā, which dates to the late fifth or early sixth century. Thus the Tabo Monastery has preserved this ancient Indian tradition of monastery building and iconographic program. The earliest example of the wheel of life image in China is found in the Baodingshan site in Sichuan, dating to Song times. Howard 2001: 6–10, Fig. 9. A tenth-century example is also depicted at Yulin Cave 19; see Zhang Boyuan , 1998: 20–23. I’m grateful to Stephen Teiser for pointing out that there is also a wheel of life depicted in Kumtara Cave 75; see Teiser’s forthcoming book (2006) on the topic. 張伯元 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 353 practitioner during the ritual performance of circumambulation (pradakṣina) inside the assembly hall. Through ritual circumambulation and meditation, the practitioner enters into the maṇḍala and unites with the deities who reside there. By contemplating the paths undertaken by Sudhana and Siddhārtha, the practitioner also enacts this path toward gaining enlightenment. Klimburg-Salter writes: Traditionally the practitioner would circumambulate at least three times around the main Vairocana image. In Tabo he progresses through the spiritual geography of the mandala and simultaneously identifies with the spiritual pilgrimage accomplished in the narratives, first by Sudhana and then by Siddhārtha, the Buddha Śākyamuni. Thus through meditation and ritual circumambulation he performs a symbolic pilgrimage which also leads to successively higher levels of consciousness.37 The ritual practice described here bears remarkable similarity to that advocated by Myōe discussed earlier. The Gaṇḍavyūha had been in popular currency for some centuries before its depiction at the Tabo Monastery, yet the unusual arrangement there of individual scenes accompanied by panels of text comes more from the Chinese than the Indian tradition (note the extensive use of cartouches to identify scenes in Dunhuang murals). Furthermore, the narrative’s lucidity in a linear, temporal arrangement reinforces the interpretation that a viewer “activates” the narrative by physically moving through the space of the narrative.38 An even earlier narrative cycle of Sudhana’s pilgrimage can be found in the sculptural reliefs of Borobuḍur, dating possibly to the eighth century (figs. 20, 20a).39 The interpretation of the complex of Borobuḍur has spawned many theories (ranging from the monument as a prāsāda or terraced building to a stūpa, an architectural maṇḍala, or a commemorative monument),40 but one of the commonly agreed-upon perceptions is that of the milieu of esoteric Buddhism during which this monument was built.41 The identities of the Buddha images on the upper galleries and of the unfinished Buddha within the central stūpa remain unclear, yet the textual sources of sculptural reliefs on the lower galleries include the Mahākarmavibha, Lalitavistara, jātakas, avadānas, and the Gaṇḍavyūha. Despite their differences, Klimburg-Salter 37 Klimburg-Salter 1997: 108. 38 Klimburg-Salter 1997: 132–133. Klimburg-Salter also notes that this viewing experience is somewhat similar to the viewing of narrative sūtra scrolls in East Asia, although in this case the viewer is stationary but activates the narrative through the unfolding and viewing of the scroll; see Klimburg-Salter 1997: 133. 39 Fontein 1967: 116–174. For a discussion of the scholarship on Borobuḍur, see Gómez and Woodward 1981: 1–14. 40 The intended function of Borobuḍur as a commemorative monument does not conflict with its other possible meanings, the same way that, if a specific Dunhuang cave-chapel’s primary function was commemorative, this does not preclude interpretation of the iconographic program of the cave-chapel, since most monuments can have multiple levels of meanings. 41 That the two Indian monks who introduced esoteric Buddhism to China, Vajrabodhi (670–741) and Amoghavajra (719–774), both passed through Java before reaching Chang’an was not irrelevant. From Chang’an Kūkai (774–835) in turn introduced this tradition to Japan, founding the Shingon school. 354 DOROTHY WONG draws a parallel between the theory and practice at Borobuḍur and at the Tabo Monastery. She writes: The existence of Borobuḍur in Java is particularly interesting from our point of view for several reasons. 1) We have the fusion of the Vajradhātu-maṇḍala with an architectural space. 2) The elements of the iconographic program are the same as those at Tabo: the Vajradhātu-maṇḍala, and the narratives from the Gaṇḍavyūha and the life of the Buddha. The viewer begins with the previous Lives of the Buddha and then, through the ritual circumbulation of the stupa, he progresses from terrace to terrace upward through the Life of the Buddha Śākyamuni, followed by the Pilgrimage of Sudhana and then, as he circumambulates through the mandala, he ascends through successive layers of realizations.42 The group of Avataṃsaka paintings examined here is connected to Borobuḍur and the Tabo Monastery because of the subject of the Gaṇḍavyūha. While it can be seen that the Dunhuang Huayan bian (and to a large extent the Korean ones) are truthful to the Avataṃsaka-sūtra in the exoteric or mainstream Mahāyāna context, those in Japan evolved toward an esoteric understanding, in tandem with the new esoteric movement that spread in different geographical regions of Asia. Thus Sudhana’s visit to the fifty-three sages became an enduring metaphor of the prototypical pilgrimage central to the Buddhist concept of soteriology, rivaling or paired with none other than the journey of the Life of the Buddha. At the fundamental level, a maṇḍala is understood to be a cosmic diagram that portrays deities in a schematic fashion. A mandalic arrangement can be expressed in painting, sculpture, in temple layout, interiors of main halls, or in the movement of rituals.43 In her examination of the Ellora cave-temple site in India as an early expression of esoteric, mandalic structures in the seventh and eighth centuries, Geri H. Malandra notes: The conception of the maṇḍala as a diagram is extended into a visualization of concrete architectural space, and was transformed into actual temple architecture and sculpture. The universe-in-the-maṇḍala is thus described and represented as a palace and, at the same time, the maṇḍala as a whole is conceived as being located in a kūṭāgāra, a three-storied eaved palace resting on top of Mount Sumeru. … Such maṇḍalas as these include layers, or galleries in which reside numerous manifestations of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and other deities.44 In spatial terms, a maṇḍala is a sacred space that the initiates approach in carefully orchestrated steps, and into which the gods are invited to descend. As Elizabeth ten Grotenhuis observes, it “lays out a sacred territory or realm in microcosm, showing the relations among the various powers active in that realm and offering deities a sacred precinct where enlightenment takes place.”45 Robert Sharf likewise notes that a Shingon mandara “is not so much a representation of the divine as it is the locus of the divine – the ground upon which the deity is made manifest.”46 42 Klimburg-Salter 1997: 105. 43 Malandra 1993: 17–21. For a discussion of the definitions of maṇḍalas, see Saunders 1987: 155–158. 44 Malandra 1993: 18. 45 ten Grotenhuis 1999: 2. 46 Sharf 2001: 189. THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 355 In a more general sense, if a maṇḍala is understood as a congregation of deities, then the commonality of the Avataṃsaka paintings in East Asia is apparent: they all portray a gathering of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other heavenly beings, whether these are the mystical apparitions of Vairocana in various assemblies, the fifty-three teachers of Sudhana (Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara), or the congregation of all classes of holy beings of the Avataṃsaka assembly (Kegon kai-e sho shōju). But whereas the presentation of the Huayan paintings at Dunhuang and elsewhere in China remains couched in the mainstream Mahāyāna visual practice, in which Huayan bian were but one of many types of bianxiang associated with popular canonical Mahāyāna sūtras, in Kamakura Japan, under the guidance of Myōe, the arrangement of paintings and sculptures within the three-storied pagoda and inside the Buddha Hall of Kōzanji realizes the establishment of a mandalic ritual space in three-dimensional, architectural space. The study of these Avataṃsaka paintings of East Asia thus provides a window to understanding several strands of developments that occurred in the Buddhist world between the eighth and thirteenth century: (1) the central role of Avataṃsaka teachings in shaping visual and ritual practice in both exoteric and esoteric contexts (evidenced by the significance of the cultic status of Vairocana and the popularity of the theme of Sudhana’s pilgrimage); (2) the development of earlier iconography into diagrammatic, schematic arrangements of presenting deities in cosmic, geographical spaces that are now called maṇḍalas; and (3) the formulation of a clearly delineated soteriology that encompasses the theories of the three bodies and the three realms. Furthermore, the significance of Avataṃsaka teachings and the associated visual practice can be put into sharper focus when considering contemporary developments in the Buddhist world beyond East Asia. In artistic terms, we’ve seen the deployment of both conventional narrative and iconic modes for representation. In traditional Buddhist imagery, such as the representation of a Buddha triad, the sacred figures are portrayed in a transfixed, timeless manner. But stories that involve the protagonist’s actions that occur at specific time and locations, such as Sudhana’s pilgrimage or the Buddha’s life events, are often depicted with the techniques of pictorial narratives. Underlying the distinction between these two modes of representation is also the implied separation of the sacred realm from the world of the mundane, or, in Buddhist terminology, the Buddha’s realm versus the sahāloka or Jambudvīpa. In more developed Mahāyāna teachings, such as the Avataṃsaka or esoteric doctrine, it seems that the abstract, diagrammatic mode is the preferred mode for portraying happenings in the Buddha’s realm that also involve temporal and spatial/cosmological dimensions. That the Huayan bian, as preserved in the Dunhuang silk paintings, were superseded by the popular narratives of Sudhana’s pilgrimage in China while being preserved in Korea or transformed into mandaras in Japan can only be accounted for by the reception of the Huayan doctrine in those places – and its subsequent trajectories in the diverse cultures of East Asia. 356 DOROTHY WONG Appendix 1 Cave 12, Late Tang Main chamber Ceiling Thousand Buddhas West wall Recessed niche: Statues of seated Buddha flanked by disciples, bodhisattvas, and heavenly kings (Qing), framed panels depicting Legends of Buddha’s Life, Buddha images above and donor images below S: N: 普賢 Samantabhadra 文殊 Mañjuśrī South wall (from west) 法華經變 (Lotus Sūtra) 觀無量壽經變 (Amitāyur-dhyāna-sūtra) 天請問經變 (Devata-sūtra) Below: narratives of various sūtras in panels North wall (from west) 華嚴經變 (Avataṃsaka-sūtra) 藥師經變 (Bhaiśajyaguru-sūtra) 彌勒經變 (Maitreya-sūtra) Below: narratives of various sūtras in panels East wall S: N: 報恩經變 (Bao’en Sūtra) 維摩詰經變 (Vimalakīrti-sūtra) THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Appendix 2 Dunhuang Cave 55, Song Dynasty Main chamber: Central platform: Statues of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, disciples, and lokapalas Ceiling: 彌勒經變 法華經變 楞伽經變 華嚴經變 W: (Maitreya-sūtra) S: (Lotus Sūtra) E: (Laṅkāvātara-sūtra) N: (Avataṃsaka-sūtra) Four Heavenly Kings in corners South wall (from west): 觀音經變 (Avalokiteśvara-sūtra) 報恩經變 (Bao’en Sūtra) 觀無量壽經變 (Amitāyur-dhyāna-sūtra) 彌勒經變 (Maitreya-sūtra) Below: 賢愚經諸品 (Damamūka-nidāna-sūtra), jātakas, avadānas West wall: 勞度叉鬥聖變 (Contest between Raudrākṣa and Śāriputra) Below: 賢愚經諸品 (Damamūka-nidāna-sūtra), jātakas, avadānas North wall (from west): 佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經變 (Uṣṇīṣa-vijaya-dhāraṇī-sūtra) 思益梵天問經變 (Viśeṣacinta-brahma-paripṛccha-sūtra) 藥師經變 (Bhaiṣajyaguru-sūtra) 天請問經變 (Devata-sūtra) Below: 賢愚經諸品 (Damamūka-nidāna-sūtra), jātakas, avadānas East wall: 金光明經變 密嚴經變 Seven Buddhas S: (Suvarṇaprabhāsottama-sūtra) N: (Ghanavyūha) 357 358 DOROTHY WONG References Brock, Karen L.: “The Case of the Missing Scroll: A History and Reconstruction of Tales of Gishō and Gangyō.” Archives of Asian Art (1988) 41: pp. 6–31. “Daianji garan engi narabini ryūki shizaichō” [A history of the founding of Daianji and a record of its properties] (747) in Hanawa Hokinoichi (1746–1821): Gunsho ruiju [A compendium of categorized texts]. 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Swart, Paul: “Sculptures at Feilai Feng: A Confrontation of Two Traditions.” Orientations (1987) 18, 12: pp. 54–61. Tanabe, George J., Jr.: Myōe the Dreamkeeper: Fantasy and Knowledge in Early Kamakura Buddhism. Cambridge, Mass.: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1992. Teiser, Stephen F.: Reinventing the Wheel: Paintings of Rebirth in Medieval Buddhist Temples. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2006. , and Sekino Tadashi : Chūgoku bunka shiseki . 12 Tokiwa Daijō volumes, supplementary text volumes. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1975–1976. 松本栄一 敦煌画の研究 文明大 朝鮮佛畫 韓國의 美 明恵上人と高山寺委員会 と高山寺 中野政樹 日本美術全集 縁起 画と似画 小野玄妙 仏教美術と歴史 常盤大定 関野貞 明恵上人 中國文化史蹟 360 DOROTHY WONG Wong, Dorothy C. “The Mapping of Sacred Space: Images of Buddhist Cosmographies in Medieval China” in Andreas Kaplony and Philippe Foret (eds.): The Journey of Maps and Images on the Silk Road. Leiden: E. J. Brill, forthcoming. Zhang Boyuan : “Anxi Yulin ku ‘liudao lunhui tu’ kaoshi” ‘ ’ [A study of the ‘Wheel of Life Illustrations’ in the Yulin Cave-chapels of Anxi]. Dunhuang yanjiu (1988) 1: pp. 20–23. Zhang Yanyuan (9th century): Lidai minghua ji [Famous painters of all dynasties] (847). Beijing: Renmin meishu, 1963. 張伯元 張彥遠 安四榆林窟 六道輪回圖 考 釋 歷代名畫記 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 361 Figure 1: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies. Dunhuang, 10th century, Chinese, Ink and colors on Silk, H. 194 cm, W. 179 cm, Musée des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris, France, Photograph courtesy of Réunion des Musées Nationaux /Art Resource, NY, ART192660 362 DOROTHY WONG Figure 1a: Diagram of Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies in Fig. 1. From Giès and Akiyama, eds., The Arts of Central Asia: the Pelliot Collection in the Musée Guimet (Japanese ed.), p. 50, fig. 4 Figure 1b: Lotus Repository World, detail of Fig. 1. THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 363 Figure 2: Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood. Dunhuang, 10th century, Chinese, Ink, gold and colors on silk, H. 286 cm, W. 189 cm, Musée des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris, France, Photograph courtesy of Réunion des Musées Nationaux /Art Resource, NY, ART161979 364 DOROTHY WONG Figure 3: Vairocana Buddha and interior of Daibutsu-den, Tōdai-ji, Nara. Mid 8th century (recast in late 17th century), Japan, Bronze, H. 14.73 m, From Rosenfield, et al, The Great Eastern Temple: Treasures of Buddhist Art from Tōdaiji, p. 19, fig. 4 Figure 3a: Engraving of Lotus Repository World, on lotus pedestal of bronze Buddha statue Tōdaiji, Nara. Late Nara period, 756–757, Japanese, Bronze, H. of petal 200 cm, From Rosenfield, et al, The Great Eastern Temple: Treasures of Buddhist Art from Tōdaiji, p. 24, fig. 8 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Figure 4: Lotus Repository World, engraving on reverse of Da Kaiyuansi xingzhi bei Da Kaiyuansi, Xi’an. Yuan dynasty, dated 1319, Chinese, Rubbing, From Tokiwa Daijō and Sekino Tadashi, Chūgoku bunka shiseki, vol. 9, pl. 40, no. 1 365 366 DOROTHY WONG Figure 5: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies. Dunhuang Cave 61, north wall, 10th century, Chinese, Mural painting, Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed. Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Cave 61, pl. 100 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 367 Figure 6: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies. Dunhuang Cave 55, north slope of ceiling, 10th century, Chinese, Mural painting, From Giès and Akiyama, eds., The Arts of Central Asia: the Pelliot Collection in the Musée Guimet (Japanese ed.), p. 53, fig. 6 368 DOROTHY WONG Figure 7: Huayan bian. Dunhuang Cave 12, north wall, 9th century, Chinese, Mural painting, Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed., Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Caves 9 and 12, pl. 170 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 369 Figure 7a: Sudhana’s Pilgrimage, detail of Huayan bian. Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed., Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Caves 9 and 12, pl. 190 370 DOROTHY WONG Figure 8: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies. Dunhuang Cave 85, north slope of ceiling, 9th century, Chinese, Mural painting, Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed., Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Caves 85 and 196, pl. 28 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 371 Figure 8a: Mañjuśrī extending his hand to touch the head of Sudhana, detail of Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies in Fig. 8. Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed., Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Caves 85 and 196, pl. 32 372 DOROTHY WONG Figure 9: Kengon kai-e zenchishiki mandara Tōdaiji, Nara. By Raien (act. late 13th century), Japanese, Ink and colors on silk, 184.5 × 118 cm, From Nihon bijutsu zenshū, vol. 9, pl. 44 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Figure 9a: Sudhana’s visits to the Night Goddesses, detail of Kengon kai-e zenchishiki mandara in Fig. 9. Figure 10: Wenshu zhinan tuzan, detail showing Sudhana (Shancai tongzi) visiting the Night Goddesses. 12th century, Chinese, Woodblock print, Kyoto National Museum, From Jan Fontein, The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of Gaṇḍhavyūha Illustrations in China, Japan and Java, pl. 7b 373 374 DOROTHY WONG Figure 11: Sketch of Vairocana in Myōe’s dream diary. By Myōe (1173–1232), Japanese, Ink on paper, From Ishida Hisatoyo, Kegonkyō e, p. 41, fig. 42 Figure 12: Avataṃsaka assembly. Feilaifeng, Hangzhou, Northern Song dynasty, dated 1022, Chinese, Stone relief, From Paul Swart, “Sculptures at Feilai Feng: A Confrontation of Two Traditions,” fig. 1 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Figure 13: Kegon kai-e sho shōju. Kōzan-ji, Circa 1300, Japanese, Ink and colors on silk. From Ishida Hisatoyo, Kegonkyō e, p. 13, fig. 13 375 376 DOROTHY WONG Figure 14: Diagram of iconographic program in pagoda, Kōzanji. From Ishida Hisatoyo, Kegonkyō e, p. 55, fig. 63 Figure 15a: Fragment of Avataṃsaka Assembly showing attendant bodhisattva, detail of Fig. 15. Kang Woobang, “Han’guk Pirojana Pulsang-ui songnip-gwa chon’gae – wonyung-ui tosang-jok sirhyon –,” fig. 1–3 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Figure 15: Diagram of Avataṃsaka Assembly. Dated 754, Korean, Illustrated frontispiece to Avataṃsaka-sūtra, Gold and silver on purple paper, H. 21 cm, Ho-am Art Museum, Seoul, From Kang Woobang, “Han’guk Pirojana Pulsang-ui songnip-gwa chon’gae – wonyung-ui tosang-jok sirhyon –,” fig. 1–5 377 378 DOROTHY WONG Figure 16: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies. Songgwangsa, Hall of Hwaŏm, Chogye Mt., Dated 1770, Korean, Ink and color on hemp and silk gauze, H. 281, W. 255 cm, Mun Myong-dae, ed., Chosǒn Purhwa, in Han’guk ŭi mi, vol. 16, pl. 85 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA Figure 16a: Diagram of Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies in Fig. 16. From Sorensen, Henrik H.: “The Hwaǒm kyǒng pyǒnsang to: A Yi Dynasty Buddhist Painting of the Dharma Realm,” p. 103, Table II 379 380 DOROTHY WONG Figure 17: Drawing of Program of Main Temple, Assembly Hall. Tabo Monastery, 11th century, Western Himalayan, From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al, Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 122, diagram 8 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 381 Figure 18: Pilgrimage of Sudhana, Sudhana visiting the monk Meghaśrī. Tabo Monastery, Main Temple, Assembly Hall, east wall, 11th century, Western Himalayan, Mural painting, From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al, Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 124, fig. 120 382 DOROTHY WONG Figure 18a: Mañjuśrī, detail of Sudhana’s Pilgrimage. Tabo Monastery, Main Temple, Assembly Hall, east wall, 11th century, Western Himalayan, Mural painting, From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al, Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 123, fig. 119 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 383 Figure 19: Sculptural deities of the Vajradhātu-maṇḍala. Tabo Monastery, Main Temple, 11th century, Western Himalayan, From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al, Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 93, fig. 54 Figure 19a: Mahāvairocana. Tabo Monastery, Main Temple, 11th century, Western Himalayan, Sculpture From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al. Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 97, fig. 61 384 DOROTHY WONG Figure 20: Diagram of Borobuḍur. Borobuḍur, Central Java, Circa 8th century, From Gómez and Woodward, Jr., eds., Borobuḍur: History and Significance of a Buddhist Monument, p. xvii Figure 20a: Pilgrimage of Sudhana, Sudhana’s visit to Vasumitra. Borobuḍur, Central Java, Circa 8th century, Stone relief, From Jan Fontein, The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of Gaṇḍhavyūha Illustrations in China, Japan and Java, pl. 50 CONTRIBUTORS ARAMAKI Noritoshi is professor at Ōtani University (Kyoto) and professor emeritus at Kyoto University. He has published the Japanese translation of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra. He was the editor of Hokuchō Zui Tō Chūgoku bukkyō shisō shi [History of Chinese Buddhist philosophy in the Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang] (2000). 北朝・隋唐 中国佛教思想史 Jana BENICKÁ is associate professor in the Department of Chinese Studies, Comenius University, Bratislava. Her research field is Chan Buddhism. CHOE Yeonshik is assistant professor in Korean History at Mokpo University, Korea. His field of research is the history of Korean Buddhism (especially Huayan and Chan during the Silla and Koryŏ dynasties). He has coauthored the volumes Han'guk kodae chungse komunsŏ yŏn'gu [Ancient and medieval documents in Korea] (2000), Pulgyosa ŭi ihae [Understanding of Buddhist history] (2004), Pulgyo ŭi ihae [Understanding of Buddhism] (2005). 國古代中世古文書硏究 불교사의 이해 불교의 이해 韓 Bernard FAURE is professor of Religious Studies at Columbia University. His research fields are Chan and Esoteric Buddhism. His works include: The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Critique of Chan/Zen Buddhism (1991), Chan Insights and Oversights: An Epistemological Critique of the Chan Tradition (1993), Visions of Power: Imagining Medieval Japanese Buddhism (1996), The Read Thread: Buddhist Approaches to Sexuality (1998), and The Power of Denial: Buddhism, Purity and Gender (2003). Frédéric GIRARD is professor at l’Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient. His research field is Kamakura Buddhism, especially Myōe and Dōgen. He has published Un moine de la secte Kegon à l’époque de Kamakura, Myōe (1173–1232) et le « Journal de ses rêves » (1990) and Traité sur l’acte de foi dans le Grand Véhicule (2004). Imre HAMAR is associate professor in the Department of East Asian Studies, Eötvös Loránd University (Budapest). His main research area is Huayan philosophy, especially Chengguan’s thought. He has published A Religious Leader in the Tang: Chengguan’s Biography (2002). HUANG Yi-hsun is assistant researcher at the Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies (Taipei), where she is doing research on Chan texts. She has published Integrating Chinese Buddhism: A Study of Yongming Yanshou’s Guanxin Xuanshu (2005). ISHII Kōsei is professor at Komazawa Junior College. His research field is Chinese Buddhism, Japanese classical literature, and modern Asian philosophy. He has published Kegon shisō no kenkyū [A study of Huayan thought] (1996). 華嚴思想の研究 386 CONTRIBUTORS KIMURA Kiyotaka is a professor of the International Institute for Buddhist Studies (Tokyo) and professor emeritus of Tokyo University. He has published Shoki chūgoku kegon shisō no kennkyū [A study of early Huayan thought] (1977) and Chūgoku kegon shisōshi [The history of Chinese Huayan thought] (1992). 初期中國華嚴思想の研究 中国華厳思想史 Charles MULLER is professor of East Asian philosophy and religion at Toyo Gakuen University, Japan. His research field is the Hwaŏm school of Korean Buddhism and Yogācāra philosophy. He has published The Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment: Korean Buddhism’s Guide to Meditation (with the commentary by the Sŏn monk Kihwa) (1999). Jan NATTIER is professor of Buddhist Studies at the International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology, Soka University (Tokyo), where she is doing research on early Chinese Buddhist translations. She is the author of Once Upon a Future Time: Studies in a Buddhist Prophecy of Decline (1991) and A Few Good Men: The Bodhisattva Path according to The Inquiry of Ugra (Ugraparipṛcchā) (2003). ŌTAKE Susumu is a part-time lecturer at the Institute for Research in Humanities, Kyoto University and Hanazono University (Kyoto). His research field is Yogācāra and Huayan Buddhism. He has published the Japanese translation of Jin’gangxian lun in collaboration with TAKEMURA Makio, and the annotated Japanese translation of Shidi jing lun . He is now preparing for the publication of his dissertation on Huayan Buddhism. 金剛仙論 十地経論 Joerg PLASSEN is assistant professor (Juniorprofessor) in Korean intellectual history at Ruhr-University Bochum, Germany. Since the completion of his Ph.D. thesis on the Sanlun school of Chinese Buddhism at Hamburg University, his field of research has shifted towards Sino-Korean Buddhism. Recently, he he has been working mainly on early Korean Buddhism. WEI Daoru is the director of Buddhist studies at the World Religions Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. His research field is Huayan and Chan. He has published Zhongguo huayanzong tongshi [The general history of Huayan Buddhim of China] (1998). 中国华严宗通史 Dorothy WONG is associate professor of the McIntire Department of Art, University of Virginia. She researches Buddhist art of medieval China, and has published Chinese Steles: Pre-Buddhist and Buddhist Use of a Symbolic Form (2004). ZHU Qingzhi is professor in the Department of Chinese Studies, Beijing University. His research interests generally lie in history of Chinese language, Buddhist Hybrid Chinese (Chinese language in Buddhist sūtras translated from India), and history of cultural interaction between China and India. His major publications include Fodian yu gu hanyu cihui yanjiu [The study of the Buddhist sūtras and ancient Chinese vocabulary] (1992). 汉语词汇研究 佛典与中古 INDEX Abhidharma 282 absence of self 126, 208, 210 absolute mind 35, 207 ācārya 121 Acintyavimokṣa-sūtra 140 actual teaching 207 afflictive hindrances XVIII, 281, 283, 284, 285, 287, 288, 290, 291, 292, 293 Agui 315 Ajaṇṭā 352 Ajātaśatru 114, 244, 253 Ajātaśatru-sūtra 114 Akaniṣṭha heaven XIII, 90 Akṣobhya 117, 130, 138, 255, 352 ālaya 203, 301 ālayavijñāna 35, 37, 207, 301 Ama-gyō 304 Amaterasu 328 Amitābha/Amitāyus/Amida XIX, 117, 130, 143, 170, 224, 340, 342, 352 Amitāyur-dhyāna-sūtra 356, 357 Amituo sanyesanfo saloufotan guodu ren dao jing 119 Amoghasiddhi 352 Amoghavajra (705–774) 150, 353 An Faxian (3rd c.) 147 Anagarika Dharmapala 331 anātman 126, 284 anonymous translation (shiyi ) 98, 136 Anraku.in 314 Antoku 304 anutpattikadharmakṣānti 176, 186 Appearance of Tathāgata in the World 141 arhat 122, 126, 283, 285 ārūpyadhātu 340 尼經 經 阿彌陀三耶三佛薩樓佛檀過渡人道 安法賢 安樂院 安徳 失譯 Āryadeva (170–270) 154, 197, 200 Asaṅga (Wuzhu 310–390?) 197, 200, 202, 286 Asitaveda 116, 117 Aṣṭādaśasāhasrikā 94 Aṣṭasāhasrikā 94, 112 Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā 119 asura 298 Asvabhāva 142 Aśvaghoṣa 200 avadāna 353, 357 avaivartya 177 Avalokiteśvara 117, 131, 346, 348, 352, 357 avataṃsa 96 Avataṃsaka-sūtra allusion to 322; apotropaic efficacy of 299; and art 337, 341, 343, 345, 349, 354, 356, 357; Chengguan’s Manual of 234; and Japanese nationalism 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333; Japanese scholars on XX; Mahāvairocana in 297; mythological context of 299; nuns copying 304; principle in 316; scholarly literature on 12, 15, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, 37, 38, 42, 44, 45, 80, 83, 84, 158, 159, 218, 334, 358, 359; Sudhana in XX; textual history of 109, 141; translation of 149. See also Buddhāvataṃsaka awakening 9, 77, 175, 176, 222, 225, 232, 265, 278, 298, 304, 305, 334; 無著 388 INDEX of Buddha 109, 113, 129, 132, 170, 180, 183; Chengguan on 72, 82; gradual 300; of Huineng 186; in Sanlun and Huayan 4, 71, 75, 82; sudden 74, 297, 300 Awakening by Light 228 Awakening of (Mahāyāna) Faith XVIII, 17, 18, 34, 43, 199, 200, 208, 211, 218, 246, 250, 286, 330 bam-po 153, 154 Baoshansi 170 Bari lo-tsaba (1040–1111) 154 Benzaiten 303 Bhadracarī-praṇidhānarāja-gāthā 150, 155 Bhadraśrī XIII, 90, 91, 101, 102, 105, 117 Bhagavat 94 Bhaiśajyaguru-sūtra 356 bhavacakra 352 Bhāvaviveka (500–570) 197, 198, 202, 203 bhūmi system 123, 128, 187 Biankong monastery 149 Bing 53 Binglingsi cave 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 177 Biyan lu XVI, 229 Bo Fazu 145 Bodhgayā 339, 340 bodhi XII, XVI, 91, 99, 118, 127, 139, 283, 284, 285, 321 Bodhidharma 186 Bodhiruci 149, 292 bodhisattva in art 346, 347; in Buddhāvataṃsaka 113–137, 141, 143– 144, 154, 170, 183, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226; characteristics of 143; and cognitive hindrances 285; “Consciousness-King” 153; crowns of 247; in Dousha jing group 111; Dwelling places of 92; and Fo shuo pusa benye jing 143; in Guanxin xuanshu 253, 255, 257; in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 265, 269; 寶山寺 并 遍空 炳靈寺 碧巖録 帛法祖 菩提流志 業經 佛說菩薩本 as Mahāyāna hero 283; nature of 206; meditation of 90, 292; miracle given to 91; practice 93, 118–122, 131, 176, 182, 183, 187, 193, 283, 284, 293; Śākyamuni bodhisattvas 341, 342; scholarly literature on XIV, XV, 21, 22, 29, 80, 137, 138, 158, 280, 307; spiritual development of 146; stages of 343, 347, 348, 349, 350, 352, 354, 355, 356, 357; teaching for 94, 197, 198; ten 98, 102, 113; in three-tier Buddhist model 310; upāya aspect 237 bodhisattva path XIV, 115, 118, 120, 122, 123, 124, 129, 130, 131, 135, 174, 176, 177, 183, 187, 284 bodhisattva śīla XV, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 177, 178, 183, 184 Bodhisattvabhūmi 17, 79, 170, 177 Bodhisattvapiṭaka 93 Bodhisattvapraśnāloka 96 Bodhisena (8th c.) 326 Bon-gak [Pon’gak] 72, 79 Borobuḍur 13, 141, 221, 353, 354, 358 Brahmā 339 Brahmajāla-sūtra 341 branches (mo ) of one-mind 246, 256 bright Buddha seed-nature 51 Buddha, buddhas XX, 54, 94, 122, 124, 154, 177, 184, 189, 201, 206, 209, 210, 211, 214, 225, 226, 232, 243, 244, 253, 254, 255, 263, 264, 284, 302, 305, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 317, 318, 319, 322, 328, 340, 341, 342; body of 60, 210, 211, 215, 311, 321; in Buddhāvataṃsaka 109, 113–118, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137; characteristics and qualities of XVII, 98, 102, 122, 129, 224; classification of teachings of 170, 178, 179, 182, 183, 184, 197, 198, 316; enlightenment of XIII, XV, XVII, 95, 99, 100, 109, 113, 132, 139, 170, 180, 221, 223, 224, 293, 339, 351; epithets of 114; 末 389 INDEX in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 262, 265, 269, 270, 274; image of XI, XVI, XX, 170, 171, 172, 177, 178, 221, 297, 311, 326, 329, 338, 339, 341, 346, 347, 348, 349, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357; light of 228; meditation of and on XIV, XVII, 54, 132, 223, 225, 226; miracle performed by XIII, 89, 90, 91, 105, 114, 115, 126, 133, 254, 258, 339; scholarly literature on 12, 13, 15, 17, 20, 22, 39, 43, 46, 51, 72, 80, 138, 159, 218, 219, 295, 357, 359; seat of 115; state of 243, 311, 314, 315, 316, 317, 319, 320, 321; of ten directions 129, 130, 131, 132, 137; in three-tier Buddhist model 310. See also Amitābha, Mahāvairocana, Śākyamuni, Vairocana Buddha deeds XVII, 241, 243, 244, 249, 252, 253 Buddha Land 225, 244, 253. See also buddha-fields Buddhabhadra life and travels of 147, 148, 169, 172; scholarly literature on 33; translation of Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra XIV, XV, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 98, 101, 102, 103, 112, 118, 135, 136, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 160, 162, 164, 166, 169, 196, 206, 337 Buddhabhūmi-sūtra 52, 98 Buddhabhūmi-sūtra-śāstra 52 buddha-fields 113, 114, 115, 117, 127, 128, 129, 131, 136, 340. See also Buddha Land Buddhahood XIV, XIX, 11, 29, 37, 74, 113, 122, 123, 131, 183, 223 Buddhalakṣaṇaprakāśa 96 Buddha-mind 250 Buddha-nature XVI, 55, 60, 129, 174, 182, 183, 196, 204, 206, 209, 219, 243, 310 buddhānubhāvena 114, 130 buddhānusmṛti-samādhi 224 buddhavacana 130 Buddhāvataṃsaka, meaning of term XIII, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91 Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra XI, 87, 89, 90, 221, 222, 226, 229, 243, 244, 312, 316, 321; bodhisattva practice in 193; dhyāna in 223, 224, 226; Fazang’s commentary on 196; Huiyuan’s subcommentary on 205; Li Tongxuan on 228; samādhi in 224, 225, 226; scholarly literature on XII, XIII, XIV, XV, XVI, 16, 22, 23, 28, 48, 61, 138, 158; textual history and versions 87, 89–102, 105, 106, 109–116, 118, 121–125, 129– 133, 135, 139–143, 146, 147–149, 151– 153, 155–156, 212, 215; three-tier Buddhist model in 310. See also Avataṃsaka-sūtra, Huayan jing Buddhāvataṃsaka meditation 90, 102 Buddhayaśas 146 Buke siyi jietuo jing , see Acintyavimokṣa-sūtra Bukesiyi jing 141 Bukkyō ni okeru sensō taiken 331, 334 Bu-ston (1290–1364) 154, 155, 158 Buswell, Robert 137, 138, 302, 306 Byang-chub bzang-po, paṇḍita 154 Byang chub sems dpa’s dris pa snang ba 96 不可思議解脫經 不可思議經 曹淑文 曹洞 曹山本寂 Cao Shuwen 61 Caodong (J. Sōtō) XVII, 223, 231, 239 Caoshan Benji (804–901) XVII, 231, 232, 233 celestial bodhisattva 131 Central Asia XII, 92, 93, 94, 95, 105, 144, 158, 213, 358 Ceylon 321 Chakravarti-rājas 331 Chan 10, 222, 223, 282, 297, 300, 343; and Pure Land XVII; Daoxin, master of 302; Dongshan Liangjie, master of XVII, 231; Guifeng Zongmi, master of 233; influence on Chengguan XVI; lineage of 171, 186, 187, 223; Nanyang Huizhong, master of 321; Nanyue Mingzan, master of 258; relationship with Huayan XVI, XVII, 221, 222, 223, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 237, 238, 348; scholarly literature on 13, 20, 21, 23, 26, 29, 30, 34, 37, 38, 49, 50, 51, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 66, 67, 82, 85, 230, 239, 306; 禪 390 INDEX Yanshou and 241, 246, 249, 250; Yuanwu Keqin and 229; Zongmi and XVI, 9 Chan hall 342 chan jiao yizhi 50 Chan school XVI, 30, 34, 37, 49, 51, 56, 58, 82, 85, 187, 223, 228, 245, 250 Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu] 71, 74, 79 chanding 224 Chandingsi 186 chanjia (the chan family) 223 channa 222 Chen Jingfu 61 Chen Peiran 52, 61 Chen Yangjiong 50, 61 Chen Yuanning 55, 61 Chen Yunji 50, 61 Cheng Hao 56 Cheng weishi lun 198, 203, 204, 209, 210, 211, 285, 292, 294 Cheng Yi 56 Chengguan (738–839) XIV, 8, 10, 205, 297; stūpa of XI; and faxingzong and faxiangzong XV, XVI, 205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 216, 217; harmonizing Huayan with other schools XV, XVI; on perfect interfusion 189; and Prajñā 150; scholarly literature on 14, 15, 21, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 50, 51, 54, 61, 62, 63, 70, 72, 73, 78, 81, 82, 158, 218, 230, 239; works of XV, 2, 9, 140, 158, 193, 199, 209, 210, 227, 234, 236, 238, 246, 251; on xingbu and yuanrong 193; and Zongmi 9 Chengshi lun 170, 173, 174 Chidō (?–?) 320 Chinese art 56, 57, 67, 358 Chinese esthetics 56 Chinese literature 50, 57, 58, 244 Chinese medicine 226 Chinjŏng 268 Chinul (1158–1210) 14, 15, 17, 40, 74, 77, 78, 83, 84, 85, 298 Chiri Mt. 350 Cho Yoon-ho [Cho Yunho] 38, 73, 30 禅教一致 禪 禪定 禅定寺 禪家 禪那 陈景富 陈沛然 陈扬炯 陈远宁 陈允吉 程颢 成唯識論 程颐 澄觀 知道 成實論 眞定 知訥 Chogye Mt. 350 Chŏng Pyŏngjo 75, 82 Chosŏn 78, 84, 266, 268, 369 Christianity 328, 331 Chu sanzang ji ji XI, 144, 145, 146, 148, 156, 173 Chu Shudu 147, 148 Chūzenji Lake 301 classification of teachings XII, XV, 25, 49, 55, 75, 77, 84, 202, 216 cognitive hindrances XVIII, 281, 283, 284, 285, 290, 291, 293 common people XVII, 243, 310, 329 common teaching 33, 36, 216 compassion 247, 283, 316, 318 conditioned 5, 6, 126, 206, 210, 215, 316, 318 conditioned (saṃskṛta) dharmas 126 Confucianism 9, 14, 49, 54, 55, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 73, 81, 218 consciousness-only 40, 53, 197, 199, 255 consecration (abhiṣeka) 124, 129 contemplating on nature 55 contemplation of Buddha-light (foguang guan ) XVI, 228 contemplation of mind XVII, 241, 243, 244, 249, 250 controlling thoughts 121 counting breaths 121 crown prince (yuvarāja) 124, 128 Cui Dahua 56, 62 Cui Hao (381–450) 173 cultivation 6, 10, 37, 74, 127, 129, 211, 232, 285 出三蔵記集 褚叔度 中禅寺 佛光觀 崔大华 崔浩 Da fangguang huayan jing busiyi fo jingjie fen 100 Da fangguang rulai busiyi jingjie jing 100 Da Kaiyuansi 342 Daban niepan jing jijie 170 Dabian monastery 149 Dacien monastery 151, 152 Dad pa’i stobs bskyed pa la ’jug pa’i phyag rgya zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo 96 dadao 122 Dafangguang fo huayan jing rufajie pin 149 Dafangguang fo huayan jing suishu yanyi chao 205 大方廣華嚴經不思議佛境界分 大方廣 如來不思議境界經 大開元寺 大般涅槃經集解 大遍 大慈恩 大道 佛華嚴經入法界品 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 大方廣 391 INDEX 大方廣普賢 大方廣 大方 Dafangguang puxian suo shuo jing 152 Dafangguang ru rulai zhi de busiyi jing 96 Dafangguang rulai xingqi weimizang jing 145 Dai 43 Daianji 338, 344, 345, 358 Daianji garan engi narabini shizaichō 345, 358 Dainenbutsuji 315 Daiwa 329 Daizū Yūkan 312 Dalai Lama XII 93 Damamūka-nidāna-sūtra 357 Dānaśīla 155 Dan-no-ura 304 Daoan (312–385) 140, 145, 206 Daochang monastery 147 Daoism 3, 110, 116, 133, 134, 223; Lingbao scriptures of 120, 137; scholarly literature on 11, 14, 17, 21, 31, 46, 49, 52, 60, 63, 67, 73, 81, 137, 218; Taiwudi, emperor of Northern Wei and 173, 183; in the Weishu 178; Zongmi’s understanding of 9 Daoping (?–??) 171, 185, 186 Daorong XV, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 183 Daosheng (ca. 360–434) 206 Daoxin 186, 302 Daoxing banruo jing 119 Daoxuan 326 Daoyan 109 Darumashū 316, 323 daśa 143 daśabhūmi 106 Daśabhūmika XIII, 93, 95, 106, 114, 132, 146, 153, 182; bodhisattvas in 183; Sanskrit text of 109, 121; scholarly literature on 17, 18, 21, 28, 53, 154; ten stages of the bodhisattva path in 123, 125, 127, 146, 339, 343; Vasubandhus’s commentary on 212 Daśabhūmika-sūtra-śāstra 53, 182, 183 Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā 185, 186 所說經 入如來智徳不思議經 廣如來性起微密藏經 代 大安寺 伽藍縁起并流記資財帳 大念佛寺 大和 大通融觀 壇ノ浦 道安 道場 道憑 道融 道生 道信 道璿 道嚴 道行般若經 大安寺 Daśabhūmivyākhyāna 141, 215 daśaka 96 Daśasamādhi[ka] 101 Dasheng fajie wuchabie lun 199, 202 Dasheng miyan jing shu 196 Dasheng qixin lun 8, 9, 10, 40, 52, 54, 73, 183, 184, 186, 208, 286 Dasheng yizhang caogao ben 178 daśottama 96 Dazhi du lun 140 Dazhusheng 170, 186 Dazu 141, 158, 358 De bzhin gshegs pa’i yon tan dang ye shes bsam gyis mi khyab pa’i yul la ’jug pa bstan pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo 96 deluded mind 248 Dengmu pusa suowen sanmei jing 99, 101, 144 Dentoku Ryōson 242 dependent arising XV, 30, 33, 39, 199, 200, 202, 205, 206, 208, 214, 282 Dessein, Bart 150 Detachment from the World 142 Devaprajñā 100 Devata-sūtra 356, 357 Dezong (r. 779–805) 150 Dga’-ba, paṇḍita 154 dhāraṇī 264, 302 Dharma 120, 121, 126, 127, 128, 243, 244, 249, 252, 253, 254, 257, 300, 303, 340; bodhisattvas’ comprehension of 113, 127; Dan, teacher of 170; Daoping, master of 185; establishing of 129; faxiang(zong) and 195; faxing(zong) and 195, 196, 253, 298; in Gaṇḍavyūha XVIII; lineage and transmission of 171, 185, 186; Lingyou, master of 185, 186; love of 284; protectors of 304, 305; repository of 304; revelation of 257; search of 300; Sengtan, master of 92; study of 126; unconditional seal of 252; 大乘法界無差別 大乘密嚴經疏 大乘起信論 大乘義章草稿本 論 大足 大智度論 大住聖 問三昧經 德宗 等目菩薩所 392 INDEX of Universal Radiance 340, 341, 350; wheel of 180, 198 Dharmabhadra 153 Dharma-body 257, 310 dharmadhātu 189, 261, 264, 320, 322, 352; Changshui Zixuan on 250; Chengguan on 234, 238; dependent arising XV, 3, 245; Diagram of the 297; Discernments of 199; Fazang on XVII, 245; in Huayan jing 243; scholarly literature on 13, 16, 39; as Vairocana’s world 341; Yanshou on XVII, 243, 245, 246, 247, 250, 257, 258; Zongmi on 190, 191, 192. See also dharma-realm dharmadhātus dharmadhātu pratītyasamutpāda 48, 49, 52, 60, 189, 190, 245 Dharmadhātu-Vāgīśvara-Mañjuśrī maṇḍala 352 dharmakāya 39, 183, 341 Dharma-king 128, 180 Dharmakṣema 147, 206 Dharmamati 111, 115, 123, 125, 126, 129, 130, 132, 135 dharma-nature 34, 195, 196, 253, 262, 269, 298, 305 Dharmapāla (Hufa 530–561) 35, 197, 202 Dharmarakṣa 93, 98, 100, 101, 102, 113, 114, 144, 145, 146, 154, 157 dharma-realm 48, 49, 52, 53, 60, 261, 274, 279, 230. See also dharmadhātu Dharmaruci 96, 97, 99 dharmas 3, 4, 113, 126, 127, 129, 189, 192, 195, 200, 202, 273, 274, 277, 283, 298; arising of 200, 201, 265; characteristics of XV, 198, 199, 200; “cleansing” and “exhausting” of 4; contemplation on 72, 79; emptiness of 197, 198, 200, 203, 204, 207; in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 262, 265; nature of 207; Yanshou on 245, 253; Yogācāra on 283, 286, 291, 292 dharmatā 196 dhyāna XVI, 222, 223, 224, 226, 310, 317 Diamond Sūtra 326 Dīpaṃkara jātaka 126 護法 Divākara (613–688) 88, 148, 149, 152, 157, 196, 197, 199, 217, 218 Divyāvadāna XI Prātihārya-sūtra 90 doctrinal taxonomy 109 Do-eop [Toŏp] 72, 80, 81 Dōgen (1200–1253) XIX, XXI, 7, 45, 223, 229, 299, 309, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 328 Dōji (d. 744) 338, 344, 345 Dōjōji 303, 307 Dong Ping 54, 56, 62 Dong Qun 58, 62 Dongshan Liangjie (807–869) XII, XVII, 231, 232 Dongshan wu wei song zhu 236 Dongxuan lingbao changye zhi fu jiuyou yukui mingzhen ke 137 Dousha jing XIII, 16, 110, 111, 112, 115, 121, 122, 124, 125, 133, 135, 138, 144, 158 dragon-hole 305 dragon XIX, 99, 297, 301, 305, 307 Du Jiwen 48, 49, 62, 65 Du shi pin jing 98, 101, 144 Du Shun (558–640) XI, XIV, XV, 2, 3, 6, 7, 52, 53, 55, 61, 65, 187, 190, 199, 204, 227, 267 Du zhufo jingjie zhiguangyan jing 96 Dunhuang Buddhist paintings in XX, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 353, 354, 355, 357; Cave 55 at 357; Huayan bian in XX, 342, 343, 349; manuscripts in 93, 169, 170, 178; scholarly literature on 30, 339, 358, 359, 360 Dushi pin jing 101 Dwelling Places of Bodhisattvas 92 道元 道慈 道成寺 董平 董群 洞山良價 洞山五位頌注 洞玄靈寶長夜之府九幽玉匱 明真科 兜沙經 杜继文 度世品經 杜順 度諸佛境界 智光嚴經 度世品經 江部鴨村 永超 Ebe Ōson 331 Edo period 19, 223, 327 Eichō 242 eight consciousnesses 281 eighty-fascicle version 142, 143, 145, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 204 Eiheiji 321, 322 Einstein 328 393 INDEX 榮西 懷奘 惠海 Eisai (1141–1215) 223 Ejō (1198–1280) 322 Ekai 314 ekajātipratibaddha 113, 128 ekayāna 22, 23, 220, 226 emptiness (śūnyatā) 6, 10, 126, 128, 200, 214; Asaṅga on 202; Chengguan on 206, 207, 208, 209; Dharmamati on 126; Du Shun on 199; Fazang on 202, 203, 204, 216; form and XV; Hīnayāna on 197, 198; Li Tongxuan on 228; Mahāyāna on 197, 198, 283; Myōe on 318, 319; Nāgārjuna on 202; scholarly literature on 26, 29, 35, 52, 71, 72, 73, 79, 84, 85, 232; of self-nature XVI; ultimate truth of 5, 6, 181; without characteristics 199, 200; Yanshou on 243, 252; Zongmi on 9 enlightenment 129, 215, 232, 263, 264, 278, 283, 284, 293, 313, 316, 320, 348, 352, 354; in Awakening of Faith 211; of Buddha XII, XIV, XVI, 94, 95, 99, 100, 139, 221, 223, 224, 293, 322, 339, 340, 351; Chengguan on XVI, 206, 210, 211; faxiangzong on 210; intrinsic and activated 287, 288; Myōe on 319; of the nāga-girl 304; non- XVIII, 287; practices for attaining 193, 223, 353; scholarly literature on 6, 10, 14, 17, 18, 43, 58, 80, 84, 218, 294, 295, 307, 324; Sudhana’s quest for XX, 337, 343; Yanshou on XVII, 243, 244, 249, 252, 253, 257; Zongmi on XVI, 9 Enlightenment through the Light of Tathāgata 142 Enryakuji 309 essence XV, 32, 49, 56, 62, 67, 190, 195, 196, 208, 210, 211, 228, 231, 232, 233, 235, 236, 237, 238, 250, 286, 290, 347 延暦寺 essence-function 232, 286 eternalism 180, 209 European 19, 20, 315 European philosophies 20 expedient five natures 48 explicit statement (nītārtha, liaoyi external schools 54 法寶 法華 了義) 197 Fabao (early 8th c.) 207 Fahua 4, 5, 21, 49, 60, 93, 243 Fahua xuanyi 243 Fahua zhuanji 93 Fajie guanmen XVI, 32, 199, 227 fajie yuanqi 48, 49, 245 Fajing 97, 139 false 190, 194, 203, 205, 207, 213, 314 Fang Litian XII, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 59, 62, 63, 65 Fanwang jing XV, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 177, 183, 341, 358 Faxiang school 52, 53, 198, 286, 294. See also faxiangzong faxiangzong XV, XVI, 15, 195, 196, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214, 217, 218 faxingzong XV, 196, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214, 217 Faye 148 Fazang (643–712) XI, XIV, XV, XVI, XVII, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 47, 149, 187, 202, 216, 227, 228, 247, 267, 278, 297, 300, 310; criticism of Yogācāra XV; and Empress Wu 196, 327; on faxiang(zong) and faxing(zong) 195, 196, 198, 199, 202, 203, 204, 205, 208, 216, 217; on haiyin samādhi 226; and the term “Huayan” 88; on perfect interfusion 190, 191, 192; scholarly literature on 5, 11, 12, 13, 18, 20, 22, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 62, 65, 66, 67, 70, 71, 73, 75, 79, 82, 84, 157; works of XIV, 8, 93, 99, 140, 148, 149, 152, 196, 200, 227, 288, 310, 316, 317; and the term xing XVI; and Yanshou XVII, 244, 245, 246, 247 Fei Changfang 135 法華玄義 法華傳記 法界觀門 法經 方立天 梵網經 法相 法相宗 法性宗 法業 法蔵 費長房 394 INDEX 飛來峰 冯焕珍 Feilaifeng 346 Feng Huanzhen 53, 63 five doctrines 48 Five Lineages Seven Sects (wujia qizong ) 223 five positions XVII, 231, 232, 233, 238 five skandhas 120 five stages 283, 284 five teachings 201, 202, 216, 217, 316 Flower Treasure world 244, 252 Fo huayan ru rulai de zhi busiyi jingjie jing 96 fo huayan sanmei 88 Fo sheng xumiding pin 143 Fo shuo dousha jing 95, 96, 142, 143 Fo shuo pusa benye jing 143 Fo shuo pusa shizhu jing 146 Fo shuo rulai xingxian jing 144 fo si 121 fo zongmiao 121 Fodijing lun 52 Fontein, Jan 345 forty-fascicle Huayan jing 150 Foshouji monastery 149 Foshuo jiaoliang yiqie fosha gongde jing 153 Foshuo luomoqie jing 156 Foshuo shidi jing 153 Four Āgamas 200 four continents 114 four dharmadhātus (si fajie ) XVII, 54, 229, 231, 250, 322 four fearlessnesses 113, 122 four great elements 126, 127, 129 four parts of cognition 281 Fozang dafangdeng jing 96, 97 Free University of Shinano 330 Fuhan 172 Fujaku (1707–1781) 19 Fujiwara 305 Fujiwara no Kanetaka 317 Fukakusa 323 Fuli 149 function of activated enlightenment 288; of dharma-nature 298; 五家 七宗 佛 華嚴入如來徳智不思議境界經 佛華嚴三昧 佛昇須彌頂品 佛説兜沙經 佛說菩薩本業經 佛說菩薩十住經 佛說如來興現經 佛寺 佛宗廟 佛地经论 佛授記 佛說 較量一切佛剎功德經 佛說羅摩伽經 佛說十地經 四法界 佛藏大方等經 枹罕 普寂 復禮 of discriminating wisdom 290; essence and 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 286; of eyes 224; Fazang, on 192, 216, 245; ignorance as mental 282; in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 264; Jizang on 5; Mahāvairocana and 311; of nature 204; scholarly literature on XV, XVII, 17, 32, 56, 232, 239; substance and 190, 191; Wŏnhyo on 291; Yanshou on 246; yuanrong as 193 fusion of the three Ways 54 Gaṇḍavyūha 150, 221, 225, 320, 339, 341, 346; illustrations of XX, 342, 347, 351, 352, 353, 354; questioned identification with Huayan jing XIII, 87, 88, 89, 105; Sanskrit version 109, 123, 141, 148, 149, 156; scholarly literature on 12, 13, 27, 28, 29, 31, 45, 46, 157, 307; Sudhana in XVIII, XX, 141, 299, 337, 343; ten stages of the bodhisattva path in 123, 124; translation of 146, 148, 152, 196 Gandhahastin 117 Gandhalaya Buddha-land 244 Gangyō (617–686) 11, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 306, 345, 358 Gaodi , emperor of Southern Qi (r. 479– 482) 179 Garbhadhātu maṇḍala 348 gātha 270, 273 Geng Shimin 50, 63 Genkō shakusho 312 gentlemen and ladies 122 Ghanavyūha-sūtra 33, 88, 196, 200, 214 Gishō (625–702) 11, 30, 38, 39, 40, 306, 345, 356 Gītamitra (fl. 317–420) 135, 146 Gocarapariśuddhi-sūtra 142 Gongxun wu wei song 237 Gonshō 317 元曉 高帝 耿世民 元亨釋書 義湘 衹多蜜 嚴勝 功勳五位頌 395 INDEX gotra 43, 94, 159 gradual 9, 10, 27, 73, 129, 178, 179, 182, 183, 184, 300, 317 gradual practice XVI, 55, 80, 318 gradual teaching (jianjiao ) 170 Great Buddha XIX, 12, 311, 326, 329 Great Buddha of the Tōdaiji Temple 221 Great Sūtra 273 Great Way 122 Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere 325, 326 guan 222 Guanding qi wan er qiu shenwang hu biqiu zhou jing 136 Guanxin xuanshu XVII, 241 Guṇavarman (367–431) 135 Guo Peng 48, 63 Guzang 170 Gying-ju hwashang 154 Gyōnen (1240–1321) 42, 44, 45, 297, 317, 327 漸教 觀 經 灌頂七萬二千神王護比丘呪 觀心玄樞 求那跋摩 郭朋 姑臧 凝然 Hae-joo [Haeju] 74, 75, 76, 81 Haeju, Venerable 266, 267 Ha Yingfei 60, 63 Hadani Ryōtai 92, 106 haiyin sanmei 226, 298 Hall of Brightness XIII, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101 Han Jong-man [Han Chongman] 78, 81 Han Ruichang 59, 63 Hanawa Hokinoichi (1746–1821) 338, 358 Hasshū kōyō 327 He Yizhuang 61 heavenly king 346, 356 heaven-realm 114 Hegel 325, 328 Heian period (794–1185) 43, 309, 317 Heike monogatari 304 hell 114, 339, 340 Heo Heung-sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] 78, 81 heshang 121 Hetian xian 147. See also Khotan Heze 58, 233 Hideyoshi XX, 349 Hīnayāna 122, 150, 179, 181, 189, 197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 283, 284 海住 哈迎飞 羽渓了諦 海印三昧 韩瑞常 塙保已一 八宗綱要 何义壮 平家物語 和上 和田縣 荷泽 平川彰 Hirakawa Akira 92, 106, 138 Hiraṇyavatī 99 Hiraoka 304 Hōnen (1133–1212) 46, 309, 311, 312, 314, 315, 317, 324 hongaku 43, 304, 313, 320 Hongren 186 Hossō 42, 43, 195, 207, 294 Hōtan (1654–1738) 19, 43, 327 Hou Chuanwen 57, 63 householder-bodhisattva 114 Hu Minzhong 54, 63 Huang Chanhua 49, 63 Huangbo 223 Huayan hall 148 Huayan jing XII, 3, 47, 100, 132, 147, 170, 178, 182, 183, 184, 204, 221, 222, 224, 226, 228, 229, 243, 252, 253, 254, 257, 265, 269, 297, 337; and art 337, 338, 339, 343, 344; Buddhabhadra’s translation of 136, 148, 172; Chengguan on 140, 193, 205, 234, 246; Fazang on 4, 9, 20, 88, 93, 99, 140, 196, 216, 246; Huiyuan on 87; Korean studies on 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 80, 81; reciting of 177; Sanzang Fotuo on 97; scholarly literature on 24, 29, 30, 33, 40, 45, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 157, 219; textual history and versions XIV, 88, 89, 93, 94, 97, 100, 109, 112, 142, 143, 145, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 169, 171, 177; Zhiyan on 5, 100, 140, 216 Huayan jing liangjuan zhigui 97 Huayan jing tanxuan ji XXI, 88, 93, 99, 156, 196, 246 Huayan jing zhuanji XXI, 45, 93, 97, 100, 156, 301 Huayan jinshizi zhang 49, 56, 67 Huayan practice 4, 171, 185, 187 huayan samādhi XV, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174, 177, 183, 186, 226 Huayan temple 61 平岡 法然 本覚 弘忍 法相 鳳潭 侯传文 胡民众 黄忏华 黄檗 華嚴經 華嚴經兩卷旨歸 華嚴經探玄記 華嚴經傳記 華嚴金狮子 396 INDEX 華嚴一乘教 華嚴一乘十玄門 Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang 5, 190, 191, 192, 208, 244 Huayan yisheng shixuan men 246, 256 Huayan zhigui 148 Huayan-related works 139 Hui , Emperor (r. 290–306) 145 Huidan 170 Huiguang (?–?) 171, 186 Huike 186 Huili 197, 219 Huilong (429–490) 178, 179 Huineng 30, 185, 186 Huisi 186 Huiwen 186 Huiyan 32, 148 Huiyuan (673–743) 205; commentary of XV, 87, 149; scholarly literature on 20, 26, 32, 55, 64, 158, 159, 205, 219 Huiyuan (523–592) scholarly literature on XVIII; Wŏnhyo and XVIII, 281, 284, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293 Huiyuan (334–417) 147 Huizhao (650–714) 207 Hwang Kyu-chan [Hwang Kyuch’an] 76, 81 Hwangnyong-sa 302 Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 74, 83, 227, 261, 266, 280, 297 Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki 266 Hye-nam [Hye’nam] 73, 81 義分齊章 華嚴旨歸 惠 慧誕 慧光 慧可 慧立 慧隆 慧能 慧思 慧文 慧嚴 慧苑 慧遠 慧遠 慧沼 乘圓通記 黄龍寺 華嚴一乘法界圖 華儼一 icchantika 206, 209 Ichikawa Hakugen (1902–1986) 331, 332, 333, 334 Ichiren-in Shūson 19 identity and difference of three natures 54 ignorance XVIII, 208, 264, 282, 285, 287, 288, 290, 292, 293, 304, 305, 322, 349 Ildang 272 Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo XII, XVII, 1, 39, 41, 75, 81, 261, 262, 268, 271, 272, 275, 277, 279, 280 Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki 268, 272, 275, 277 Imperial Rescript on Education 328, 331, 334 impermanence 126 市川白弦 一蓮院秀存 日幢 記 一乘法界圖 一乘法界圖圓通 India 10, 63, 106, 107, 138, 151, 153, 158, 185, 219, 223, 307; Bodhisena from 326; Buddhabhadra from 109, 337; Buddhāvataṃsaka in XIII, 27, 87, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 120, 130, 133, 140, 141, 142, 143, 148, 150, 152, 154, 337; Buddhist texts from 111, 135, 211, 294; dharmatā in 196; Divākara from 148, 196, 199; Emperor Jinmu’s origin in 331; Jinamitra and Surendrabodhi from 154; Mahāyāna in 52, 176, 177, 217; mythology of 298; nāga-palace in 305; patriarchs in 170, 171, 186; pilgrimage to 300, 305; Prajñā 150; Śīlabhadra and Jñānaprabha from 198, 205; sources of Buddhism in 3; temple building in 352, 353, 354; Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra from 353; Yogācāra in 177, 283 Indian Buddhism 52, 53, 106, 158, 199, 208, 281, 282 indifference 283 Indra 1, 6, 8, 12, 16, 60, 248, 251, 256, 257, 258, 298, 307, 311, 340 Indra net 60 inexhaustible conditioned arising 48 Inhwan 75, 81 Inoue Tetsujirō (1855–1944) 328 Institute of National Spiritual Culture 329, 331 interfusion XV, 56, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 202, 203, 204, 219, 249 interpenetration of all phenomena 298 interpenetration of principle and phenomena 238, 297 Inwŏn 272 Ippen (1239–1289) 315 Ishida Hisatoyo 345, 358 Ishii Kōsei XII, XIX, 5, 22, 24, 26, 30, 38, 42, 97, 106, 271, 279, 297, 334 Ishii Kyōdō XII, 21, 22, 148, 311, 314 井上哲次郎 印元 一遍 石田尚豊 石井公成 石井教道 397 INDEX Itō Zuiei 伊藤瑞叡 XII, 21, 22, 149, 157 Jambudvīpa 340, 341, 350, 355 Japan Principle Society 326, 334 Japanese Buddhism XIX, 54, 219, 306, 307, 324, 334, 350 Japan–US War 325 jātaka 353, 357 Jeong Soon-il [Chŏng Sunil] 72, 92 Jetavana Groves 340, 341, 351 Jianbei yiqie zhi de jing 93, 144 Jiang Guicun 49, 63 Jiankang 53, 147 jiaojia (the doctrinal family) 223 Jieshi Dongshan wu wei xian jue 233 Jieshi Dongshan wu wei 233 Jietuo 244, 254 Jigyō nenbutsu mondō 314 Jike kunketsu 299 Jin Shen 50, 63 Jinamitra XIV, 87, 154, 155 Jingming xuan lun 92 Jingtu 343 Jingxing pin 142, 143 Jingzhao 53 Jingyi ji 178 Jinmu, Emperor 331 Jinten ainōshō 303 Jizang (549–623) 3, 4, 5, 12, 33, 92, 93, 140, 202 Jñānagupta 96, 97, 99, 140 Jñānaprabha (Zhiguang ) 196, 197, 198 Jñānaśrī 111, 114, 117, 125 Jōdo school 19, 324 Jōdoshin XIX, 326, 327 Jōjitsu 195 Jōkyū Disturbance 304 Jūjūshinron 310 Jung Byung-sam [Chŏng Pyŏngsam] 75, 82, 249 Jung-om [Chŏngŏm] 73, 82 Juqumengsun 173 漸備一切智德經 蒋桂存 建康 教家 解釋洞山 五位顯訣 解釋洞山五位 解脫 自行念佛問答 自家訓決 金申 淨名玄論 淨土 淨行品 京兆 旌異記 塵添蓋嚢抄 吉藏 淨土 成實 承久 智光 十住心論 沮渠蒙遜 kaiin-zanmai 海印三昧 229 kalpa 153 kāmadhātu 126, 340, 350 Kamakura period (1185–1333) XIX, XX, 228, 309, 315, 319, 320, 323, 327, 338, 345 鎌 田茂雄 亀川教信 亀谷聖馨 Kamata Shigeo XII, 8, 12, 13, 14, 18, 21, 22, 24, 25, 202, 218, 321, 327, 334 Kamekawa Kyōshin XII, 20, 22, 331 Kametani Seikei (1858–1930) XII, XIX, 19, 20, 22, 42, 327, 334 Kan.en 317 Kaneko Daiei 331 Kang Woobang 14, 349, 350, 358, 359 Kang Youwei (1858–1927) 49, 64, 326, 332 Kang Zhongqian 56, 63 Kanjin kakumu shō 294 Kant 20, 22, 328 Karashima Seishi 119, 138 karmic impression 284 Kashgar 92 Kashmir 147 Kasuga 11, 305, 306, 307 Kasuga Daimyōjin 305, 306 Kasuga Ryūjin 305, 307 Kayadō 315 Kegon engi emaki XIX, 302, 303, 345 Kegon gojūgo sho-e 345 Kegon gosei mandara 348 Kegon kai-e sho shōju mandara 345 Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara 345, 346, 348, 351, 355 Kegon studies 19, 327 Kegon tetsugaku shōronkō 330 Kegon waterfall 301 Kegon yuishingi 314 Kegonkyō 12, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 40, 44, 45, 109, 157, 159, 334, 358 Keiga 43, 310 Keizan Jōkin (1268–1325) 306 Khotan XII, 89, 92, 107, 140, 147, 149, 151, 152, 153. See also Hetian xian Khri-lde-gtsug-brtsan (704–754) 153 Khri-srong-lde-brtsan (754–797) 153 Kihira Tadayoshi (1874–1949) XX, 42, 328, 334, 335 Kim Bok-soon [Kim Poksun] 76, 82 Kim Chon-hak [Kim Ch’ŏnhak] 77, 82 Kim Dujin [Kim Tujin] 77, 82 Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] 4, 71, 75, 82 觀圓 金子大栄 姜友邦 康有為 康中干 觀心覺夢鈔 辛嶋静志 春日 春日大明神 春日龍神 萱堂 華厳縁起絵巻 華 厳五十五所絵 華厳五聖曼荼羅 華厳海会諸 聖眾曼荼羅 華厳海会 善知識曼荼羅 華厳哲学小論攷 華嚴唯心義 華厳経 景雅 瑩山紹瑾 紀平正美 398 INDEX Kim In-duk [Kim Indŏk] 76, 82 Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chigyŏn] 74, 77, 78, 83 Kim Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] 8, 76, 83, 279 Kim Sang Hyun 261, 273, 279 Kim Ying-seuk [Kim Ingsŏk] 70, 74, 77, 83 Kiṃnara 258 Kimura Kiyotaka XI, XII, XVI, 7, 19, 21, 23, 24, 26, 39, 138, 142, 145, 158, 230 King of Laṅka 254 kirigami 299, 307 Kiyotaki River 304 Klimburg-Salter 337, 351, 353, 354, 359 Kōben (1173–1232) 228, 297 Kōfukuji 306, 309 Koh Ik-jin [Ko Ikchin] 15, 75, 83 Kokan Shiren (1278–1346) 312 kokutai 328, 335 Kokutai no hongi 329, 333 Kōmyō , Empress (701–760) 312 kōmyō shingon 45, 349 Kong mu zhang 100 Konjishishō kōkenshō 314, 317 Korea 266, 279, 294, 327; Hwaŏm in XI, XIV, XVII, XIX, 69, 222, 227, 297, 299, 306, 350; Hwaŏm paintings in XX, 338, 339, 344, 345, 349, 351, 352, 355; legend of the dragon king in 302; music from 326; Pŏmnang, master from 302; scholarly literature on Buddhism in 2, 8, 11, 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 38, 39, 40, 41, 46, 54, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 239, 261, 267, 279, 294, 306, 307, 358, 359; Shamanism in 8; Ŭisang, first patriarch in 227, 302; Wŏnhyo, master from 286, 297; Zenmyō as deity in 304 Koryŏ 75, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 266, 267, 271, 272, 274 Kou Qianzhi (363–448) 173 Kōyama Iwao (1905–1993) 325, 334 Kōyasan 309, 311, 315 Kōzanji XIX, 304, 320, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 355, 359 Kōzanji engi 304, 347 金相鉉 木村清孝 清滝 高辨 興福寺 虎關師錬 国体 国体の本義 光明 光明真言 孔目章 金獅子章光顯鈔 冦謙之 高山岩男 高野山 高山寺 高山寺縁起 Kūamidabutsu 323 Kuiji (632–682) 286, 294 Kūkai (d. 735) XIX, 28, 42, 43, 299, 309, 310, 311, 353 kulaputra and kuladuhitṛ 122 Kumano 303 Kumārajīva 3, 114, 140, 146, 147, 170, 172, 174 Kŭmsaeng-sa 272 Kunlun 152 Kun-tu bzang-pos bstan-pa 152 Kuroda Hideo 301, 307 Kusha 196 kūṭāgāra 351, 354 Kwon Tan-joon [Kwŏn T’anjun] 72, 83 Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 73, 74, 84 Kyoto school XIX, 197, 325, 327, 334, 335 Kyoto University 329 Kyunyŏ 11, 39, 41, 77, 78, 80, 82, 266, 272, 275, 278, 297, 299 窺基 空海 熊野 崑崙 俱舍 黒田日出男 均如 Lai, Whalen 13, 16, 195, 208, 219, 232, 239, Lalitavistara 353 lamp-transmission 58 Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra 24, 30, 38, 58, 199, 200, 202, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215 larger Sukhāvatīvyūha 117, 119, 131 lay bodhisattva 120, 121 Ldan dkar ma catalogue 95, 153 Leader of the Good 142 Lee Hyo-kul [Yi Hyogŏl] 72, 84 Li Fuhua 50, 63 Li Gonglin (c. 1047–1106) 346, 347 Li Guangliang 49, 63 Li Mingyou 60, 64 Li Ruiming 57, 64 Li shijian pin 101, 142 Li Shuangbi 59, 64 Li Tongxuan (635–730) XV, XVI, 31, 32, 55, 65, 74, 77, 228, 297, 321 Li Xi 50, 60, 64, 67 Li Xiangping 60, 64 Li Yaoxian 60, 64 Li Zuoxun 56, 64 Liang gaoseng zhuan 169, 170, 171, 179 liaoyi 197 Lidai minghua ji 338, 360 Lidai sanbao ji XXI, 93, 94, 97, 135, 145, 146, 147, 157 李富华 李公麟 李广良 李明友 李瑞明 離世間品 李双璧 李通玄 李曦 李向平 李耀仙 李作勋 梁高僧傳 了義 歷代名畫記 歷代三寶紀 399 INDEX 靈寶 霊祐 臨濟 Lingbao 120, 137 Lingyou 170, 171, 184, 185, 186 Linji (J. Rinzai) 223, 229, 321, lion seat 113, 114 Liu Mengxiang 53, 64 Liu Qiu 179, 180 liuxiang 48, 54, 191, 241 lixue 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67 Lokakṣema 130; compared to other translators 98, 99, 119, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 131; Dousha jing translated by XIII, 95, 96, 110, 111, 142, 144; other texts translated by 114, 119; texts borrowings from 135; Zhi Qian and 111, 114, 116, 117, 118, 120, 123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 135 Lokottaraparivarta 29, 98, 101, 142 Longmen Grottoes 221 Longshu (ca. 150–250) 197 Lotus Repository World 340, 341, 350, 351 lotus seat 113 Lotus Sūtra XX, 16, 36, 211, 216, 219, 255, 304, 317, 326, 343, 356, 357 Lotus-womb world 153 Lou Yulie 52, 64 loving-kindness (maitrī) 126, 128 Lu Xiangshan (1139–1193) 56, 62 Luoyang 53, 146, 184, 338, 344 Lushan 147 Lusthaus, Dan 195 Lü Jianfu 49, 64 六相 理学 刘孟骧 龍門 龍樹 楼宇烈 陆象山 洛阳 廬山 吕建福 Madhyamaka XVI, 3, 9, 67, 129, 198, 199, 202, 203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211, 214, 217, 219, 282 Madhyamaka-hṛdaya śāstra 203 Madhyānta-vibhāga 287 Magadha 132, 224, 340, 349 mahādarśana-jñāna 211 Mahākarmavibha 343 Mahākāśyapa 258 Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra 94, 212, 215 Mahāsthāmaprāpta 117, 131, 346 Mahāvairocana XIX, 17, 297, 298, 311, 352 Mahāvairocana-sūtra 311 Mahāyāna 115, 117, 128, 129, 179, 181, 182, 189, 200, 201, 202, 204, 208, 233, 283, 284, 191, 340, 343, 354, 355; classification of teachings in XV, XVI, 195, 198, 202, 207, 216, 217; commentaries on sūtras 170, 178, 179, 183, 211; correct principle of 197; faxiang of 197; Huayan jing as a sūtra of XII, XIII, XIV, 120, 121, 122, 126, 127, 129, 141, 161, 221, 226; Indian 176, 177; Parinirvāṇa-sūtra 182, 183; scholarly literature on 3, 13, 16, 17, 21, 34, 52, 138, 157, 159, 219; śūnyatā in 282, 283; two hindrances in 282, 284; ultimate truth of 186; wuxiang of 197; Yogācāra as 205, 283 Mahāyāna Parinirvāṇa-sūtra 181, 182, 183 Mahāyānasaṃgraha 93, 94, 98, 142, 207, 212, 213, 214 Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya 93 Mahāyānasaṃgraha-upanibandhana 142, 212 Mahāyāna-sūtrālaṃkāra 52, 142 Mahāyāna-sūtrālaṃkāra-bhāṣya 142 172 Maijishan Maitreya (Mile ) 29, 148, 170, 197, 320, 342, 348, 351, 356, 357 Maitreyanātha 197 Maitreya-sūtra 356, 357 maitrī 128, 129 maṇḍala XVIII, 298, 299, 348, 352, 353, 354, 355 mandara 345, 346, 347, 348, 354 Mangen Shiban (1626–1710) 317 Manjuśrī 225 mano-vijñāna 204 mantra 317, 349 Marxism 330 Matsuda Kazunobu 89, 106 Māyā 28, 148, 253, 305 Mchims-brtson-seng 154 Meghaśrī 225 Meiji Era (1868–1912) 19 Meiji Restoration 327 Meng Yi 147, 148 mental disturbances 283, 284 Meru, Mt. 340, 341, 342 Middle Path 40, 202, 209, 243, 278, 298 麦積山 彌勒 卍元師蛮 松田和信 孟顗 400 INDEX Miidera 317 Milarepa 154 mild metaphysics 43 Mile, see Maitreya Minamoto 304 mind is ideal 56 mind-nature theory 51 mind-only XVII, 26, 27, 37, 41, 184, 186, 243, 247, 248, 249, 250, 254, 257, 313, 325 Ming (dynasty) 50, 58, 62, 67, 144 Ming , Emperor (r. 58–75) 146 minister 173, 187, 310 minor marks 121 minute dust 60 miracle of double appearances 89 Mochizuki Shinkō 173, 187, 219 Mohe Zhiguan 222 Mok Jeong-bae’s [Mok Chŏngbae] 78, 84 Mokṣala 114 monastery XI, XXI, 50, 121, 147, 149, 151, 152, 196, 302, 303, 304, 305, 322, 326, 331, 344, 351, 352 monastic bodhisattva 120, 121, 122 monastic robes 121 Morie Toshitaka 242, 258, 259 Mount Gośīrṣa (Gośṛiṅga) 92 mudrā 229, 346, 350 Mūlamadhyamakakārikā 197 Muryōkōin 242 Musée Guimet 339, 358, 362, 367 mutual correspondence 191, 192 mutual dependence 77, 83, 189 mutual determination 247, 248, 249, 251, 252, 256 mutual interfusion 189, 192 mutual interpenetration XI, 247 mutually identical 189, 264 Myōe (Myōe Shōnin , (1173–1232) 297, 306, 313, 317, 319, 320, 323, 324; on conditioned coproduction of things 316; death of 304; dreams of XIX, 303, 346; and esoteric Buddhism XX, 311, 348, 349, 353; on gradual practice 318; on interpenetration of all things 315, 316; Li Tongxuan’s influence on 228; maps of 305; and painting 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 355; 明 望月信享 摩訶止觀 森江俊孝 無量光院 明恵上人 pilgrimage of 300, 305, 306, 346; scholarly literature on 11, 13, 15, 18, 32, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 157, 230, 306, 307, 345, 359; on Shanmiao 303, 304; and Wŏnhyo 300, 301 Myōtatsu 304 妙達 nāga 131, 149, 301, 302, 304, 305, 341 nāga-king 302, 305 nāga-palace 301, 302, 304, 305 Nāgārjuna 3, 10, 92, 93, 96, 139, 140, 141, 154, 155, 158, 197, 200, 202, 232, 301 Nakamura Kaoru XII, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 32, 44 Nālandā monastery 196 Names of Tathāgata 142 Nanda 305 Nanyang Huizhong (?–775) 321 Nanyue Mingzan 258 Nara XIX, 15, 19, 23, 44, 46, 221, 230, 297, 301, 305, 309, 310, 311, 312, 324, 327, 338, 344 Nara period (710–784) XIX, 44, 196, 309, 310, 312, 324, 338 National Pillar Society 326 National Polity of Japan 338 nationalism XIX, 325, 328, 329, 330, 331, 333 nature-inclusiveness 59 nature-origination XV, 48, 51, 54, 59, 72, 75, 77, 78, 158, 204, 316 Nengxian zhongbian huiri lun 207 Neo-Confucianism XII, 9, 10, 58 nianfo 37, 224, 225 Nichiren XIX, 282, 326 Nie Qing 54, 64 nihilism 180, 209 nirmāṇakāya 211, 341 nirvāṇa 127, 207, 254, 255, 262, 283, 284, 285, 305, 320, 352 Nirvāṇa-sūtra 60, 170, 184, 206, 209, 211, 214, 215, 216, 243 Nishida Kitarō (1870–1945) 329, 341 Nishitani Keiji (1900–1990) 325 Nō 305, 306 noble people 310 nonobstruction XIX, 44, 42, 229 中村薫 南陽慧忠 南嶽明瓚 能顯中邊慧日論 念佛 聂清 西田幾多郎 西谷啓治 INDEX nonobstruction between principle and phenomena 52 non-sentient beings 37, 196, 321, 323 Northern Chan 186, 223, 231 Northern Dynasties (386–581) 53, 169, 170, 171, 178, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187 Northern Liang (401–439) 172, 173 Northern Qi (550–577) 171, 184 禅 黄檗 齊 涼 Ōbaku 223 ocean-seal samādhi XVI, XVIII, 40, 45, 82, 90, 226, 227, 265, 274, 298, 321, 323. See also haiyin sanmei Oḍḍiyāna 150 Odin, Steve 1, 8, 16, 261, 262, 264, 278, 280 odori nenbutsu 315, 323 no-self 126, 281, 283 Ōhara 304, 316 one instant of thought 313, 314, 318, 320 one thousand Buddha images XV, 171 one-mind XVIII, 39, 72, 81, 189, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 254, 256, 257 one-vehicle 5, 36, 39, 43, 44, 73, 77, 82, 84, 94, 181, 189, 198, 201, 205, 206, 207, 212, 216, 226, 245, 261, 273, 274, 279, 280, 318 Ōnishi Ryūhō 151, 159 original enlightenment 43, 313, 320, 324 Ōtake Susumu XI, XII, XIV, 29, 33, 40, 45, 106, 109, 139, 142, 314, 324 大原 大西龍峰 大竹晋 白花道場 Paekhwa toryang palwŏnmun yakhae 267, 268 Pāli tradition 89 Pan Guiming 59, 64 Pañcaśatikā 94 Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā 94, 112, 113, 114 Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā 112, 113, 114 panjiao 3, 9, 61, 109 Paradise of Amida XIX, 312 Paramārtha 10, 93, 94, 207, 214 pāramitā 125, 126, 136, 181 Paranirmitavaśavartin 132, 340 paranormal power (ṛddhipāda) 113, 126, 128, 129 parinirvāṇa 181, 183, 185, 352 Pelliot Collection 339, 358 Pengcheng 173 發願文略解 潘桂明 判教 彭城 401 perfect interfusion XV, 49, 53, 56, 60, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194, 204 perfect interfusion of the six characteristics 54, 191 perfect teaching XVI, 14, 39, 216, 217, 218, 245, 250, 257, 265, 316 persecution of Buddhism 50, 173, 183 Phal-chen 153, 154 phenomena 4, 189, 190, 191, 232, 283; Absolute and 208; as Buddha deeds 243, 244; Chengguan on 234, 236, 238; dharmadhātu and 245; Du Shun on 199, 227; essence and XV, 190; faxiangzong on XVI; Fazang on XVII, 195, 245; in the four realms of reality 229; in Hīnayāna 199; Huiyuan on 290, 291; in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 262; Myōe on 315, 319; non-obstruction between XX, 15, 199, 217, 229, 328, 329, 330, 332; one-mind and 245; penetration of things or XV, 189, 192, 298; principle and XVII, 199, 201, 204, 210, 217, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 245, 249, 250, 297; scholarly literature on XVII, 26, 27, 52, 56; Yanshou on 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 256, 257; Zhiyan on 248; Zongmi on 191 philology 19 Pi Chaogang 57, 64 Pingcheng 173 Pingsha wang wuyuan jing 119 Po Śrīmitra (fl. early 4th century) 136 Pŏbyung (fl. cca. 800) 268, 273, 275, 277, 278 Pŏmnang (?–?) 302 Pŏpchin (?–?) 272 Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok 38, 262, 266, 267, 273, 274, 275, 277 prajñā 5, 15, 52, 55, 67, 321, 323 Prajñā (744–810?) 150 prajñāpāramitā 112, 125, 139, 181, 214 皮朝纲 平城 蓱沙王 五願經 帛尸梨蜜多羅 法融 法郎 法璡 法 界圖記叢髓錄 402 INDEX Prajñā-pāramitā-sūtra 58 Prajñāpradīpa 203 Praśnāloka-sūtra 98 pratītyasamutpāda 180, 189 pratyekabuddha XVIII, 283, 284, 285 pratyekabuddha-yāna 197 prince (kumārabhūta) 128 principle 190, 192, 293, 298, 224, 234, 316, 318, 319, 321, 322, 329, 330; Awakening of Faith on 211; Chengguan on 205; of consciousness-only 197; of the emptiness of dharmas 197; essence 237, 238; faxiangzong on 210, 217; faxingzong on 209, 217; Fazang on 199; function and 233, 285; Myōe on 311, 319; non-duality of facts and 313; of the Path 257; perfect interfusion of things and 190; phenomena and XV, XVII, 199, 201, 204, 217, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 245, 247, 249, 250, 262, 290, 297; revelation of 198; scholarly literature on 35, 44, 52, 56; Yogācāra on 197, 199; Zongmi on 191 Proto-Buddhāvataṃsaka XIII, 110 Proudhon 333 provisional teachings 207 Pure Land 130, 195, 282, 312; Amitābha in 224; Chidō on 320; cosmology of 340; paintings of 338, 342, 343, 348; rebirth into the 304, 312, 313, 317; scholarly literature on 15, 21, 23, 24, 27, 32, 34, 35, 44, 46, 66, 72, 80, 138, 219; Tōdaiji Temple managed by 327; Yanshou and XVII pure practice 142, 143, 247 purity of the original self-nature 51 Pusa benye jing XIII, 16, 110, 111, 112, 115, 116, 121, 122, 124, 125, 133, 135, 136, 138, 158 Pusa benyuan xing pin jing 146 菩薩本業經 菩薩本願行品經 菩薩初地經 菩薩明難品 菩薩內戒經 菩薩內習六波羅蜜 經 菩薩十道地經 菩薩十地經 菩薩十住經 菩薩十住 品 菩薩十住行道品 菩薩問明品 菩薩瓔珞本業經 菩 薩雲集妙勝殿上說偈品 普賢菩薩行願贊 普賢行願品 Qifochipan 乞佛熾槃 172 Qing Jixiang 慶吉祥 154 Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴 53, 55, 65 Qixin lun shu bixiaoji 起信論疏筆削記 250 Qixin lun suishuji 起信論隨疏記 262 Raien 頼圓 346 Pusa chudi jing 146 Pusa mingnan pin 96 Pusa neijie jing 135 Pusa neixi liu boluomi jing 136 Pusa shi dao di jing 146 Pusa shidi jing 144 Pusa shizhu jing 135, 144 Pusa shizhu pin 143 Pusa shizhu xingdao pin XIII, 110, 114 Pusa wenming pin 96 Pusa yingluo benye jing 120, 136, 173, 174, 288 Pusa yunji miaosheng dianshang shuojie pin 143 Pusŏk tradition 273 Puxian pusa xingyuan zan 150 Puxian xingyuan pin 150 Ral-pa-can (r. 815–836) 154 Ranke 325 Ratnagotravibhāga 141, 149, 200, 212, 288, 289 Ratnagotravibhāga-śāstra 200 Ratnamati 171, 185, 186 Ratnasambhava 352 Ratnaśrī 116, 117 Ratnolkādhārāṇī 142 Rdo-rje-gdan-pa 154 real nature 202, 227 receptivity (kṣānti) 174, 175, 176, 177, 183, 184 recorded sayings 58, 231 Reiseiteki nihon no kensetsu 332, 335 Ren Jiyu XII, 48, 49, 65 Renwang banruo boluomi jing 173, 174 Rgyud 155 Rhi Ki-young [Yi Kiyong] 17, 74, 84 設 蜜経 任继愈 霊性的日本の建 仁王般若波羅 403 INDEX 律 良辨 Ritsu 196 Roben (1173–1232) 345 root XVIII, 77, 82, 139, 228, 249, 256, 258, 300 root/branch (ben/mo ) 233, 246 Rujing (1162–1228), 323 Rulai gongde jingjie shang jingjie ru pin 100 Rulai guangming jue pin 142 Rulai minghao pin 96, 142, 143 Rulai xingxian jing 145 rūpadhātu 126, 340 Ryōe Dōkō (1251/1243?– 1330/1290?) 317 Ryōnin (1072–1132) XIX, 312, 313, 314 Ryūzu no taki 301 本末 如淨 如來 功徳境界上境界入品 如來光明覺品 如來名號品 如來興顯經 良惠道光 良忍 竜頭の滝 Sadāprarudita 119 Saddharmapuṇḍarīka 94, 113, 181 Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasamādhi 186 Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra 21, 113, 138 sāgara-mudrā-samādhi 226, 229 Sahā world-system 115 Saichō (767–822) 45, 207, 218, 309, 310 Sakamoto Yukio XII, 20, 23, 143, 170, 178, 187 Śakra 115, 119 Sakurabe 88, 89, 90, 107, 109, 138 Śākyamuni 46, 113, 118, 123, 124, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 143, 255, 265, 305, 341, 352, 353, 354 samādhi 126, 132, 177, 222, 302; bodhisattvas entering and emerging from XIV, 110, 115, 123, 132; in the Buddhāvataṃsaka 224; Daorong as master of 174; Dōgen on 323; mind-only 186; Myōe on 323; in Nirvāṇa-sūtra 243; Precious Mirror 231; Ryōnin entering 313; sāgara-mudrā- 229; scholarly literature on 13, 37, 137; ten 113, 144; visionary 129; Xuangao achieving 172, 173. See also huayan samādhi, ocean-seal samādhi 最澄 坂本幸男 Samantabhadra 118, 255, 299; huayan samādhi and 226; in Huayan jing 148, 150; in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 263; portrayal of XX, 337, 342, 343, 344, 346, 348, 351, 352, 356; in a Sanskrit colophon 89; scholarly literature on 12, 39, 44, 157; Sudhana’s vision of 225; Teaching of 152; The speech by 156; the vow of 150 Samantabhadracaryānirdeśa 89 Samantanetraparipṛcchāsamādhi-sūtra 100 Samantaprabhaḥ prāsādaḥ 98, 99 śamatha 222 saṃbhogakāya 221, 341 Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra 98, 197, 198, 200, 212, 219, 287 saṃgha 122 saṃgha of śrāvakas 122 saṃsāra 191, 207, 211, 262, 320 Sanada Ariyoshi 151, 159 Sangs rgyas kyi mtshan shin tu bstan pa 96 Sangs-rgyas phal-po-che zhes-bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa chen-po’i mdo 109 Sangs-rgyas rmad gcad ces bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa’i mdo 153 Sangs-rgyas-’bum 154 Sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa bstan-pa 155, 166 sanguan 52, 57 Sangwŏn (?–?) 269, 273 Sanggyesa 350 sanmei 88, 98, 113, 222, 224, 226, 229, 231, 302 Sanron 37, 195 Śāntideva (686–763) 142, 157 Sanzang Fotuo 97 Saptaśatikā 94 Sāramati 141 Sārdhadviśatikā 94 Sarusawa Pond 306 Sarvāstivāda XIII, 90, 91, 105, 141, 150, 200 Sa-skya-pa (1092–1158) 154 Śatasāhasrikā 94 Sdong pos brgyan 88 Seikaku (1167–1235) 315 真田有美 三关 相元 雙溪寺 三昧 三論 三藏佛陀 聖覺 404 INDEX self-nature XVI, 27, 198, 203, 204, 208, 210, 245, 264, 311 Sengcan 186 Sengtan 92, 93, 140 Sengxiang 93 Sengzong (444–509) 179 sentient beings XIX, 127, 181, 183, 196, 209, 257, 264, 285, 304, 310, 311, 315, 316, 318, 321 separate teaching 216 serpent 139, 155 seven jewels 119 Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies XX, 338, 339, 344, 350 Seventeen Article Constitution 328 Sgra-sbyor bam-po gnyis-pa 154 Shanmiao XIX, 302, 303, 304 Shanwai 310 Sharf, Robert 11, 199, 219, 306, 344, 354, 359 Shen Zengzhi 57, 64 Shengjian 146 Shenhui 54, 64 Shi Jun 49, 65 Shibi Chuan’ao (?–?) 250 Shidi duanjie jing 146 Shiding pin 100, 101, 145 Shimaji Daitō 314, 320, 324 Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] 73, 85 Shingen (1063–1130) 314 Shingon 17, 43, 242, 299, 311, 312, 317, 318, 320, 327, 345, 348, 353, 354, 359 Shinji Kakushin (1207–1298) 315 Shinran 25, 44, 45, 326, 328, 334 Shintō 326, 333 Shiren pin 145 Shiyangsi 172 Shizhu jing 146 Shizhu piposha lun 141 Shōbōgenzō 229, 322 Shochō no tetsugaku 330 Shōmu , Emperor XIX, 44, 312, 326, 327, 328, 333, 338 Shōtoku, Prince 326, 328, 329 Shoulengyan jing 244, 258 Shouming pin 153 Shōwa 19, 87, 311, 324, 326 Shūgaku 19, 258 Shunga 346, 347 Shūrakuji 315 僧粲 僧曇 僧詳 僧宗 善妙 山外 沈曾植 聖堅 神会 石峻 石壁傳奧 十地斷結經 十定 品 島地大等 眞源 真言 心地覺心 親鸞 十忍品 石羊寺 十住經 十住毘婆沙論 正法眼藏 象徴の哲学 聖武 昭和 宗學 俊賀 首楞嚴經 壽命品 Siddhārtha 353 Śikṣānanda (652–710) 100; compared to other translators 88, 90, 91, 98, 99, 102, 103, 104, 105, 112, 160, 162, 164, 166; scholarly literature on 11, 90, 91, 102, 103, 104, 157; translation of Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra XIV, 87, 92, 96, 100, 101, 109, 118, 132, 135, 149, 151, 152, 154, 337; travel to China 149 Śikṣāsamuccaya XXI, 106, 142 Śīlabhadra (Jiexian 529–645) 196, 197, 198 Śilābhijña 349 Śīladharma 153 Silla 8, 11, 15, 32, 38, 45, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82, 83, 261, 268, 271, 278, 279, 280, 300, 304, 306, 345, 350, 359 Sillim 273 Sin Dong-sik [Sin Tongsik] 71, 85 Sinification of Buddhism 9, 11, 13, 14, 53, 218, 239, 258 six characteristics XVII, 48, 49, 192, 241, 244, 245, 246, 249, 250, 256, 276, 277, 316 six meanings of the cause 54 six paths 305 six sense-organs 224 sixty-fascicle Huayan jing 143, 145, 149, 152, 155, 204 Siyuan jing 119 skilfull means 317 śloka 140, 147, 149, 151, 152, 153, 155 society of great harmony 332 Sokushin jōbutsugi 311 Sŏn 9, 14, 69, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 85, 227, 294, 297, 298 Sŏnamsa 350 Song gaoseng zhuan 148, 150, 271, 300, 301, 302 Song of Monk Nanyue Lanzan 244 Songgwangsa 350 Sonshōin 346 soteriology 243, 354, 355 Sōtō 229, 231, 299, 307. See also Caodong Southern Chan 58, 186, 223 Southern Dynasties (420–589) 66, 169, 173, 183, 184 戒賢 四願經 即身成佛義 仙巖寺 宋高僧傳 南嶽懶瓚和尚歌 松廣寺 尊勝院 曹洞 禪 405 INDEX 秦 Southern Qin 172 sovereign 82, 310, 321 spiritual friend XX, 337 Śraddhābalādhānāvatāramudrā nāma mahāyāna-sūtram 96 śrāvaka XVIII, 33, 90, 91, 197, 198, 206, 283, 284, 285 śrāvaka-yāna 197 Śrāvastī miracle 89 Śrīmālā-sūtra 288, 289, 291, 292, 293 stone canon 60 stūpa 50, 121, 302, 353 Su Shi 57, 65 Subhūti 130 substance XV, 33, 49, 52, 56, 121, 190, 191, 210, 228, 229 substance and phenomenon 49, 56 sudden XVI, 6, 10, 27, 39, 48, 55, 73, 80, 129, 178, 179, 184, 202, 297, 300, 301, 312, 317 sudden teaching (dunjiao ) 170, 171, 182, 183, 216, 316 Sudhana XX; Chidō on 320; Dōgen on 321; in Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra XVIII, 141, 148, 149, 225; Kegon mandala and 299, 346, 348; as metaphor for Ŭisang 300; Myōe on 349; portrayal of XX, 141, 337, 342, 343, 345, 346, 347, 348, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355; scholarly literature on 12, 17, 25, 157, 158, 307, 358; Yanshou on 244, 253 Sudhana-śreṣṭhi-dāraka 225 suffering 126, 283, 285, 287 Sui dynasty (581–618) 3, 139, 148, 178, 184, 186, 222 Sui and Tang 3, 47, 48, 49, 58, 63, 65, 66, 67, 169, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187 Sumeru 143, 244, 253, 305, 340, 344 Sumiyoshi 315 Sun Changwu 57, 65 śunyatā 181, 186 supernatural power 89, 94, 258 Surendrabodhi XIV, 154 Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment 58, 284, 293, 294, 311. See also Yuanjue jing 苏轼 頓教 孙昌武 Sūtrasamuccaya 96, 97 Suvarṇaprabhāsa-sūtra 94 Suvarṇaprabhāsottama-sūtra 357 Suyama Heaven 224, 340 Suzuki Daisetsu (1870–1966) XX, 20, 23, 332, 333, 335 Suzuki Sōchū XII, 20, 23 鈴木大拙 鈴木宗忠 Tabo Monastery XX, 17, 342, 351, 352, 353, 354, 359 Taira 304 Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui zuigen shangpin dajie jing 137 Taishang wuji dadao ziran zhenyi wucheng fuwen shangjing 137 Taishō Tripitaka 330 Taiwudi (r. 424–452) 173, 183 Taiyuan monastery 148, 196 Takakusu Junjirō (1866–1949) XX, 327, 330, 335 Takamine Ryōshū XII, 20, 23, 159, 228, 230 Takasaki Jikidō 18, 145, 159 Tamaki Kōshirō 21 Tan Sitong (1866–1898) 64, 326 Tanaka Chigaku (1861–1939) 326, 331 Tanbin 148 Tang dynasty (618–907) Buddhist paintings and sculptures in 338, 339, 342, 343, 344, 345, 349, 351, 356; Chan school during 223; connection between poetry and Buddhism during 57; Dōji in 338; Huayan jing during 148, 149, 153, 337, 338; Huayan teachings during 47, 171, 187, 222; Korean envoy to 302; nāga-palace during 301; scholarly literature on 12, 14, 31, 48, 58, 60, 61, 65, 157, 158, 187, 218, 219; Takakusu Junjiro on 327; Wu Zetian’s reign during 338; Yanshou after 241, 250. See also Sui and Tang Tang Yijie 52, 65 根上品大 戒經 太上洞玄靈寶智慧罪 太上無極大道自然真 一五稱符文上經 太武帝 太原 高楠順次郎 高峰了州 高崎直道 玉城康四郎 譚嗣同 田中智学 曇斌 汤一介 406 INDEX 汤用彤 Tang Yongtong 47, 65, 178, 187 Tang-Song poetry 57 Tanhong 172 Tanhuai (439–515) 179 Tanmeimoti 111, 115 Tantric Buddhism XVIII, 29, 137, 150, 155, 298, 348 Tanwuchen 173 Tanwupi 172 Tanyan 184 Taoism, see Daoism Daoism and Confucianism 21 tathāgata 96, 134, 159 Tathāgata 11, 71, 72, 94, 143, 144, 145, 154, 156, 158, 180, 181, 185, 316 Tathāgatagarbha 202, 283, 284, 294; Chengguan on 207, 210, 211, 217; dependent arising of the 199, 200, 329; Dharmarakṣa and 145; Fazang on 199, 204, 205, 217; Huiyuan on XVIII, 290, 291, 293, 294; Paramārtha and 207; scholarly literature on 25, 33, 37, 40, 71, 85, 159, 207; Wŏnhyo and 288, 290, 293; xing connected to XVI; Zongmi and 9 Tathāgataguṇajñānācintyaviṣayāvatāranirdeśa nāma mahāyāna-sūtram 96 Tathāgatotpattisaṃbhava-nirdeśa-sūtra 18, 145 ten bodhisattvas 98, 102, 113 Ten Dedications 142, 143 ten directions 113, 114, 115, 117, 119, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 136, 137, 253, 255, 258, 264, 318, 321 Ten Meditations 100 ten mysterious gates 48, 49, 54, 256 ten paramis 125 ten powers 122 ten practices 113, 125, 126, 174 ten profound gates XVII, 241, 244, 246, 247, 249, 250, 256 ten samādhis 113, 144 ten schools 48 ten stages XIII, XIV, 32, 93, 94, 106, 113, 115, 123, 124, 125, 129, 130, 135, 137, 141, 143, 144, 146, 176, 180, 183, 343, 347 Tenri University 242 曇弘 曇淮 曇昧摩提 曇無讖 曇無毘 曇延 寺本婉雅 Teramoto Enga 92, 107 thangka 344 the one and the many 128, 132, 252 The Sūtra of the Inconceivable Enlightenment 140 The Sūtra on the Five Wishes of Bimbisāra 119 Theory of Relativity 328 three dharma-realm contemplations 52 three fevers 304 three jewels 121 three natures 197, 200, 203, 204, 206, 208, 214, 281 three non-natures 197, 200 three poisons 120, 121, 282 Three Treatises 53 three-fold truth 243 Thu-thu-zhun hwashang 154 Tianshui 172 Tiantai school 37, 48, 54, 59, 62, 64, 66, 67, 171, 186, 196, 220, 222, 223, 243, 310, 343 Tibetan Tanjur 94 Ting nge ’dzin bcu 100, 101 Toba, Emperor 314, 317 Tōdaiji Temple XIX, 12, 19, 25, 26, 27, 28, 41, 42, 44, 297, 309, 311, 319, 323, 326, 327, 328, 331, 341, 344, 346 Tōiki dentō mokuroku 242 Tōji 42, 311 Tokuitsu (780?–842?) 42, 207 Tokyo University 242 toṣa 96, 143 Tosin 271 transformation tableaux XX, 337, 343 Trapuṣa and Ballika 94, 95 Trāyastriṃśa 340 Trāyastriṃśas Heaven 255 trikāya 341 triloka 341 Triṃśikā 204 triple world 120, 126, 127, 340 true principle 197 Tsuchida Kyōson (1891–1934) XX, 329, 335 Tuṣita Heaven 197, 255, 320, 340, 346, 352 Twelve gates treatise 93 two hindrances XVIII, 281, 282, 284, 285, 288, 291 Tyler, Royall 306, 307 天水 天台 東大寺 東寺 德一 東域傳燈目錄 道身 土田杏村 407 INDEX Ugraparipṛcchā 112, 120, 138, 158 Uighur Bashi Huayan 50 Ŭisang (625–702) 69, 297, 345, 349; hagiography of XIX, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306; and the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo XVII, XVIII, 227, 261, 262, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273, 276, 277, 278, 279, 297, 298, 299, 300; scholarly literature on 1, 8, 12, 16, 18, 30, 38, 39, 40, 41, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 261, 279, 280 ultimate truth XIV, 5, 6, 181, 186, 199, 210 unconditioned (asaṃskṛta) 126, 206, 207, 210, 215 universal salvation 206, 310, 316, 321 upādhyāya 121 Upananda 305 upāya 6, 209, 237 upāyakauśalya 125 Uṣṇīṣa-vijaya-dhāraṇī-sūtra 356 義湘 Vairocana Buddha 118; as Buddha of Kegon 311; in Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra 143, 156, 224, 328; Dōgen on 321; in Huayan cosmology 340, 341; images of XV, XX, 170, 171, 172, 177, 178, 184, 221, 337, 341, 342, 343, 344, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 355; Nanyang Huizhong on 331; scholarly literature on 12, 17, 46, 358, 359; in Yingluo jing system 177 Vajrabodhi 353 Vajradhātu maṇḍala 348, 352 Vajradhvaja-sūtra 142 Vajrasattva 348 -varṇa 117 Vasubandhu (400–480) 141, 142, 200, 211, 286 vataṃsa 96 -veda 117 Vibhāṣā 200 Vimalakīrti 37, 58, 126, 211, 244, 245, 258, 338, 356 Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra 37, 58, 92, 93, 113, 117, 181, 211, 215, 243, 244, 255, 338, 356 vipaśyanā 222 Viśeṣacinta-brahma-paripṛccha-sūtra 357 Vivṛtaguhyārthapiṇḍavyākhyā 94, 106 vows XIX, 39, 44, 118, 119, 120, 137, 138, 302, 314, 317, 318 和歌 waka 41, 326 Wang Guowei (1877–1927) 57, 67 Wang Hongbin 60, 65 Wang Kŏn 278 Wang Song 35, 55, 65 Wang Wei (701–761) 50, 61 Wang Yueqing 59, 66 Wang Zhi 255 Wangjin huanyuan XVI, 227 Wei Daoru XI, XII, XV, 31, 51, 53, 59, 64, 66, 159, 189 Wei Dedong 60, 66 Weimo jing yi shu 93 Weishu shilao zhi 178 Wen mingxian jing 96, 97 Wen Yucheng 51, 66 Wenshu shili fayuan jing 150 Wenshu zhinan tuzan 342, 346, 347 wisdom 93, 202, 222, 225, 254, 263, 265, 269, 274, 282, 285, 293, 298, 318; acquired 210; aspects of 210; of Buddha 189, 210; dependently-arisen 293; as a dharma-realm contemplation 52; discriminating 290; four kinds of 211; fundamental nondiscriminating 210; great perfect mirror 211; light of the mind of 253; mudrā of 350; nāga-girl’s 304; Perfection of 112, 181; receptivity of illuminating 175; receptivity of 175, 176; scholarly literature on 46, 52, 55, 295, 359; single 128; of Sudhana 253; Sūtras of 226; to teach other beings XVIII, 285; ultimate 298 王國維 王鸿宾 王颂 王維 王月清 王質 妄盡還源 魏道儒 魏德东 維摩經義疏 魏書釈老志 問明 顯經 温玉成 文殊師利發願經 文殊指南圖讚 408 INDEX 元曉 Wŏnhyo (617–686) XVIII, 297, 345, 349; and his Doctrine of the Two Hindrances 281, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 291, 292, 293; hagiography of 299, 300, 301, 302, 305, 306; popularity of XIX; scholarly literature on 4, 8, 9, 12, 15, 17, 38, 39, 41, 42, 71, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82, 83, 84, 280, 306, 307 World of the Lotus Treasury 333 Wu , Northern Zhou Emperor 53 Wu prefecture 147 Wu Yansheng 57, 66 Wu Zetian , Empress (r. 684–705) XI, 30, 47, 48, 149, 196, 216, 221, 327, 338 Wujiao zhang 244, 245 Wutaishan XV, 31, 32, 50, 61, 62, 63, 67, 73, 81, 150 wuxiang 197, 198, 199, 205 武 吳 吴言生 武則天 五教章 五台山 無相 顯無邊佛土功德 Xian wubian fotu gongde jing 152 xiang XV, XVI, 195, 202, 204, 205, 217 Xiang Shiling 56, 58, 66 Xiang Shishan 55, 66 Xianshou pin 101, 142 Xianshou pusa pin 101 Xiantong 50 Xiaomo zhihui benyuan dajie shangpin 137 Xiaowendi 178, 179 xing in the Cheng weishi lun 195, 204; Chengguan on 205, 217; of dependent arising 202; Fazang on XVI, 202, 204, 217; interfusion of characteristics (xiang) and XV, 202. See also faxingzong Xingming (d. 1001) 242 Xinli ruyin famen jing 96, 97 Xu huayan lüeshu kanding ji 24, 87, 149 Xu Kangsheng 59, 67 Xu Shaoqiang 53, 67 Xu Zong 58, 67 Xuanfuji 61 經 相 向世陵 向世山 賢首品 賢首菩薩品 显通 慧本願大戒上品 孝文帝 性 行明 消魔智 信力入印法門經 續華嚴略疏刊定 記 许抗生 徐绍强 许总 漩洑偈 玄高 玄奘 Xuangao (402–444) XV, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 183 Xuanzang (600–664) XV, 2, 151, 152, 195, 196, 197, 204, 207, 213, 286, 287, 289, 292, 294 yakṣa 131 Yamabe Shūgaku 331 yamakaprātihārya 89, 90, 91 Yan Fotiao (fl. 181–188) 136 Yancong 139, 197, 219 Yang Renshan 21 Yang Wenhui (1837–1927) 331 Yang Yi 52, 67 Yang Zengwen 48, 65 Yangshan XVIII, 266 Yao Changshou XVIII, 35, 60, 67, 266, 280 Yao Weiqun 52, 67 Ye 171 Ye 53 Ye-shes-sde XIV, 154, 155 Yidesi 338 Yijangŭi 285, 286, 287, 288, 293 Yijing 55, 56, 65 Yijing 149 Yinyuan (J. Ingen) (1592–1673) 223 yisheng biejiao 22 Yisheng fajie tu he shi yiyin 61 Yisheng foxing jiujing lun 207 Yogācāra 98, 197, 207, 281, 282, 292; Bhāvaviveka on 198; and the bodhisattva path 123, 127, 177; Chengguan on XVI, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211; Fazang on XV, 195, 196, 198, 199, 202, 203, 204, 205, 217; hindrances in 282, 283, 284, 286, 287, 288, 289, 291, 292, 293, 294; Prajñā and 150; scholarly literature on 16, 25, 219, 295; Śīlabhadra on 197; Wŏnhyo and XVIII; Xuanzang and XV, 2, 195, 196, 204, 205, 207, 286, 289, 292, 294 Yogācārabhūmi 197, 200, 213, 214, 285, 287, 289 Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra 197, 200, 213, 214, 285 業 邺 山辺習学 嚴佛調 彥悰 楊仁山 楊文會 杨毅 杨曾文 姚长寿 姚卫群 懿德寺 二障義 義淨 隠元 一乘別教 一乘法界图合诗 一印 一乘佛性究 竟論 409 INDEX 横山紘一 永覺元賢 Yokoyama Kōitsu 281, 295 Yongjue Yuanxian (1578–1657) XVII, 232, 235, 236, 238 Yongjue Yuanxian Chanshi guang lu 236 Yongming Yanshou (904–975) XVII, 241, 242, 258, 268 Yoshizu Yoshihide XII, 9, 22, 23, 27, 37, 41, 45, 46, 216, 219, 220 You Youwei 50, 67 Yuanjue jing 54, 293. See also Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment Yuanwu Keqin (1063–1135) XVI, 229 Yungang caves 171, 178, 184 Yusim allak to 301 Yusugi Ryōei XII, 19, 23 Yutian 147. See also Khotan yuvarāja 124 Yūzū dainenbutsu hon.engi 313 Yūzū enmonshō 312 Yūzū nenbutsu XIX, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 323 禪師廣錄 永覺元賢 永明延壽 吉津宜英 游有维 圆觉经 圜悟克勤 雲岡 遊心安樂道 湯次了栄 于闐 融通大念佛本縁起 融通圓門章 融通念佛 摧邪輪 賛寧 Zaijarin 41, 42, 43, 45, 314 Zanning (919–1001) 301 Zeami 305, 307 Zen XIX, 222, 223, 297, 306, 315, 317, 318, 326, 328, 332, 333, 350; Chidō and 320; Dōgen, patriarch of XIX, 229, 321; Kegon and 348; scholarly literature on 20, 23, 26, 29, 30, 34, 37, 38, 46, 230, 239, 306, 324, 334; sudden enlightement in 316; Vairocana as Buddha of 321. See also Chan Zenmyōji XIX, 304, 307 Zenzai dōji emaki 345 Zhang Jiemo 57, 67 Zhang Liwen 68, 79 Zhang Shangying (1043–1121) 229 Zhang Taiyan (1868–1936) 326 Zhang Wenxun 56, 67 Zhang Xinmin 61, 67 Zhang Yanyuan 338, 342, 344, 360 zhenghua 344, 350 Zhi Faling 89, 147, 148, 151 善妙寺 善財童子絵巻 张节末 张立文 張商英 章太炎 张文勋 张新民 張彥遠 幀畫 支法領 支謙 Zhi Qian (3rd c.) 113, 117, 119, 131, 126; borrowings from the translation of 136, 137; the character yuan in the translations of 118, 119; compared to other translators 123, 125, 127, 128, 129; meditation in the translations of 121; Pusa benye jing translated by XIII, 110, 111, 116, 120, 125, 143; scholarly literature on 113, 114, 138; translations of Lokakṣema and 113, 116, 118, 120, 123, 124, 127, 128, 129, 135 Zhidan 170, 171, 178, 179, 180, 184 zhiguan 6, 7, 8, 222 Zhijue chanshi zixinglu 241, 252 Zhili 195 Zhixiang temple 61 Zhiyan (602–668) 187, 297, 317; and the authorship of the seal and the introduction 266, 267, 268, 274, 275, 276; and Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra XIV, XV, 100, 140, 151, 152, 154, 156, 160, 162, 164, 166; compared to Fazang 202, 216; innovations of XV; scholarly literature on 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 20, 21, 30, 51, 52, 53, 61, 70, 216; and the “ten profound gates” 246, 247, 248, 249, 251, 256; and Ŭisang XVII, 69, 261, 262, 270, 273, 276, 278, 299, 300 Zhiyan 147, 151 Zhiyi (538–597) 3, 31, 186, 196, 222 Zhiyuan fabao kantong zonglu 87, 154 Zhongjing mulu XXI, 97, 136, 139, 157 Zhongnanshan XI, 61 Zhongzong (r. 684, 705–710) 149 Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073) 56 Zhou Mu 255 Zhou Qun 54, 67 Zhu Falan 146 Zhu Fonian (fl. late 4th c.) 136, 146 Zhu huayan fajieguan men 191, 192, 193 Zhu Liangzhi 58, 67 智誕 止觀 智覺禪師自行 錄 知禮 智儼 智嚴 智顗 總錄 衆 經目録 终南山 中宗 周敦颐 周群 竺法蘭 竺佛念 朱良志 至元法寶勘同 注華嚴法界觀門 410 INDEX 諸菩薩求佛本業經 Zhu pusa qiu fo benye jing XIII, 110 Zhu Xi (1130–1200) 56, 64 Zhuangzi 3, 4, 52, 244 Zhuangyanjing lun 52 Zhupusa qiu fo benye jing 143 Zongjing lu XVII, 241, 250, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 268; differentiating mind in 248; Ikeda on 242; one-mind in 245, 246; quoting Fazang 244, 245; quoting from the Fahua xuanyi 243; 朱熹 庄子 庄严经论 諸菩薩求佛本業經 宗鏡錄 ten profound gates in 246, 247, 249, 251, 256 Zongmi (780–841) XV, 1, 297, 233; Chuan’ao on 250; commentary of 227; on dharmadhātu of things 190, 191, 192; harmonizing Huayan with other schools XV, XVI; scholarly literature on 3, 9, 10, 21, 22, 29, 31, 35, 36, 44, 50, 51, 54, 55, 58, 63, 64, 66, 67, 73, 74, 80, 85; and Yanshou 250 Zuisheng wen pusa shizhu chugou duanjie jing 146 宗密 最勝 問菩薩十住除垢斷結經